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Categorizing Categorization Research: Review, Integration, and Future Directions

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This paper offers a systematic review of the literature on organizational categories and categorization published in the last 14 years (1999–2012). After identifying a core of roughly 100 papers on categories that appeared in management, organization, and sociology journals, we classified them based on several key dimensions, and analysed a few trends within the categorization literature. Our most surprising finding may be the fact that until recently, there was no mutual recognition of the existence of a distinct ‘literature on categories’ despite the wealth of published material on the topic. After summarizing some core theoretical features of that emergent literature, we propose integrative definitions of its core constructs and suggest several areas of research that could further enrich it in the future.
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Categorizing Categorization Research:
Review, Integration, and Future Directions
J.-P. Vergne and Tyler Wry
Ivey Business School, Western University; The Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania
ABSTRACT This paper offers a systematic review of the literature on organizational categories
and categorization published in the last 14 years (1999–2012). After identifying a core of
roughly 100 papers on categories that appeared in management, organization, and sociology
journals, we classified them based on several key dimensions, and analysed a few trends within
the categorization literature. Our most surprising finding may be the fact that until recently,
there was no mutual recognition of the existence of a distinct ‘literature on categories’ despite
the wealth of published material on the topic. After summarizing some core theoretical
features of that emergent literature, we propose integrative definitions of its core constructs
and suggest several areas of research that could further enrich it in the future.
Keywords: categories, categorization, classification, review
INTRODUCTION
Over the past two decades, the study of categories has become popular among manage-
ment scholars to the point where it now accounts for a number of highly influential
papers and a growing base of dedicated scholars. Reflecting this, there is mounting
recognition that ‘category studies’ is emerging as a distinct domain of organizational
research. Looking back, the Journal of Management Studies (JMS) played a key role sparking
this trend. Specifically, Porac et al.’s (1989) classic ‘Competitive groups as cognitive
communities: the case of Scottish knitwear manufacturers’ was the first management
study to integrate insights about categorization and remains a highly cited contribution
to category studies (Kaplan, 2011; Porac et al., 2011). The journal has also recently
published a Point–Counterpoint debate aimed at advancing new perspectives that build
on Porac and colleagues’ cognitive psychological approach (Durand and Paolella, 2013;
Glynn and Navis, 2013; Kennedy and Fiss, 2013). However, despite many signs that
category studies is on the rise in management scholarship, much of this research takes
place under the auspices of other organizational theories – rather than as a distinct area
Address for reprints: J.-P. Vergne, Ivey Business School, Western University, 1151 Richmond St, N6A 3K7
London, Ontario, Canada ( jvergne@ivey.ca).
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© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
Journal of Management Studies 51:1 January 2014
doi: 10.1111/joms.12044
of inquiry – and has shifted strongly towards a sociological perspective, thus neglecting
foundational insights from cognitive psychology. We believe that there is much to be
gained through the emergence of a more integrative and focused research programme in
‘category studies’. Thus, on the occasion of JMS ’s 50th anniversary, we analyse the
nature and extent of the fragmentation in the categories literature with the aim of
contributing to the emergence of ‘category studies’ as a distinct – and distinctively
organizational – research domain.[1]
As with many areas of management scholarship, categories research draws heavily on
insights from adjacent disciplines in the social sciences (Corbett et al., 2013). In this
regard, however, ‘category studies’ is somewhat unique in that foundational research is
carried out in both psychology and sociology. As such, there are vibrant research
programmes that examine categories and their consequences at micro and macro levels
of analysis. In the management literature, this is reflected in a divide between early
studies that were rooted in cognitive psychology and examined how organizations
categorize themselves (Porac et al., 1989) and more recent efforts that draw on sociology
and theorize categories as components of a firm’s external environment (Zuckerman,
1999). In recent years, management scholars have shown considerable interest in the
sociological approach and its utility for understanding an organization’s external envi-
ronment. For instance, studies in strategy (Durand et al., 2007), organizational ecology
(Hsu and Hannan, 2005), neo-institutionalism (Lounsbury and Rao, 2004), and collec-
tive organizational identity (Glynn, 2008) have all been enriched through the integration
of sociological perspectives on categories. On the one hand, this has been incredibly
useful for building interest in category studies and for conveying the power of categories
as a lens for viewing organizational phenomenon. At the same time, though, there has
been minimal integration of micro and macro approaches and the dispersion of studies
across research domains has contributed to the proliferation of terms that are used to
represent similar concepts. Thus, even while different research streams conceptualize
categories in similar ways (see Negro et al., 2010), the literature is characterized by a
series of weakly integrated research conversations anchored in the theoretical legacies of
different base disciplines.
