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What's the Harm? Internalized Prejudice and Cultural Betrayal Trauma in Ethnic Minorities

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The differential contexts that ethnic minorities face as a result of lower societal status impact outcomes of trauma. Cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT) is a contextualized framework that was created to examine trauma in minority populations. According to CBTT, due to societal inequality, within-group trauma in minority populations is a cultural betrayal that contributes to outcomes. In addition to looking at typically studied abuse outcomes (e.g., posttraumatic stress disorder), CBTT also predicts cultural outcomes, such as internalized prejudice, changes in ethnic identity, and (intra)cultural pressure (e.g., silencing victims of intraracial trauma to protect the minority ingroup from discriminatory individuals and systems of the dominant culture). No prior studies have examined cultural outcomes in CBTT. It was hypothesized that intraracial trauma (aka, cultural betrayal trauma) would be associated with cultural outcomes in a sample of ethnic minority college students. Participants (N = 296; 60.5% female; age: M = 20.12, SD = 2.81) were ethnic minority college students (35.0% Asian, 24.7% Hispanic−Latino American, 14.2% Other, 13.2% Black−African American, 5.7% Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, 3.4% American Indian−Alaska Native, and 3.4% Middle Eastern) attending a predominantly White university. Participants completed self-report questionnaires assessing trauma and outcomes online. Separate hierarchical linear regression analyses suggested that when controlling for age, gender, ethnicity, and interracial trauma, intraracial trauma predicted internalized prejudice, (intra)cultural pressure, and changes in identification with ethnic identity. These findings have implications for cultural competency in clinical interventions for minority victims of trauma.
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American Journal of Orthopsychiatry
What’s the Harm? Internalized Prejudice and Cultural
Betrayal Trauma in Ethnic Minorities
Jennifer M. Gómez
Online First Publication, November 8, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ort0000367
CITATION
Gómez, J. M. (2018, November 8). What’s the Harm? Internalized Prejudice and Cultural Betrayal
Trauma in Ethnic Minorities. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry. Advance online publication.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ort0000367
What’s the Harm? Internalized Prejudice and
Cultural Betrayal Trauma in Ethnic Minorities
Jennifer M. Gómez
Wayne State University
The differential contexts that ethnic minorities face as a result of lower societal status impact
outcomes of trauma. Cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT) is a contextualized framework that was
created to examine trauma in minority populations. According to CBTT, due to societal inequality,
within-group trauma in minority populations is a cultural betrayal that contributes to outcomes. In
addition to looking at typically studied abuse outcomes (e.g., posttraumatic stress disorder), CBTT
also predicts cultural outcomes, such as internalized prejudice, changes in ethnic identity, and
(intra)cultural pressure (e.g., silencing victims of intraracial trauma to protect the minority ingroup
from discriminatory individuals and systems of the dominant culture). No prior studies have
examined cultural outcomes in CBTT. It was hypothesized that intraracial trauma (aka, cultural
betrayal trauma) would be associated with cultural outcomes in a sample of ethnic minority college
students. Participants (N!296; 60.5% female; age: M!20.12, SD !2.81) were ethnic minority
college students (35.0% Asian, 24.7% Hispanic"Latino American, 14.2% Other, 13.2% Black"A-
frican American, 5.7% Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, 3.4% American Indian"Alaska
Native, and 3.4% Middle Eastern) attending a predominantly White university. Participants com-
pleted self-report questionnaires assessing trauma and outcomes online. Separate hierarchical linear
regression analyses suggested that when controlling for age, gender, ethnicity, and interracial trauma,
intraracial trauma predicted internalized prejudice, (intra)cultural pressure, and changes in identifi-
cation with ethnic identity. These findings have implications for cultural competency in clinical
interventions for minority victims of trauma.
Public Policy Relevance Statement
As mental health disparities persist, ethnic minority populations may have specific needs follow-
ing exposure to violence. With cultural betrayal trauma theory, the current study found that
exposure to violence perpetrated by people of the same ethnic group was associated with
internalized prejudice, changes to strength of ethnic identity, and (intra)cultural pressure (e.g.,
being told that the victim’s experience may negatively affect the reputation of the entire minority
group). This work suggests that attending to these cultural outcomes in mental health care may
make treatment more culturally relevant and efficacious for ethnic minority victims of violence.
The differential contexts that ethnic minorities face as a
result of lower societal status impact outcomes of trauma—
physical, sexual, psychological abuse (e.g., Brown, 2008;
Bryant-Davis, 2005), with some racial"ethnic minorities at in-
creased risk for some forms of trauma (Porter & McQuiller Wil-
liams, 2011). In an effort to advance the field, there have been
numerous calls for meaningfully incorporating minority popula-
tions, aspects of the sociocultural context, and cultural values and
norms in the study of trauma (Briere & Scott, 2006; Bryant-Davis,
2010; Christopher, 2004; Cohen, Deblinger, Mannarino, & de
Arellano, 2001; Ford & Gómez, 2015a, 2015b; Gómez, 2015a,
2015d; Gómez, Rosenthal, Smith, & Freyd, 2015; Harvey, 2007;
Harvey & Tummalanarra, 2007; Korbin, 2002; Long, Ullman,
Starzynski, Long, & Mason, 2007; Pole & Triffleman, 2010).
Though the majority of mainstream trauma research is conducted
on White Americans, there is important theoretical and empirical
work being done with minority populations that includes aspects of
the sociocultural context, cultural values, and/or culturally congru-
ent approaches (e.g., Ahrens, Rios-Mandel, Isas, & del Carmen
Lopez, 2010; Balsam, Huang, Fieland, Simoni, & Walters, 2004;
Bryant-Davis, Ullman, Tsong, & Gobin, 2011; Bryant-Davis, Ull-
Work on this project was funded by the Ford Foundation Dissertation
Fellowship, administered by the National Academies of Sciences, Engi-
neering, & Medicine.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jennifer
M. Gómez, Merrill Palmer Skillman Institute, Wayne State University, 71
East Ferry Street, Detroit, MI 48202. Email: jennifer.gomez@wayne.edu
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
American Journal of Orthopsychiatry
© 2018 Global Alliance for Behavioral Health and Social Justice 2018, Vol. 1, No. 999, 000
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ort0000367
1
man, Tsong, Tillman, & Smith, 2010; Cuevas, Sabina, & Picard,
2010; Evans-Campbell, Lindhorst, Huang, & Walters, 2006; Ford,
2008; Ford & Gómez, 2015a; Foynes, Platt, Hall, & Freyd, 2014;
Hampton, Oliver, & Magarian, 2003; Iverson et al., 2013; Kalt-
man, Green, Mete, Shara, & Miranda, 2010; Kenny & McEachern,
2000; Klest, Freyd, & Foynes, 2013; Korbin, 2002; Lehavot,
Walters, & Simoni, 2009; Littleton & Ullman, 2013; Long &
Ullman, 2013; Porter & McQuiller Williams, 2011; Rennison &
Planty, 2003; Simoni, Sehgal, & Walters, 2004; Westphal et al.,
2013; Wright, Pérez, & Johnson, 2010). Given the ubiquity of
inequality and oppression for minority populations, aspects of the
sociocultural context should be included in trauma work (Brown,
2008; Bryant-Davis, 2005; Ford & Gómez, 2015a, 2015b; Gómez,
2015b; Gómez, Lewis, Noll, Smidt, & Birrell, 2016), because they
affect outcomes of trauma (Brown, 2008; Bryant-Davis, 2005;
Burstow, 2003, 2005).
