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Olmecas, olmequismo y olmequización en Mesoamérica
... La historia de los mixezoqueanos es altamente relevante en Mesoamérica porque se les ha asociado con la cultura olmeca del golfo (Lowe, 1977(Lowe, , 1983Kaufman, 1964Kaufman, , 1976Campbell y Kaufman, 1976;Clark, 1990y 1994, Campbell, 1997Wichmann et al, 2008). ...
El objetivo de este trabajo consiste en presentar un panorama lingüístico histórico general de las lenguas que actualmente se hablan en la región Huasteca profundizando en el idioma tének A lo largo del trabajo destacaré algunos rasgos gramaticales que permitirán al lector tener una primera aproximación a las diferencias más visibles entre los distintos sistemas lingüísticos que conviven en la región, lo que le permitirá tener un punto de partida para comprender la situación sociolingüística actual e histórica. Asimismo, me interesa subrayar la relevancia de realizar más estudios sobre contacto lingüístico así como continuar con las descripciones gramaticales en cada una de las variantes lingüísticas habladas en la región tanto en el eje diacrónico como en el sincrónico actual. Todo ello, permitirá profundizar y enriquecer nuestra visión en torno a la distribución de lenguas durante el periodo prehispánico y las relaciones que se establecieron entre sus hablantes.
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https://libros.uv.mx/index.php/UV/catalog/book/UC029
... Especialistas en la arqueología olmeca han precisado una distinción entre cultura olmeca u olmecas arqueológicos, estilo olmecoide y estética olmeca (Clark 1990(Clark y 2007Cyphers 2004), que no necesariamente refieren a una entidad étnica olmeca, ni a una temporalidad o espacio común. Arqueológicamente hablando, en Los Tuxtlas hay una gran influencia olmeca (Arnold, 2008), manifiesta en la estética y el estilo de escultura y cerámica, sin embargo, no hay presencia verificable de los olmecas arqueológicos o cultura olmeca tal cual, salvo en algunos sitios en los extremos oeste (Tres Zapotes, municipio de Santiago Tuxtla) y sur (Laguna de Los Cerros, municipio de Acayucan). ...
Esta investigación analiza la percepción social del patrimonio natural y cultural (especialmente arqueológico) entre sectores claves de San Andrés Tuxtla y Catemaco, Veracruz, en la Reserva de la Biósfera de Los Tuxtlas. Metodológicamente, aplicamos entrevistas semiestructuradas para diagnosticar necesidades de formación sobre patrimonio natural y cultural a productores de bienes y servicios turísticos y funcionarios públicos, y realizamos talleres con enfoque colaborativo para sensibilizar, revalorizar y reactivar aspectos de cultura material e inmaterial que impulsen productos turísticos orientados a conservar el patrimonio natural y cultural. Los resultados muestran percepciones desiguales sobre el patrimonio natural y cultural, también un reconocimiento del potencial que representa la cultura y los elementos patrimoniales cuyo aprovechamiento puede ser beneficioso para las economías local y regional, siempre que haya una participación transversal de los sectores involucrados. Se concluye que es necesaria la valoración de la cultura para su inclusión en programas de formación sobre turismocultural sustentable, fortalecer la vinculación entre sectores gubernamentales, sector privado, población local, académicos y turistas, recalcando la importancia de reactivar y reforzar las identidades de una sociedad asentada en un territorio cultural y ecológicamente rico.
... During the last part of the second millennium B.C. and the first millennium B.C., the agricultural settlers of these diverse territories shared some elements of their cultural repertoire with the neighboring Olmec hegemonies of the Gulf Coast, although there are controversies on the form and extension of the exchange and influence (Clark 1990;Pool 2007). According to recent interpretations, Middle Preclassic Maya society already looked back to a culture and sociopolitical tradition of its own that was relatively independent of the Gulf Coast hegemonies to its west. ...
This chapter explores the early evidence of infant head modeling in the broader Mesoamerican sphere, where the skeletal record testifies to cultural skull modifications for almost 10,000 years. This information is complemented by drawing insights from figurative head representations. The remote origins of cradleboard, wrapping, and head-splinting practices in Preceramic and Preclassic times are reviewed briefly for sites with documented cranial series that exemplify the preferences in the different cultural territories of Mesoamerica. The skulls from the Preclassic period of Monte Negro and Monte Albán (Mexican state of Oaxaca), Tlatilco, Cuicuilco y Tlaltenco (Mexico City), in particular, make the increasing cultural embedding of the practice apparent, along with its regional and local preferences and a growing diversity in forms. Additional skeletal information comes from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and the Maya area. Although Gulf Olmec head traditions have not preserved well in the material record of the harsh tropical environs, its rich iconographic patrimony clearly illustrates the crafting of specific pear-shaped head forms to emulate the sacred forces of Olman. High and narrow silhouettes were also adopted outside the Olmec coastal plains and practiced in tandem with a host of increasingly diversified forms of modeling. Beyond preferences, the evolving social—and possibly religious—roles of Preclassic period Mesoamerican body modifications are discussed. I contend that the appearance of Olmecoid pear-shaped head styles most likely reflected syncretic ideological adoption among those populations that dwelled outside or past Gulf Coast Olman occupation.