Based on this, our paper focuses on two goals. (1) We aim to identify points of
intersection among the various streams of category studies within the management
literature. In particular, we note that this work has become dominated by sociological
perspectives associated with the categorical imperative. As such, there are no big onto-
logical fissures that stand in the way of an inclusive and cohesive research conversation
around categories among organization theorists (Negro et al., 2010). Rather, what is
needed is a common lexicon that can help to facilitate the generation of additive
knowledge organized directly around categories – rather than the extant management
theories that they are typically used to support. (2) We see a great deal of potential latent
in the divide between psychological and sociological approaches to category studies.
Although there has been minimal integration among these perspectives – and the field
has converged fairly dramatically around the latter – they provide organizational schol-
ars with wide-ranging insights about categories and categorization at both the micro and
macro levels. Thus, rather than trying to extend a macro approach to contexts that it is
ill-equipped to address (see Wry et al., 2013), category studies offer natural points of
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intersection between micro and macro. As such, we envision exciting possibilities to draw
on insights from cognitive psychology to enrich understandings about macro-level cat-
egory effects. In this way, a research programme that bridges psychological and socio-
logical approaches may facilitate the development of ‘indigenous’ organizational theory
as a composite of fragments from other fields (Corbett et al., 2013).
With this in mind, our paper is oriented around three themes, each aimed at contrib-
uting to the coherence required for the emergence of a distinctive – and distinctively
organizational – research conversation around category studies.
First, to understand the evolution of the relatively recent literature on category studies,
we conduct a systematic review of research published on the topic since 1999. In doing
so, we aim to identify common assumptions and complementary insights among studies
that draw on different theoretical perspectives and that use categories to advance distinct
research agendas.
Second, based on our review, we classify the core publications of categorization
research along several dimensions of interest, such as level of analysis, type of dependent
variable studied, and type of mechanism used to explain the phenomena of interest. This
helps us to summarize existing work and propose integrative definitions of core con-
structs, such as ‘organizational category’, ‘organizational audience’, ‘category strad-
dling’, and ‘category emergence’. The purpose of this exercise is to provide a state of the
art for categories research, a common lexicon that bridges the various streams of
management research that are currently utilizing categories.
Third, we suggest that the literature on organizational categories would be enhanced
through a more programmatic integration of insights from cognitive psychology and
economic sociology. Linking back to our lexicon, we argue that overlooked insights from
cognitive psychology may hold the key to unlocking novel understandings about the
relationship between organizations and categories. In this regard, our aim is to extend
and formalize an integrative research agenda that helps to crystallize an organizational
perspective on categories. The paper thus ends with a research agenda and discusses
some methodological guidelines that could be used in future works that advance the
organizational categories perspective.
CATEGORIZING CATEGORIES RESEARCH (1999–2012)
Origins of the Literature and Core Assumptions
Categorization is a ubiquitous process that plays out across a wide variety of contexts. For
instance, movies are categorized into genres (Hsu, 2006a), patents into technology classes
(Wry and Lounsbury, 2013), mutual funds into high and low risk (Lounsbury and Rao,
2004), and listed corporations into industries (Zuckerman, 1999). While the boundaries
between categories cannot always be neatly drawn (Wittgenstein, 2010), categories
nonetheless play a key role in imposing coherence on the social world by partitioning
items into groups. As such, they are shaped by perceptions and in return shape cognition,
thereby helping individuals to quickly and efficiently process vast amounts of information
(Douglas, 1986; Zerubavel, 1996). Further, by enabling commensuration, categories
provide an anchor for making judgments about value and worth. Some categories are
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systematically privileged over others (Lakoff, 1987) and the meaning systems embedded
within categories facilitate the stratification of their members based on certain attributes
(Rosch and Lloyd, 1978). Based on these properties, researchers in the social sciences
have cultivated research programmes dedicated to studying the micro-cognitive mecha-
nisms behind category perceptions and categorization processes as well as the macro-
social implications that these have for actors and organizations.