Cultural Betrayal Trauma Theory
In multiple psychology domains, such as the study of personal-
ity, intervention, and clinical psychology, theory-driven empirical
research is valued as a means for independent researchers to
efficiently and systematically test hypotheses (Dunn, van der Meu-
len, O’Campo, & Muntaner, 2013; Magidson, Roberts, Collado-
Rodriguez, & Lejuez, 2014; Pearson, Deeprose, Wallace-Hadrill,
Heyes, & Holmes, 2013; Snowden & Yamada, 2005; Wagner,
Rizvi, & Harned, 2007). Such work can then compare findings
within and across populations to gain a clearer understanding of
behaviors and psychological processes. Within trauma psychol-
ogy, a unifying theory that is based on knowledge from main-
stream trauma research (e.g., betrayal trauma theory; Freyd, 1997)
and additionally incorporates aspects of the sociocultural context
that can be specified across minority groups can provide one way
for conducting culturally relevant trauma research in underserved
minority populations.
Gómez (2012, 2015a, 2015b, 2017a, 2017b, 2018, press
1
,
press
2
) proposed cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT) as a
contextualized framework for examining how within-group trauma
in minority populations (e.g., ethnic, sexual, gender, religious
minorities) may be harmful because of the societal context of
inequality (see Figure 1). Specifically, in CBTT, Gómez (2015a)
suggested that some minorities develop (intra)cultural trust with
one another. (Intra)cultural trust is similar to racial loyalty (e.g.,
Bent-Goodley, 2001; Tillman, Bryant-Davis, Smith, & Marks,
2010) and is defined as the conscious process of self-sacrificing for
the greater good of the minority group (Bent-Goodley, 2001).
Construed as an extension of racial loyalty, (intra)cultural trust
further conceptualizes the need for attachment with other in-group
members because of the toll of societal inequality. Thus, (intra)cul-
tural trust is a form of within-group connection and community
that can serve as a protective factor against societal trauma, such
as racialized police brutality (see Figure 2).
Within-group trauma (e.g., Black perpetrator, Black victim)
violates this (intra)cultural trust and as such is a cultural betrayal.
Therefore, within-group traumas in minority populations are cul-
tural betrayal traumas. In CBTT, Gómez (2015a) proposed that
cultural betrayal trauma would predict typically studied abuse
outcomes, such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Because
the harm of within-group trauma is influenced by societal trauma,
Gómez (2015b) proposed that cultural betrayal traumas would also
be linked with cultural outcomes, such as internalized prejudice,
deidentification with minority identity, and (intra)cultural pressure
(see Figure 3).
Understanding cultural outcomes of trauma necessitates a con-
textualized appreciation of the differential meanings that may be
attached to within-group trauma in minority populations. For in-
stance, Gómez (2015a) provided a hypothetical scenario in which
a Black female college student is raped by a Black male at a party.
In the aftermath of this sexual assault, this woman wonders,
“Maybe Black people really are violent and criminal” (p. 41). An
appraisal such as this could contribute to internalized prejudice
because the cultural betrayal trauma has reignited negative
thoughts toward Black people, including herself. It could also
result in deidentifying with her ethnic identity if Blackness has
been construed as negative, for example. Societal trauma may
affect other ethnic minorities in analogous ways. For instance, a
Latino who is physically abused by another Latino may rationalize
the human rights violations of diverse Latinos attempting to enter
the United States seeking asylum (Cumming-Bruce, 2018). In this
example, the internalized prejudice was linked with cultural be-
trayal trauma victimization because of the societal trauma of
bigotry in immigration laws and enforcement in the United States.
Whereas internalized prejudice and deidentification with ethnic
identity are individualized cultural outcomes, (intra)cultural pres-
sure describes trauma-related minority-group dynamics. Specifi-
cally, (intra)cultural pressure includes pressure from other minor-
ities not to disclose cultural betrayal trauma for fear that it would
reflect negatively on the minority group and even lead to societal
trauma, such as unfair treatment in the judicial system. Therefore,
(intra)cultural pressure can be conceptualized as a mechanism of
protection against the harm of societal trauma. Unfortunately, it is
a strategy that privileges the perceived needs of the perpetrator(s)
and/or minority group over the needs of the victims of cultural
betrayal trauma. Intersecting forms of oppression (e.g., Crenshaw,
1991) may further affect who is protected versus who bears the
responsibility of the protecting (e.g., women vs. men; lesbian, gay,
bisexual vs. heterosexual; transgender vs. cisgender). An example
of (intra)cultural pressure would be this: some Arab Americans
having a code of understanding that any victimization should be
kept away from formal sources (e.g., school, police) to protect
each other from the increased discrimination of post-9/11 United
States (Padela & Heisler, 2010). Examining these and other cul-
tural outcomes with CBTT can add to previous work that has
documented cultural barriers to treatment-seeking (see Bent-
Goodley, 2001, and Tillman et al., 2010, for reviews).
The burgeoning research on CBTT suggests that within-
group trauma in minority populations may be a cultural betrayal
that contributes to outcomes. Gómez and Freyd (2017) com-
pared abuse outcomes of within-group sexual violence between
minorities and majority members. They found that there was a
moderation of minority status, with the link between within-
group sexual violence and trauma symptoms being stronger for
minorities. Work has also been done with specific ethnic mi-
nority communities of interest. One study found that ethnocul-
tural betrayal trauma predicted symptoms of PTSD in a sample
of Black college students (Gómez, in press
1
). Furthermore,
when controlling for interracial trauma, intraracial trauma has
been linked with hallucinations in a sample of Latino under-
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2GÓMEZ
graduates (Gómez, 2017b). Finally, in a diverse sample of
Asian"Asian American"Pacific Islander university students,
intraracial trauma was associated with dissociation, hallucina-
tions, symptoms of PTSD, and hypervigilance after controlling
for interracial trauma (Gómez, 2017a).
Purpose of the Study
Given the importance of contextual factors in understanding
outcomes of trauma (e.g., Brown, 2008; Bryant-Davis, 2005),
CBTT (e.g., Gómez, 2017a) is a theory from a minority per-
spective that incorporates aspects of the sociocultural context
into understanding what makes interpersonal trauma traumatic.