... Only after 1400 BC did the Olmecs from San Lorenzo show demographic, political and cultural superiority over Mazatán (Adams 1997, 30-5), and relationships underwent a deep change; towards 1300 BC there was an episode of Olmec political control over Mazatán (Clark, 1990), which resulted in the abandonment of Paso de la Amada (which puts an end to its history), with another settlement emerging instead, the Olmec-dependent city of Cantón Corralito. In the excavations of this latter city there have been discovered "over 6,000 Olmec style figurine and pottery fragments" (Cheetham, 2006, 2). ...
Formative Period (ca. 1700 BC). We select as candidates for the creation of the Mesoamerican ballgame three cultures –a) Paso de la Amada culture, b) San Lorenzo's Pre-Olmec culture, and c) El Opeño culture–, as they have the oldest vestiges of the ballgame. These vestiges are, to be precise, a ball court at Paso de la Amada, some rubber balls at El Manatí, and ceramic figurines at El Opeño. We conclude that the Paso de la Amada court (Mesoamerica's biggest architectural structure at that time) is the oldest vestige of the game. Thus, we identify Paso de la Amada culture as the creator of the ballgame (ca. 1650 BC), instead of the Olmecs, as generally defended. Likewise, we link the creation of the ballgame with the birth of Mesoamerica's first ranked society.
... Only after 1400 BC did the Olmecs from San Lorenzo show demographic, political and cultural superiority over Mazatán (Adams 1997, 30-5), and relationships underwent a deep change; towards 1300 BC there was an episode of Olmec political control over Mazatán (Clark, 1990), which resulted in the abandonment of Paso de la Amada (which puts an end to its history), with another settlement emerging instead, the Olmec-dependent city of Cantón Corralito. In the excavations of this latter city there have been discovered "over 6,000 Olmec style figurine and pottery fragments" (Cheetham, 2006, 2). ...
Formative Period (ca. 1700 BC). We select as candidates for the creation of the Mesoamerican ballgame three cultures –a) Paso de la Amada culture, b) San Lorenzo's Pre-Olmec culture, and c) El Opeño culture–, as they have the oldest vestiges of the ballgame. These vestiges are, to be precise, a ball court at Paso de la Amada, some rubber balls at El Manatí, and ceramic figurines at El Opeño. We conclude that the Paso de la Amada court (Mesoamerica's biggest architectural structure at that time) is the oldest vestige of the game. Thus, we identify Paso de la Amada culture as the creator of the ballgame (ca. 1650 BC), instead of the Olmecs, as generally defended. Likewise, we link the creation of the ballgame with the birth of Mesoamerica's first ranked society.
This paper analyzes the reading format and reading order of the recently described Cascajal Block, an artifact with an Olmec-style inscription. The analysis, based not on the iconicity of the signs and their orientation, but solely on the formal and organizational characteristics of the text as a whole, and the patterns of repealed sign sequences, suggests that the text was written from left-to-right, bottom-to-top - if one assumes the orientation assigned to the block by Rodriguez Martinez et al. (2006). However, a simple 90-degree rotation of the block would render the text in left-to-right, top-to-bottom reading format and order - the same as that of later Mesoamerican scripts. It is suggested that the San Andres roller stamp and the La Venta obsidian core, both of which exhibit a pictorial image and an accompanying text, allow for a determination of the relative orientation of text and image with respect to each other, and support the hypothesis for the reading format proposed here. Also, preliminary structural analysis of the text reveals several patterns that are possibly indicative of linguistic structuring, and steps for future work on decipherment are outlined. Finally, the findings are placed within a broader context of previous studies of Olmec writing.
Between 1500 and 500 BC the Olmecs flourished in the tropical lowlands of Mexico's Gulf Coast, creating the most complex of Mesoamerica's early societies and its first monumental art. Emphasising the strategies of political leaders and the environmental and social diversity within the Olmec region, this up-to-date and comprehensive study describes the history of Olmec research, synthesises recent scholarship on the ecology, economy, socio-political organisation and ideology of Olmec society, and evaluates current debates over the influence of the Olmecs on their contemporaries and their contributions to later Mesoamerican civilisations.
Mesoamerica is one of several cradles of civilisation in the world. In this book, Robert M. Rosenswig proposes that we understand Early Formative Mesoamerica as an archipelago of complex societies that interacted with one another over long distances and that were separated by less sedentary peoples. These early ‘islands’ of culture shared an Olmec artistic aesthetic, beginning approximately 1250 BCE (uncalibrated), that first defined Mesoamerica as a culture area. Rosenswig frames the Olmec world from the perspective of the Soconusco area on Pacifica Chiapas and Guatemala. The disagreements about Early Formative society that have raged over the past 30 years focus on the nature of inter-regional interaction between San Lorenzo and other Early Formative regions. He evaluates these debates from a fresh theoretical perspective and integrates new data into an assessment of Soconusco society before, during, and after the apogee of the San Lorenzo polity.
Small, ceramic figurines used in household settings in Central Mexico during the first millennium bc were emphatically stylistic. Attributes cooperated to direct the viewer's attention to the style of the figurine, to how the figurine was made, and to the choices of makers and users from a range of alternative ways of making. This article draws on studies of modern fashion to develop a social interpretation of these patterns based on two collections of figurines, one from the Basin of Mexico and the other from Tlaxcala. The history of Formative figurine fashions is considered at multiple scales.
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