This line of research underlies several important assumptions that are shared among
category scholars. First, categories embody behavioural expectations shaped at the
interface between producers and audiences. These two groups of actors have limited
attentional and cognitive resources, and they can make mistakes as they formulate
judgments (Baum and Lant, 2003; Porac et al., 1995). As well, producers and audiences
are conceived of as agentic, that is, what they do and how they interact can modify the
structure of the categories in which their cognition is embedded (Rao et al., 2005). In
terms of intellectual heritage, this means that category studies depart both from the
rational ‘efficient-market’ perspective and from a neo-institutionalist view which sees
institutions as stable patterns that mostly constrain agency to produce increasing
amounts of organizational homogeneity (Zuckerman, 1999). In addition, by redefining
an industry as a category of organizations that resemble each other and compete to some
extent, category studies question the implicit assumptions of research streams that see
competitive patterns as the result of an exogenously-given industry structure (e.g., see the
Porac and Thomas (1990) critique of Porter’s 1980 classic book). Thus, it is against those
three influential research traditions that the categories literature must be assessed.
In psychology, scholars have made considerable efforts to understand the micro-
foundations of categorization, examining both the properties of categories and the
cognitive processes through which actors perceive them. While by no means an exhaus-
tive list, research has examined the internal attribute structure of various categories
(Rosch and Lloyd, 1978), the arrangement of categories into hierarchies that classify
items into more or less inclusive groups (Rosch, 1999), variation in the schemes that
different actors use to categorize the same objects ( Johnson and Mervis, 1997), the
varying bases for constructing categories (Spalding and Murphy, 1996), and the ways in
which individuals comprehend items that mix elements from multiple categories (Cohen
and Murphy, 1984; Hampton, 1988). By comparison, sociologists have tended to be
more concerned with the consequences that categories have once they are formed and
their meanings widely shared. Again, while not an exhaustive list, studies in this milieu
have focused on the meaning systems embedded within categories and category systems,
particularly as they relate to role conformity, collective identity dynamics, social sanc-
tioning, and the evaluation of category members by external audiences (DiMaggio, 1991;
Douglas, 1986; Mohr and Duquenne, 1997). Cognate research in economic sociology
has focused on the ways in which categories partition fields and markets, and thus
provide the infrastructure necessary for economic exchange (Pachucki and Breiger,
2010; White, 2002).
Drawing on these base literatures, management scholars have used categories as a lens
for understanding a wide range of organizational phenomenon. Anchored by early work
published by Porac and colleagues (Porac and Thomas, 1990; Porac et al., 1989, 1995),
the cognitive psychological perspective has proven especially fruitful for understanding
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how strategists conceive of the external environment and their firm’s position therein.
Indeed, evidence suggests that competitive dynamics within industries are structured
through the mental models of organizational managers (McNamara et al., 2002; Porac
et al., 1989). On the macro-side, organization theorists starting with Ezra Zuckerman
(1999) have theorized categories as a feature of the external environment, and focused on
their disciplining functions. For instance, studies have examined how categories shape
the allocation of attention among various organizations (Zuckerman, 1999; Zuckerman
and Kim, 2003) as well as their role in facilitating comparisons among the firms and
products that comprise different categories (Hsu and Hannan, 2005; Phillips and
Zuckerman, 2001; Rao et al., 2005). In particular, this work has emphasized the organi-
zational ‘imperative’ of fitting into a specific category as a precursor to acquiring both
social approval and material resources (Lounsbury and Glynn, 2001; Zuckerman, 1999).