The extant evidence for CBTT does suggest that cultural be-
trayal trauma—that is, the trauma perpetrated by a minority
ingroup member—may contribute specifically to typically stud-
ied abuse outcomes. Though previous work has suggested
culture-specific outcomes in ethnic minority populations (e.g.,
Bryant-Davis, Chung, Tillman, & Belcourt, 2009), to date, the
supposition for the existence of cultural outcomes of trauma as
described in CBTT is purely theoretical (e.g., Gómez, 2015a).
With ethnic minority college students at risk for trauma expo-
sure (e.g., Porter & McQuiller Williams, 2011), the purpose of
the current study was to examine the links between intraracial
trauma (aka, cultural betrayal trauma) and cultural outcomes in
a sample of ethnic minority college students at a predominantly
White university. It was hypothesized that when controlling
for age, gender, ethnicity, and interracial trauma, intraracial
trauma would be associated with internalized prejudice, (in-
tra)cultural pressure, and changes in identification with ethnic
identity.
Method
Participants
Participants (N!296) were ethnic minority undergraduate
students at a large northwestern public university. The majority of
Figure 1. Bronfenbrenner Ecological Systems Model, adapted for Cultural Betrayal Trauma Theory. Reprinted
with permission.
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3
CULTURAL BETRAYAL TRAUMA & INTERNALIZED PREJUDICE
the sample identified as female (60.5%), with the remaining iden-
tifying as male (38.9%) or other (.3%; an additional .3% declined
to answer). Participants ranged in age from 17 to 40 years (M!
20.12, SD !2.81). The sample was ethnically diverse, with 35.0%
Asian, 24.7% Hispanic"Latino American, 14.2% Other, 13.2%
Black"African American, 5.7% Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific
Islander, 3.4% American Indian"Alaska Native, and 3.4% Middle
Eastern. Just over half (51.5%) of participants indicated their
nation of origin as America, with an additional 35 countries and
continents being identified as nationalities for the remainder of
participants. Given the relative lack of diversity at the site insti-
tution, countries and continents identified by participants are not
reported here to protect participants’ confidentiality. The majority
of participants identified as heterosexual (71.3%), with 10.5%
identifying as asexual, bisexual, homosexual, pansexual, or queer.
The remaining 17.5% of participants declined to answer or pro-
vided their biological sex. Socioeconomic status was not assessed
in the current study. Finally, regarding religious affiliation, partic-
ipants identified as Christian (43.9%); as agnostic, atheist, or
having no religion (38.9%); or as having one of eight other
religions (9.1%; again, due to low frequency, the specific religions
are not listed here to protect confidentiality), and 7.8% of partic-
ipants declined to answer.
Measures
This study is part of a larger data collection (Gómez, 2016);
therefore, only some of the measures are reported here.
Brief Betrayal Trauma Survey. The Brief Betrayal
Trauma Survey (BBTS; Goldberg & Freyd, 2006) is a 12-item
self-report questionnaire that assesses for physical, sexual, and
emotional abuse perpetrated by close and unclose others. The
BBTS was modified for the current study to include information
on the ethnicity of the perpetrator(s). Items are rated on a 6-point
Likert scale from 1 (never)to6(more than 100 times). A sample
item is “You were deliberately attacked so severely as to result in
marks, bruises, blood, broken bones, or broken teeth by someone
of your same ethnicity with whom you were very close.” In its
initial validation, the completed measure yielded good test–retest
reliability (Goldberg & Freyd, 2006).
Figure 2. Introducing Cultural Betrayal Trauma among various models in Trauma Psychology. Reprinted with
permission. See the online article for the color version of this figure.
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4GÓMEZ
Though the modified measure has been used previously with a
minority sample (Gómez & Freyd, 2017), its reliability has not
been determined in minority populations. A test of internal con-
sistency is not appropriate for this measure, given that the BBTS
assesses for frequency of different events. This measure was
combined with the Sexual Experiences Survey in analyses (details
are in the next section).
Sexual Experiences Survey. The Sexual Experiences
Survey (SES; Koss & Oros, 1982) is a 28-item self-report ques-
tionnaire that assesses sexual victimization. The SES was modified
to assesses for relationship with the perpetrator(s; close other vs.
unclose other) and identity of the perpetrator(s; same ethnicity vs.
different ethnicity). Identical to the BBTS (Goldberg & Freyd,
2006), items are rated on a 6-point Likert scale, from 1 (never) to
6(more than 100 times). A sample item is “An unknown or
unfamiliar person of the same ethnicity used some degree of
physical force (twisting your arm, holding you down, etc.) to try to
make you engage in kissing or petting when you didn’t want to.”
The SES has yielded good test–retest reliability in majority White
samples (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Koss & Gidycz,
1985). To the author’s knowledge, reliability has not been exam-
ined in ethnic minority populations specifically, though the mod-
ified measure has been used previously in a minority sample
(Gómez & Freyd, 2017). This measure assesses different types of
sexually abusive experiences; therefore, a measure of internal
consistency is not warranted.
Combining items from the modified BBTS (Goldberg &
Freyd, 2006) and SES (Koss & Oros, 1982), we calculated and
used several mean scores for different types of trauma in
descriptive and/or inferential analyses: any trauma, physical
abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, interracial trauma, and
intraracial trauma.
Institutional Betrayal Trauma Questionnaire 2.
The Institutional Betrayal Questionnaire 2 (IBQ-2; items created
by Smith and Freyd, as cited in Smith, 2014) is an 11-item
questionnaire that assesses trauma-related actions and inactions at
the institutional level. The IBQ-2 was modified for the current
study to assess (intra)cultural pressure, with two additional items
assessing ethnic group membership. Only participants who en-
dorsed at least one type of trauma were shown the modified IBQ-2,
because (intra)cultural pressure is linked with a specific traumatic
experience; therefore, intentionally, the whole sample did not
complete this measure. The IBQ-2 uses a 4-point Likert scale,
rated from 1 (not at all)to4(very much). A sample item is “In
thinking about the events described in the previous section, did
your ethnic group play a role by...Suggesting your experience
Figure 3. Cultural Betrayal Trauma theory flowchart. PTSD !posttraumatic stress disorder. Reprinted with
permission.
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5
CULTURAL BETRAYAL TRAUMA & INTERNALIZED PREJUDICE
might affect the reputation of your ethnic group.” The original IBQ
has been used in several studies (e.g., Smith & Freyd, 2013),
though it has not been validated. The 11-item IBQ-2 (excluding
ethnic group membership items) had excellent internal consistency
in the current sample (#!.92). A mean score of the modified
IBQ-2 (excluding ethnic group membership items) was used in
analyses.
Multidimensional Inventory for Black Identity.
The Multidimensional Inventory for Black Identity (MIBI; Sell-
ers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998) assesses dimen-
sions of Black identity, including the Private Regard Subscale
(six items). In the current study, the Private Regard Subscale
was modified for ethnic group identity generally, which is
warranted provided such modifications are culturally consistent
for the groups being assessed (personal communication, R.
Sellers, February 15, 2014). The current study utilized the
Private Regard Subscale as a proxy for internalized prejudice.
Responses are on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1
(strongly disagree)to5(strongly agree). Items 1, 2, 3, 5, and
6 of the Private Regard subscale were reverse-coded before
calculating a continuous mean variable for internalized preju-
dice. A sample item from the Private Regard Subscale is “I
often regret that I am this ethnicity.” The MIBI has demon-
strated good internal and external validity for African Ameri-
cans (Sellers, Rowley, Chavous, Shelton, & Smith, 1997),
though, to the author’s knowledge, it has not previously been
assessed with other ethnic minority populations. In the current
study, the Private Regard subscale had good internal consis-
tency (#!.89).
Trauma-related changes in identification with
ethnic identity. One exploratory item to assess changes in
identification with ethnic identity following trauma was created for
the current study. The same item appeared two times in the study
(once after the modified BBTS, Goldberg & Freyd, 2006, and once
after the modified SES, Koss & Oros, 1982). The response is on a
4-point Likert scale rated from 1 (Not changed at all)to4(Has
changed a lot). Given that all participants saw these items, partic-
ipants could mark Not applicable if they had not endorsed any
trauma item. The item is “If you experienced any of the above
from someone of your same ethnicity: Has your identification with
this ethnicity changed?” For the current study, the same items
regarding trauma-related ethnic identity change following the
modified BBTS (Goldberg & Freyd, 2006) and the modified SES
(Koss & Oros, 1982) were combined to create one continuous
mean variable, which could range from 1.5 (with an average
between Not applicable and Not changed at all)to5(Has changed
a lot). A measure of internal consistency would not be appropriate,
given these items are identical and related to different events.
Procedure
Participants were ethnic minority undergraduate students who
were recruited from the university human subjects pool (HSP). The
HSP comprises undergraduate students who have the opportunity
to receive class credit in introductory psychology courses for
participation in research. All students are provided the option to
complete alternative assignments in lieu of research participation
to avoid coercive practices. The prescreen item “I identify as an
ethnic minority” was used to identify eligible individuals. Only
eligible participants (ethnic minority students) could access the
study online. Without prior knowledge of the study content, par-
ticipants chose the online study based on the length of the study
and class credit they would receive for participation. After reading
the informed consent form online, students who agreed to partic-
ipate checked “Agree.” Participants completed the 1-hr online
survey at a location of their own choosing. At the conclusion of the
study, participants were shown the debriefing form online that
detailed the purpose of the study, the study’s importance, contact
information of the principle investigator and faculty advisor, and a
list of local mental health resources. The study was conducted in
compliance with the university institutional review board. To
obtain a large enough ethnic minority sample at the site institution,
data collection lasted for 15 months.
Results
The current study examined interracial and intraracial trauma
and cultural outcomes in a sample of ethnic minority college
students at a predominantly White university. Over half the sample
reported experiencing any trauma, with sizable minority propor-
tions experiencing interracial trauma or intraracial trauma (see
Table 1). In this sample, there were low to moderate rates reported
of (intra)cultural pressure (M!1.77, SD !.66), internalized
prejudice (M!2.10, SD !.92), and trauma-related changes in
identification with ethnic identity (M!2.09, SD !.76). Internal-
ized prejudice was correlated with (intra)cultural pressure (r!.18,
p$.05) but not trauma-related changes in identification with
ethnic identity (r!.07, ns). Conversely, (intra)cultural pressure
was correlated with trauma-related changes to identification with
ethnic identity (r!.28, p$.001). Furthermore, victims of trauma
reported a range of different types of (intra)cultural pressure (see
Figure 4).
Finally, separate hierarchical linear regression analyses were run
to assess the additional impact of intraracial trauma on cultural
outcomes. The results showed that when controlling for age,
gender, ethnicity, and interracial trauma, intraracial trauma pre-
dicted internalized prejudice (see Table 2), (intra)cultural pressure
(see Table 3), and trauma-related changes in identification with
ethnic identity (see Table 4). These findings suggest that intraracial
trauma may include cultural betrayal as a dimension of traumatic
harm that contributes to cultural outcomes of trauma.
Table 1. Rates of Physical, Sexual, Emotional Abuse, and
Intraracial/Interracial Trauma
Trauma type Percentage Range
a
M(SD)
Any trauma 55.4 1–4 1.16 (.37)
Physical abuse 19.3 1–4.75 1.16 (.45)
Sexual abuse 29.4 1–4.10 1.10 (.37)
Emotional abuse 42.7 1–6 1.53 (.91)
Categories of trauma
Intraracial 42.9 1–3.80 1.15 (.36)
Interracial 44.3 1–4.20 1.17 (.41)
a
Denotes participants’ range of scores on a 6-point Likert scale from 1
(never)to6(more than 100 times).
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6GÓMEZ
Discussion
The current study is the first to use cultural betrayal trauma
theory (CBTT; Gómez, 2018) to examine cultural outcomes of
trauma. According to CBTT, intraracial trauma is conceptualized
as a cultural betrayal trauma because it occurs within the harmful
context of societal inequality (Gómez, 2015a). Specifically, the
(intra)cultural trust developed by some minorities in reaction to
societal trauma, such as mass incarceration and genocide, is bro-
ken through intraracial trauma. This cultural betrayal is theorized
to be a dimension of traumatic harm that impacts typically studied
abuse outcomes (e.g., PTSD) and cultural outcomes (e.g., inter-
nalized prejudice). Given that previous research has documented
the link between cultural betrayal trauma and abuse outcomes
(Gómez, 2017; Gómez & Freyd, 2017), the purpose of the current
study was to examine cultural outcomes of trauma utilizing a
CBTT framework. Results were as expected: Controlling for age,
gender, ethnicity, and interracial trauma, intraracial trauma pre-
dicted internalized prejudice, (intra)cultural pressure, and changes
to identification with ethnic identity. Furthermore, (intra)cultural
pressure—a group dynamic outcome that overrides the needs of
the victim in favor of the perceived betterment of the group—was
correlated with an individual outcome, internalized prejudice.
Such a finding suggests the existence of a complicated interplay
between trauma, individualized cultural outcomes, and minority
group influence. Taken together, these results provide evidence for
CBTT as a contextualized framework from a minority perspective
that has implications for how trauma is empirically understood and
clinically addressed.