Review Methodology
To formally assess the integration of categories insights into the management literature,
we began by constructing a sampling frame designed to capture the full population of
relevant studies. Several definitions for ‘organizational category’ have been proposed by
scholars and, even though they overlap to a large extent (Negro et al., 2010), they are still
different enough for the boundaries of category studies in the management literature to
be fuzzy. Acknowledging the existence of a variety of approaches to the notion of
‘organizational category’, we thus relied on an iterative approach that resulted in the
identification of 97 papers that form the core of this literature stream over the last 14
years. We chose 1999 as the start of our observation window because it coincides with the
publication of two seminal pieces: Zuckerman (1999), which is seen by many as the origin
of the sociological view on industry categories, and Rosa et al. (1999), which crystallized
scholarly interest around the socio-cognitive dynamics of product categories.[2]
After a naïve search in Thomson Reuter’s Web of Science (WOS) database using
‘categor*’ as a keyword, we skimmed through the titles and abstracts of the papers
published in more than 150 journals. We found that all the papers using categories as the
primary level of analysis were published in the second half of the 1990s and later.
Looking at these articles, it was clear that many bore the imprint of Porac and colleagues’
early work (Porac and Thomas, 1990; Porac et al., 1989, 1995) and focused on the
self-categorization of organizations into strategic groups. Starting at the turn of the
millennium, another stream of papers began to appear, anchored by Zuckerman’s (1999)
sociological view of categories as carriers of the cultural infrastructure that audiences use
to understand and evaluate organizations.
To identify journals that publish categorization research, we searched for all papers
that cited both Porac et al. (1989) and Zuckerman (1999). Our final list of journals
included the 20 which published the most papers citing these two seminal works, as well
as all of the journals in the Financial Times 45 list, resulting in a final sample of 52
journals. To identify core papers in the organizational categories literature, we searched
each journal from 1999 to 2012 using two filters. First, we searched for ‘categor*’or
organizational form*’ in the title, keywords, and abstract fields of the WOS database.[3] At
this stage, we excluded papers that used these terms without reference to the theoretical
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concept of ‘organizational category’ (e.g., quotes like: ‘We also find that the greater the
range of upper echelon affiliations across the categories of upstream, horizontal, and
downstream affiliations, the more . . .’ were excluded). Second, from the remaining
articles, we excluded those that did not substantially address (at least one of) the following
concepts: audience*, collection*, group*, evaluat*, classif *, critic*, producer*, member*,
cluster*, code*, identit*, boundar*.[4] This yielded a final sample of 97 papers comprising
the core organizational categories literature published between 1999 and 2012.
We read each of the 97 papers in full, systematically analysing their main charac-
teristics: research methods, dependent variables of interest, explanatory mechanisms,
theories drawn upon, and the type of category examined. The Appendix at the end of
the paper details the codes that we assigned to each paper. This Appendix is meant to
be a simplified representation of the evolution of categorization research over the last
14 years. Papers are presented in chronological order but the list can be searched
through easily using seven criteria: author name, method, dependent variable,
explanatory mechanism, audience type, category type, and complementary theoretical
perspectives.
Surveying the Scholarly Landscape
Theoretical fragmentation and a shifting worldview. The overriding finding of our review is that
the research on organizational categories is fragmented. Reflecting the division of cat-
egory studies among social sciences disciplines, the organizational literature shows evi-
dence of a divide between studies that draw on cognitive psychology and focus on
organizational self-categorization (Porac et al., 1989), versus those that are oriented in
sociology and the categorization of organizations by (usually) external audiences (Hsu
and Hannan, 2005; Zuckerman, 1999). Figure 1 displays this divide. In recent years,
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
0.25
0.30
0.35
0.40
0.45
0.50
1997-2001 2002-2006 2007-2012
Categorical Imperave Self-Categorizaon Both
Figure 1. Self-categorization vs. categorical imperative in categorization research
Note: In Figures 1–5, y-axis displays the number of papers concerned as proportions (calculated from the full
sample of 97 papers).