In terms of framing these findings within the existing literature,
the high rates of trauma exposure in this sample (over 50%) are in
line with results of other work on ethnic minorities, including those
85
54 51 50 48 46 44 42 40 36 36 36
0
20
40
60
80
100
Figure 4. (Intra)Cultural Pressure: Percentages for victims of trauma.
Table 2. Internalized Prejudice: Hierarchical Linear Regression
Analyses of Impacts of Interracial Trauma vs. Intraracial Trauma
Step and trauma %R
2
F
Step 1 .01
Age ".08
Gender ".06
Ethnicity ".06
Step 2 .02 F(1, 261) !1.42
Age ".09
Gender ".07
Ethnicity ".05
Interracial trauma .07
Step 3 .04 F(1, 260) !5.96
!
Age ".11
Gender ".05
Ethnicity ".05
Interracial trauma ".16
Intraracial trauma .28
!
!
p$.05.
Table 3. (Intra)Cultural Pressure: Hierarchical Linear
Regression Analyses of Impacts of Interracial Trauma vs.
Intraracial Trauma
Step and trauma %R
2
F
Step 1 .02
Age .08
Gender ".02
Ethnicity ".11
Step 2 .14 F(1, 147) !19.44
!!!
Age .05
Gender ".02
Ethnicity ".09
Interracial trauma .34
!!!
Step 3 .20 F(1, 146) !12.33
!!
Age .03
Gender .02
Ethnicity ".08
Interracial trauma ".04
Intraracial trauma .47
!!
!!
p$.01.
!!!
p$.001.
Table 4. Trauma-Related Change to Identification With Ethnic
Minority Identity: Hierarchical Linear Regression Analyses of
Impacts of Interracial Trauma vs. Intraracial Trauma
Step and trauma %R
2
F
Step 1 .04
Age .19
!!
Gender .06
Ethnicity .02
Step 2 .26 F(1, 270) !80.73
!!!
Age .13
!
Gender .05
Ethnicity .05
Interracial trauma .48
!!!
Step 3 .30 F(1, 269) !15.29
!!!
Age .11
!
Gender .08
Ethnicity .06
Interracial trauma .17
Intraracial trauma .37
!!
!
p$.05.
!!
p$.01.
!!!
p$.001.
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7
CULTURAL BETRAYAL TRAUMA & INTERNALIZED PREJUDICE
in college (e.g., Porter & McQuiller Williams, 2011). To the
author’s knowledge, there have been no published studies that
examine internalized prejudice or trauma-related changes to iden-
tification with ethnic identity in relation to trauma. Nevertheless,
the findings of the current study seem to point to the need for
future researchers to attempt to replicate the results with more
specified measures. For example, given that the measurement of
ethnic identity changes did not specify a direction (“has changed”
as opposed to “became weaker/stronger”), future research can use
the current study as a base for examining not only the direction but
also the meaning of such identity changes for victims of cultural
betrayal trauma.
(Intra)cultural pressure, though a new term, is not an entirely
new construct, because it bears many similarities with racial loy-
alty (e.g., Bent-Goodley, 2001). Prior research has implicated
racial loyalty in barriers to disclosure for Black women victimized
by Black men (Richie, 1996; Tillman et al., 2010; West, 1999;
White, 1995). (Intra)cultural pressure expands the concept of racial
loyalty as a group dynamic that can be present across minority
groups because of the need for attachment within a discriminatory
society. Those differences notwithstanding, the current study adds
to the literature by demonstrating the link between cultural be-
trayal trauma and (intra)cultural pressure among diverse ethnic
minority college students at a predominantly White university.
Theorized as a transformation of the protective nature of (intra)cul-
tural trust, (intra)cultural pressure may serve as a point of individ-
ual and collective intervention, because the overwhelming major-
ity of victims of trauma in this sample (85%) reported any
(intra)cultural pressure. Thus, the need to address societal trauma
as the cause is evident, because (intra)cultural pressure is a mis-
guided attempt to protect the self and other minorities from dis-
criminatory individuals and systems of the dominant culture.
The current study has implications for cultural competency in
clinical interventions for ethnic minority victims of cultural be-
trayal trauma. Evidence-based treatments for trauma victims often
focus on PTSD (see Gómez et al., 2016, for a review). Herman
(1997) proposed the disguised presentation of trauma clients in
which she detailed the multifaceted harm of complex trauma
histories, including depression, dissociation, self-injury, and rela-
tionship problems. Bryant-Davis (2005) further expanded on this
understanding by adding how additional outcomes related to
safety, self-care, trust, shame and self-blame, memories, mourn-
ing, anger, body image, sexuality, and coping strategies may all be
influenced by the broader sociocultural context. In line with CBTT
(e.g., Gómez, 2018), findings from the current study suggest that
internalized prejudice, (intra)cultural pressure, and changes in
identification with ethnic minority identity may also be linked to
cultural betrayal trauma among ethnic minority victims. Therefore,
the inclusion of these cultural outcomes in treatment may be
warranted. Such inclusion may help reduce mental health dispar-
ities by making interventions for applicable to diverse populations
(Gómez, 2015c).
Relational cultural therapy (Jordan, 2010; J. B. Miller & Stiver,
1997) is a feminist approach that contextualizes clients’ problems
(e.g., within the societal context of racism and sexism) while
privileging the therapeutic relationship as a key mechanism of
change (see Gómez et al., 2016, for a review). As such, relational
cultural therapy may be uniquely suited to addressing ethnic mi-
nority victims of cultural betrayal trauma (Gómez et al., 2016).
Additionally, these cultural outcomes may be further tackled ex-
tratherapeutically through Emotion Emancipation Circles (Grills,
2013), activism, arts, and spiritual healing (Bryant-Davis, 2005).
Limitations and Future Directions
Utilizing a diverse ethnic minority sample of college students at
a predominantly White university has both strengths and limita-
tions (see Table 5). On the positive side, the findings do control for
ethnicity and are generalizable in terms of their contribution to the
knowledge base of understanding trauma in ethnic minority pop-
Table 5. Limitations and Future Directions from the Current Study
Limitation Importance Future directions
One sample: Diverse ethnic minorities Ethnic gloss
a
: Potentially missing important
within- and between-groups differences
Attempt to replicate these findings with
ethnic minority communities of interest
Cultural outcomes examined alone Potential associations between abuse and
cultural outcomes
Empirically test cultural outcomes as
predictors, mediators, and/or moderators
of abuse outcomes
Quantitative methods Qualitative methods and mixed-methods
designs can provide more detailed
information
Conduct qualitative and mixed-methods
studies within minority communities of
interest
Imperfect measurement of internalized
prejudice
Internalized prejudice likely varies in
specifics within and between groups
Can use more comprehensive and culturally
congruent measures for internalized
prejudice within minority communities of
interest
Unvalidated measures of cultural betrayal
trauma and (intra)cultural pressure
Psychometric properties of adapted
measures are undetermined
Create and validate a cultural betrayal
trauma theory questionnaire within
communities of interest
Implicit cultural betrayal Implicit cultural betrayal of intraracial
trauma is distinct from explicit feelings
of betrayal
Measure explicit feelings of cultural
betrayal and assess its relation to
(intra)cultural pressure and cultural
outcomes
a
Pole and Triffleman (2010).
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8GÓMEZ
ulations. However, with a broad-brush study like the current one,
the findings are limited in terms of their specific applications to
individual ethnic minority groups. Furthermore, it is unknown
whether and how these findings would generalize to other institu-
tions of higher learning (e.g., historically Black colleges and
universities [HBCUs], Hispanic-serving institutions, more ethni-
cally diverse predominantly White institutions), in community
samples, and across socioeconomic status groups. Given the com-
plexity of identity development in biracial individuals (R. L. Miller
& Buchanan, 2015), future work can examine definitions and
experiences of cultural betrayal trauma across diverse biracial
individuals (e.g., Black"White vs. Black"Mexican individuals’
appraisal of their racial ingroup[s] and outcomes of trauma).
Additionally, the current study utilized a cross-sectional design;
therefore, temporal precedence could not be established. More-
over, further examination of bidirectional relationships may pro-
vide increased understanding of trauma sequelae. For instance,
though internalized prejudice would not cause cultural betrayal
trauma, it is possible that internalized prejudice could elicit more
feelings of cultural betrayal when victimization occurs. That ex-
plicit appraisal of cultural betrayal may affect outcomes. Along
these lines, using qualitative or mixed-methods approaches can
elucidate psychological processes of internalized prejudice, trauma
types that engender increased self-stigmatization, and situations
and contexts where internalized prejudice is more likely to appear.
Finally, future studies can also examine high interpersonal betrayal
(close relationship with the perpetrator; Freyd, 1997) in conjunc-
tion with cultural betrayal to determine additional impacts on
outcomes.
Conclusion
Minority populations are underrepresented in trauma psychol-
ogy. Moreover, much of trauma research has originated within
dominant cultural perspectives, which can limit the variety of
research questions that are pursued (Gómez, 2014, 2015a). In line
with work detailing the importance of contextualized trauma re-
search (e.g., Bryant-Davis, 2010), CBTT (e.g., Gómez, 2012) is a
framework from a minority perspective that can add breadth to the
empirical questions that are systematically investigated. As the
first study to investigate cultural outcomes of intraracial trauma
(known as cultural betrayal trauma), the findings suggest that (a)
cultural betrayal implicit in intraracial trauma is a dimension of
traumatic harm that impacts outcomes and (b) outcomes of trauma
in minority populations may be more diverse than has been pre-
viously studied, because they can include cultural outcomes, such
as internalized prejudice, (intra)cultural pressure, and trauma-
related changes to identification with ethnic identity. Future work
within a CBTT framework can provide increased nuance and
specificity within minority communities of interest, thus having
implications for diverse victims of trauma in an increasingly
pluralistic society (Gómez, 2014, 2015a).
Keywords: cultural betrayal trauma theory; CBTT; (intra)
cultural pressure; internalized prejudice; ethnic minority
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11
CULTURAL BETRAYAL TRAUMA & INTERNALIZED PREJUDICE
... Coming from a strength-based and intersectional lens, we also consider whether (a) racial pride buffers the relationship between RII and symptoms of depression and (b) if the associations between RII, racial pride, and depressive symptoms vary by gender. Below, we review the literature on RII within the context of cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT; Gómez, 2019) to illuminate why it can be psychologically painful. We subsequently summarize the scholarship on racial pride and highlight how it may intersect with RII to impact psychological wellbeing among Biracial Black-White youth. ...
... to microaggressions but capture a more unique form of cultural policing and harm that is perpetrated by in-group members (Durkee et al., 2019), which can have negative mental and behavioral health consequences (Durkee & Gómez, 2022;Durkee & Williams, 2015;Gómez, 2017). The detrimental effect of cultural invalidations can be understood through CBTT (Gómez, 2019). CBTT explains that cultural invalidations, like RII, are experienced as cultural betrayal that violates (intra)cultural trust or the "collective sense of sweet solidarity" that minoritized in-group members share with other members of their social groups. ...
... CBTT explains that cultural invalidations, like RII, are experienced as cultural betrayal that violates (intra)cultural trust or the "collective sense of sweet solidarity" that minoritized in-group members share with other members of their social groups. The violation of that intracultural trust can be psychosocially painful and exacerbate feelings of social isolation (Durkee & Gómez, 2022;Gómez, 2019). Accordingly, we suspect that experiencing RII during adolescence and emerging adulthood, when social belonging is increasingly valuable, may be especially harmful and thus warrants more scholarly attention. ...
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A growing body of theory and research suggests that racial identity invalidation (RII)—the active denial of a person’s racial identity and/or belonging to the racial group(s) they identify with—may play an important role in the mental health problems that Biracial Black–White youth face. However, research has yet to explore this empirically. The purpose of this study was to address this gap by examining whether RII was associated with depressive symptoms among Biracial Black–White adolescents and emerging adults (N = 713; 61% male; M = 18.40, SD = 3.71). From an intersectional and strengths-based lens, we also explore if (a) Biracial and Black pride individually or collectively moderate the relationship between RII and depressive symptoms and (b) if any of these associations differ by gender. The analyses included two hierarchical linear regressions (one for girls and one for boys) that were conducted using Model 3 of the PROCESS Macro in SPSS. The results indicated that RII was associated with depression symptoms for all participants. We also found several significant interaction effects illustrating that Biracial and Black pride both played a meaningful role in the relationship between RII and the mental health of the participants, but different patterns emerged for girls and boys. Collectively, the results position RII as a salient risk factor for Biracial Black–White adolescents and emerging adults while also illuminating the promotive and protective power of racial pride. The implications for research and practice are discussed.
... India is a large country with multiple regional differences in expression of faith or faiths. The demographic disparities, plus internalized prejudice, cultural betrayal trauma, and negative societal image of the ethnicity (Gómez, 2019), increased the risk of deidentifying the students who lived as an ethnic minority or religious minority (Rosa & Esperandio, 2022;Wing & Park-Taylor, 2022). Consequently, the views of the deidentified students were unlikely to be captured in our study, hence the reduced representativeness of the study sample as "Indian students" in New Zealand. ...
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Wellbeing of international students is an extensively explored topic in international education discourses. A plethora of research has been devoted to general wellbeing of international students. Nevertheless, little is known about international students’ spiritual wellbeing which can be pivotal to their adaptation to the new environment. In the context of New Zealand higher education, utilizing an intrinsic single case study design, this study examined spiritual wellbeing experienced by Indian international students. Phenomenographic interviews were conducted with 13 Indian students who were studying management courses at postgraduate level in an institute of technology in a North Island city of New Zealand. Data analysis generated three dimensions (spiritual cognition, spiritual practice, spiritual efficacy) of spiritual wellbeing which were influenced by four strategies of adaptation (connection, isolation, accommodation, integration). This study provided new insights into the experiences of international students which may influence international education in the long run.