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there has been a trend towards examining organizational self-categorization from a
sociological perspective – as indicated in the ‘both’ line in Figure 1 – with studies arguing
that legitimacy is predicated on an organization conveying an identity that fits within an
established category (e.g., Lounsbury and Glynn, 2001; Navis and Glynn, 2011; Wry
et al., 2011). However, studies that take a cognitive psychological view to ‘self-
categorization’ can be distinguished from ‘categorical imperative’ studies based on their
conceptualization of category dynamics, boundaries, and identities, as well as in their
approach to contestation, and the importance of labels. Table I contrasts the two per-
spectives in more detail.
In this regard, studies adopting a psychological perspective to self-categorization take
the view that organizations with common attributes see themselves as cohabitants within
the same category. Sparked to a considerable extent by Porac and colleagues’ early work
(Porac and Thomas, 1990; Porac et al., 1989, 1995) this view was responsible for much
of the early integration of categories insights into the management literature. The
majority of this work focused on how the category structure of an industry, and the
associated cognitive maps used by managers, affect competitive dynamics. This work is
commonly associated with the literature on competitive groups in strategic management
(e.g., McNamara et al., 2002; Reger and Huff, 1993).
Looking at these studies, it is interesting to note that while they opened the door for
management scholars to draw on the broad categories literature in cognitive psychology,
this integration was ad hoc and selective. For example, Porac and colleagues (Porac and
Table I. Self-categorization vs. categorical imperative
Self-categorization (SC) Categorical imperative (CI)
Category dynamics Emphasis on the ability of
organizations to construe/create
categories and act upon that basis
Emphasis on the ability of external
audiences to impose constraints or
sanctions on category members (e.g.,
organizations)
Category boundaries In flux, fuzzy, and ambiguous Defined clearly by external audiences
but can change over time or differ
across audiences
Inter-organizational
identity dynamics
Managerial attention and cognition,
and organizational rivalry shape
categories
Collective identities and identity codes
are selected, borrowed, and
recombined
Source of legitimacy Self-selection into the category,
imitative behaviour, strategic use of
linguistic tools (rhetoric, storytelling
etc.)
Understanding of externally imposed
codes and norms, and conformance
of identity claims to those codes and
norms
Source of contestation Cognitive limitations; management
errors
Category straddling, hybridity,
ambiguity of boundaries
Category legitimacy
comes from
Shared understanding and interpretive
frames among members
Shared understanding and interpretive
frames among external audiences
Importance of labels Crucial when organizations seek
membership into an existing
category
Crucial when external audiences agree
on labelling practices
J.-P. Vergne and T. Wry62
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
Thomas, 1990; Porac et al., 1989, 1995) drew on research about hierarchical category
structures (Rosch and Lloyd, 1978) – see the definition of ‘classification hierarchy’ below – to
map the category structure of the Scottish knitwear industry. However, subsequent
studies did not engage the implications of this insight in a systematic way, nor did they
engage the broader range of insights that cognitive psychologists were generating about
the internal structure of categories, the comprehension of mixed categories, and the
potential for individuals to use different grouping criteria to form categories (Cohen and
Murphy, 1984; Hampton, 1988; Spalding and Murphy, 1996; Rosch and Lloyd, 1978).
We see this as a missed opportunity.
In comparison, the ‘categorical imperative’ treats categories as components of the
external environment and associates them with the expectations that audiences such as
critics, regulators, employees, and consumers impose on different ‘types’ of organizations
(Hsu and Hannan, 2005; Zuckerman, 1999). The central insight is that categories convey
the cultural ‘codes’ that are associated with belonging to a particular category and thus
facilitate a two-mode evaluation process where audiences first determine which category
an organization fits into, and then determine the degree to which it conforms to category
expectations (Phillips and Zuckerman, 2001; and see Durand and Paolella, 2013 for a
discussion and review). This view can be traced to Zuckerman’s (1999) influential study
showing that firms which failed to conform to specific industry categories were system-
atically overlooked by analysts who specialized in their industries, resulting in lower, and
more volatile, share prices (see also Hsu, 2006b; Hsu et al., 2009; Zuckerman et al.,
2003).