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In this chapter, we explore the silencing of sexual assault survivors using Kristie Dotson’s (2011) work on epistemic violence as a guiding framework. We first review how practices of silence—a reliable and repetitive failure to understand survivors because of ignorance—manifest themselves at the interpersonal, institutional, and socio-cultural levels. Specifically, we review how social reactions to disclosure, institutional betrayal, cultural betrayal trauma, and systems of oppression (e.g., rape myths, racism, cisheterosexism) contribute to and reproduce practices of silence, whether that be self-silencing because the consequences of disclosing are high (i.e., testimonial smothering), or being silenced because the audience fails to acknowledge survivors as credible experts of their own experiences (i.e., testimonial quieting). We then provide strategies for how to interrupt practices of silence through building linguistic reciprocity—the ability to understand survivors’ experiences as survivors intend them to be understood. To do this, survivors’ needs and knowledge must be centered. These strategies include investing in inclusive practices, building up prevention and support programming, integrating culturally relevant frameworks, reimagining institutional processes, and incorporating restorative justice approaches. In building practices that center survivors, harmful norms, structures, and systems can be challenged, and support resources can better meet and support survivors’ needs.
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Betrayal trauma theory suggests betrayal from a trusted person affects how an event is remembered and processed. Few studies have looked at differences in psychological symptoms due to the severity and timing of betrayal trauma (BT). This study examined whether psychological symptoms, specifically, sleep disturbance, dissociation, and anxiety, differ depending on the severity and timing of BT. Participants (N = 270; 67.8% female) with at least one trauma completed online questionnaires measuring BT severity (low-medium, high), timing (childhood trauma, adulthood trauma), and frequency of psychological symptoms. A two-way between-subjects multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted. BT was prevalent in the sample, with 202 participants (74.8%) reporting a history of high BT. The MANOVA revealed a significant interaction between BT severity and BT timing on all outcome variables [p = .007, η 2 p = .05]. Childhood BT participants with low-medium BT history had significantly greater sleep disturbance [p = .008, η 2 p = .03], than participants with adulthood BT participants with low-medium BT history. Furthermore, adulthood BT participants with a history of high BT had significantly more dissociation [p = .003, η 2 p = .01] and anxiety [p < .001, η 2 p = .04] symptoms than childhood BT participants with a history of high BT. The research provides a novel insight into how different psychological symptoms manifest according to BT severity and timing, and the possibility of "rotating betrayal blindness" in which trauma awareness shifts in varying contexts.
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This chapter introduces the concept of racial or ethnic discrimination, including definitions, prevalence rates, and consequences, in the context of white supremacy. We highlight here a need to move toward a nuanced understanding of discrimination’s impacts.KeywordsRacial/ethnic discriminationRacismOvert discriminationSubtle discriminationMicroaggressionsVertical discriminationHorizontal discrimination
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In July 2020, rapper Megan Thee Stallion was shot by her then boyfriend Tory Lanez, a fellow rapper. The incident brought to the surface (again) a long, ongoing conversation about the experiences of Black women survivors of intimate partner violence, much like other high-profile cases (e.g., Tina Turner) have done before. Specifically, these cases show how Black men particularly can uphold patriarchal violence in intimate or romantic contexts. Moreover, these cases show the tensions that can arise when survivors seek help from law enforcement. For example, the idea of racial loyalty and not calling the police on a Black man and how this affects the options available to Black women. In other words, Black women often have nowhere to turn for help when they experience violence. In this article, I employ Black Feminist Autoethnography as a methodological framework to analyze a personal instance of road rage where I was attacked, to explore how Black women survivors make meaning of their experiences, the thought process behind their decision to involve the police, how Black men uphold patriarchal violence in non-intimate contexts, and how Black women resist or refuse to accept the violence. This analysis reveals the raced and gendered components underlying the private/public nature of interpersonal violence experienced by Black women and the relationship between intimate and non-intimate interpersonal violence. Implications for qualitative social work research and practice include the use of Black Feminist Autoethnography as a methodological framework to identify areas of empowerment, strength, and support for survivors of violence.
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Background: There has been a relative increase in cross-cultural dissociation-related research, illuminating that culture may influence dissociation. The existence of online spaces for individuals who dissociate suggests that there may be further dissociation-specific cultural considerations; people who dissociate understand their lived experiences as culturally contextual. Yet, there is a lack of socioculturally layered, multicultural dissociation research. There have been calls to employ qualitative methodologies to explore these areas. Methodology: The present study included 197 participants who dissociate, recruited through online dissociation-related sites and forums. The present study employed an online survey design, using open-ended questions to ask participants about the ways in which they perceived their cultural background to affect their dissociation and mental health treatment. Analysis: A reflexive thematic analysis approach was used to generate four themes regarding the meaning that participants assigned to culture in their contextualized experience of dissociation and/or mental health treatment: (1) culture as multidimensional and complex, (2) culture as a dissociation-catalyst, (3) culture as dissociation-resistance, and (4) decontextualization from culture. Themes intersected through multiple sociocultural layers; patterns across the data were situated within oppressive systems. Discussion: Clinical and research implications are discussed as they relate to cultural competence with individuals who dissociate, considering intersectionality and systemic oppression. To understand the meaning-making and lived experience of those who dissociate, future qualitative research should employ more in-depth, empowering methodologies with individuals with lived experience.
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Few codified strategies exist for antiracist supervision practices that prepare mental health providers to challenge racism during clinical care. In this paper, the author articulates an antiracist clinical supervision approach comprised of six action steps for identifying the racism and Whiteness shaping clinical care and supervision and dismantling them: (a) recognizing the historical legacy of racism to avoid perpetuating it, (b) identifying racism as the enduring public health crisis of our time, (c) admitting to being racist in order to engage in antiracism, (d) heightening critical consciousness, (e) cultivating foundational knowledge in racism, and (f) dismantling racism during supervision.
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Many rape studies use judicial records or crisis center files to recruit research participants. Recent studies, however, have suggested that reported rape rates greatly underestimate the number of rapes that occur each year, that the conviction rate for rape is low, and that few victims utilize rape crisis centers. The Sexual Experiences Survey, a self-report instrument designed to identify hidden rape victims and undetected offenders among a normal population, is an alternate approach to sample selection. In the present study, reliability and validity data for the Sexual Experiences Survey are described.
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Violence victimization is prevalent in the US and is linked to costly mental health outcomes, including dissociation and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Black Americans are at increased risk for violence victimization, while additionally enduring racism that impacts mental health. Moreover, discrimination affects outcomes of violence. Cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT) is a new framework for examining the impact of within-group violence victimization (termed cultural betrayal trauma) and minority status on outcomes. Furthermore, CBTT examines posttraumatic group dynamics, such as (intra)cultural pressure. As pressure to protect the minority in-group by not disclosing cultural betrayal trauma, (intra)cultural pressure may impact outcomes. The purpose of the exploratory study was to examine the impact of cultural betrayal trauma and (intra)cultural pressure on dissociation and posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS). Participants (N = 43) were Black/African American university students who completed online measures assessing violence victimization and outcomes. Linear regression analyses revealed that cultural betrayal trauma predicted PTSS, whereas (intra)cultural pressure predicted dissociation. The current study has implications for examining the impact of group dynamics, such as (intra)cultural pressure, in clinical interventions for Black victims of cultural betrayal trauma. Such cultural competency in mental health care treatment may help reduce mental health disparities.
Article
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Cultural betrayal trauma theory proposes that intraracial trauma in ethnic minority populations includes a cultural betrayal that contributes to outcomes, such as symptoms of PTSD (posttraumatic stress disorder; posttraumatic stress symptoms [PTSS]), dissociation, and (intra)cultural pressure. Participants (n = 179) were ethnic minority female college students, who completed online questionnaires. The results revealed that when controlling for age, ethnicity, and interracial trauma, intraracial trauma and (intra)cultural pressure affected PTSS and dissociation. There were also indirect effects of cultural betrayal trauma on outcomes through (intra)cultural pressure. The current study can contribute to clinical interventions that address trauma-related mental health in ethnic minority college women.
Article
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Objective. Interpersonal trauma is linked with mental health outcomes, including dissociation and hallucinations (Gómez & Freyd, 2017a). Betrayal trauma theory (BTT) identifies the closeness of the perpetrator as a contributor to harm (Freyd, 1996). Cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT; Gómez, 2017b) further contextualizes trauma within the sociocultural context for minorities. According to CBTT, cultural betrayal trauma (perpetrator: same minority ethnicity) includes a traumatic dimension of harm that is linked with trauma-related mental health. The purpose of the current study is to examine high betrayal (perpetrator: close other) and cultural betrayal (perpetrator: same ethnicity) in trauma as it relates to dissociation and hallucinations among high-functioning ethnic minority emerging adults. Method. Participants (N = 296; Mage = 20.12; Female: 60.5%) were ethnic minority college students (35.0% Asian, 24.7% Hispanic/Latino American, 14.2% Other, 13.2% Black/African American, 5.7% Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, 3.4% American Indian/Alaska Native, and 3.4% Middle Eastern) who completed an online questionnaire assessing interpersonal trauma victimization, dissociation, and hallucinations. Results. Over 50% of the sample reported interpersonal trauma victimization. Moreover, when controlling for participant ethnicity, interracial trauma, high betrayal trauma, and posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, there was an indirect effect of cultural betrayal trauma on hallucinations through dissociation (B = .1919; 95% CI: .1110, .3101). Conclusions. By incorporating high betrayal and cultural betrayal into research, this work has implications for culturally competent treatment for diverse minority victims.
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Cultural betrayal trauma theory is a new framework for understanding trauma-related mental health outcomes in immigrant and minority populations. The purpose of the current study is to empirically test cultural betrayal trauma theory. We hypothesized that the association between within-group sexual violence and mental health outcomes would be stronger for minorities. Participants (N = 368) were minority and majority college students, who completed online measures of sexual violence victimization and mental health outcomes. A MANOVA revealed that the link between within-group sexual violence and total trauma symptoms, depression, sexual abuse sequelae, sleep disturbance, and sexual problems was stronger for minorities. This study provides evidence for cultural betrayal trauma theory, as the findings suggest that outcomes from the same experience—within-group sexual violence—is affected by minority status. This work has implications for how mental health is understood, investigated, and treated in immigrant and minority populations.
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Violence victimization, such as physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, has been linked with hallucinations. How abuse-related distress manifests is dependent on a host of factors, including gender, ethnicity, and societal inequality. Cultural betrayal trauma theory may provide insight into hallucinatory experiences for Latinos in the United States, as it is a contextualized framework that identifies societal trauma (e.g., discrimination) as a contributor to the harm of within-group interpersonal violence victimization in minority populations. Though men may experience higher rates of hallucinations, there is little work on gender differences in the predictive power of violence victimization on hallucinations, particularly in Latino populations. Therefore, with cultural betrayal trauma theory as a guide, the purpose of the current exploratory study is to examine gender differences in the association of ethno-cultural betrayal trauma (within-group violence victimization) on tactile, visual, and auditory hallucinations in a sample of Latino undergraduate students at a predominantly White university in the United States. Participants (N = 80) completed online self-report measures on ethno-cultural betrayal trauma and hallucinatory experiences. Sizable proportions of the sample reported experiencing ethno-cultural betrayal trauma and tactile, visual, and auditory hallucinations. Controlling for between-group trauma, the link between ethno-cultural betrayal trauma and tactile, visual, and auditory hallucinations was moderated by male gender. With cultural betrayal trauma theory as its framework, these preliminary results suggest that gender differences in hallucinatory experiences may be affected by the way trauma-related distress is expressed in Latino undergraduate students in the United States.
Article
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Objectives: Interpersonal trauma has deleterious effects on mental health (1) , with college students experiencing relatively high rates of lifetime trauma (2) . Asian American/Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) have the lowest rate of mental health care utilization (4) . According to cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT) (9, 10, 11) , societal inequality may impact within-group violence in minority populations, thus having implications for mental health. In the current exploratory study, between-group (interracial) and within-group (ethno-cultural betrayal) trauma and mental health outcomes were examined in AAPI college students. Participants: Participants (N = 108) were AAPI college students from a predominantly white university. Data collection concluded December 2015. Methods: Participants completed online self-report measures. Results: A MANOVA revealed that when controlling for interracial trauma, ethno-cultural betrayal trauma significantly impacted dissociation, hallucinations, posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS), and hypervigilance. Conclusions: The results have implications for incorporating identity, discrimination, and ethno-cultural betrayal trauma victimization into assessments and case conceptualizations in therapy.
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It is January 2012. In a discussion with psychology doctoral students and psychologists regarding President Obama, joy and pride, accompanied by the long-awaited ability to exhale, abounded. We finally had realized an American post-racial society.
Book
Race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, migration status, religion and many other cultural factors play an important role in recovery from a traumatic event. However, most conventional attempts to help people recover from trauma do not anticipate or address these factors. Here, a psychologist describes how to recognize the cultural issues that need to be considered for healing. She offers vignettes illustrating these issues, as well as activities for traumatized people to regain their sense of self-esteem, safety, strength and calm.