As Figure 1 shows, there has been a progressive shift towards the categorical impera-
tive view among management scholars. Given that culture and meaning are important
to most contemporary organization theories (Weber and Dacin, 2011), it is not surprising
that the categorical imperative has diffused across multiple management disciplines. For
example, it is now widely accepted in the identity literature that organizations seek out
distinctive identities within the context of collective identity categories (Lounsbury and
Glynn, 2001; Wry et al., 2011). Organizational ecologists have drawn on similar insights
to sharpen their theorization of organizational forms and niches as grounded in collective
identity ‘codes’ (Hannan, 2010; Hsu and Hannan, 2005). Institutional theorists have also
found common cause with the categories literature, showing that categories shape action
by conveying cultural norms and expectations, such as those associated with institutional
logics (Jones et al., 2012) and social movement frames (Rao et al., 2003). In this regard,
categories are a useful theoretical tool because they capture meaning at a level that is
organizationally proximate, amenable to empirical modelling, and capable of integrating
meanings from higher-order aggregates, such as logics, without being subsumed by
them.
By comparison, the literature on competitive groups associated with early category
papers published in the aftermath of the Porac et al. contributions, has lost momentum
as an auxiliary to organizational category studies. Figure 2 plots integration of category
insights across various domains of management literature over time.
Along with the ascendance of the categorical imperative, there has been a shift in the
dependent variables typically used in category studies. Figure 3 plots seven outcome
variables that have been examined since 1999. From this, it is clear that focus has
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0.35
1997-2001 2002-2006 2007-2012
Instuonal theory Populaon ecology
Compeve groups Sociology of markets
Organizaonal Identy Social Movement
Social Networks Technological change
Figure 2. Comparative use of various complementary theories in categorization papers
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0.20
0.25
0.30
0.35
1997-2001 2002-2006 2007-2012
Producer response/perf Category emergence
Shiing boundaries Classicaon process
Selecon (exit/entry) Audience reacon/rang
Identy formaon/change
Figure 3. Comparative study of various dependent variables in categorization research
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shifted away from the producer-side of the category equation – typically associated
with a cognitive psychological approach – to the audience-side view advanced by the
categorical imperative. Looking within these studies, it is also clear that sociological
mechanisms have become the most prominent means used to explain category effects. As
Figure 4 shows, the most common mechanisms found in recent papers are the charac-
teristics of the categorization process itself, membership-seeking behaviour, and the need
to acquire legitimacy. As such, whereas early research on organizational self-
categorization focused on psychological explanations to explain perceptions of industry
structure (Porac et al., 1989), more recent work highlights the role of legitimacy and
membership-seeking in self-categorization processes (Glynn, 2008; Navis and Glynn,
2011; Wry et al., 2011).
Methodological pluralism. As shown in Figure 5, categorization research welcomes diverse
methodologies. Still, quantitative regression-based studies have dominated the field.
Interview-based papers are rare, while theoretical refinements based on case studies have
become more popular and, to some extent, seem to have replaced pure theory papers in
recent years. There is also a trend towards papers using content analysis to examine the
cultural meanings associated with specific categories (see Weber et al., 2008 as an
exemplar of this approach).
A decentralized research arena. We looked at the university affiliations of the 97 papers’
authors. For each paper, we attributed one point in the following way: for single-
authored papers, the point was attributed to the primary university with which the
author was affiliated at the time of publication; for co-authored papers, each affiliated
university was attributed 1/N points, with N being the number of authors. In total, we
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0.30
0.35
0.40
1997-2001 2002-2006 2007-2012
Audience evaluaon Legimaon
Membership seeking Process of categorizaon
Category straddling Compeon
Figure 4. Comparative use of various explanatory mechanisms in categorization research
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attributed 97 affiliation points. Two universities stand out and seem to play a central role
in this research arena: Stanford University (11.6 points) and Emory University (8.8
points). University of California–Davis places as a far third with 3.6 points, and another
seven universities score more than 2 points. But the top ten affiliations only account for
42.8 points out of 97, which means that the literature has been enriched over time by
contributions coming from dozens of institutions, in a very decentralized fashion. Geo-
graphically, though, the affiliation patterns show a fair amount of concentration on the
USA (16 affiliations out of the top 20 correspond to US universities; 2 are Canadian, 1
is Asian, and 1 European).
‘Category studies’ do not exist . . . until 2009. Reflecting the fragmentation at the level of
scholarly engagement and the associated proliferation of terminology across various
strands of research, there have historically been very few references to ‘category studies’
as a distinct area within management research. Indeed, we searched for occurrences of
‘categor* theory’, ‘categor* literature’, ‘categor* research’, and their common variants in
the 97 papers that we identified and found almost no mention of these terms before 2009.
In earlier papers, categories were mostly referred to as intermediary constructs that could
complement our understanding of organizational phenomena from the viewpoint of
already established theories. However, since 2009, references to a distinct categories
literature have been much more frequent, with scholars increasingly examining
categorization systems (Fleischer, 2009; Ruef and Patterson, 2009; Wry and Lounsbury,
2013), category properties (Kennedy et al., 2010; Negro et al., 2011; Pontikes, 2012), and
new category emergence (Kennedy, 2008; Khaire and Wadhwani, 2010).
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1997-2001 2002-2006 2007-2012
Theory Interviews/Survey
Content Analysis Case study
Network analysis Regression
Figure 5. Comparative use of various methods in categorization research
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Indeed, there is evidence of authors reversing the approach of using categories to enrich
other theories, and instead borrowing elements from other perspectives to enrich categories
research (see, for instance, the increasing use of ‘legitimation’ in Figure 4). For example, in
their 2004 paper on product categories in the mutual fund industry, Lounsbury and Rao drew
on the concept of product category to contribute to the literatures on ‘industry media’,
‘institutional analysis’, and the ‘political-cultural approach to markets’ ( pp. 990–93). Eight
years later, Jones et al. (2012), in a paper on product categories in architecture, drew on
institutional analysis primarily to ‘extend category research’ ( p. 1524). In other words,
categories are no longer exclusively considered an independent variable that has the potential
to contribute to established theories. Rather, they are beginning to emerge as a research area
that scholars are claiming contributions to, possibly drawing on auxiliary literatures in the
process. Still, if we consider Porac et al. (1989) as a seminal paper that catalysed the early
integration of categories insights into the management literature, it means that it took 20 years
for the scholarly community to begin recognizing the emergence of category studies as a
distinct area of management scholarship!
Despite this recent trend, the definitional landscape of category studies bears the
imprint of its history as an auxiliary to other approaches. Thus, while there are a number
of common assumptions about categories and their effects among management theories
(Negro et al., 2010), there has been a proliferation of terms used to label concepts that are
conceptually quite similar. And, while this has likely helped to propel categories research
within specific domains, we suspect that some pruning would help to facilitate a more
inclusive research conversation with ‘category studies’ – rather than extant management
disciplines – as the key theoretical anchor.
ANOTHER CATEGORICAL IMPERATIVE: BUILDING A
COMMON LEXICON
Despite increasing recognition of ‘category studies’ as a unique area within management
scholarship, the conceptual landscape is littered with terms that are nominally distinct,
yet refer to similar or overlapping constructs. Still, when we examine current category
studies, it is clear that almost all share a sociological orientation. As such, there are no
fundamental ontological differences standing in the way of a research conversation
emerging among category scholars with an interest in organizational ecology, collective
identity, strategy, or neo-institutionalism. At the same time, the convergent insights that
may be generated through such conversation may help to significantly advance ‘category
studies’ as a distinct and impactful research area.
In this section, we provide integrative definitions of the categorization perspective’s
core constructs in an attempt to bridge the various research streams identified in our
literature review. While we feature relevant definitions from earlier studies based in
cognitive psychology, our lexicon reflects the current prominence of the categorical
imperative, and is thus dominated by definitions associated with this ontological
approach. In what follows, we lump together different labels that are similar enough for
us to identify a meaningful common denominator. Our definitions essentially delineate
categories of phenomena, and we sought to maximize contrast between definitions and
minimize the number of duplicate labels as we worked towards writing this lexicon.[5]
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Organizational Category
An organizational category is recognized as such when similar member organizations and a set of
associated external audiences come to a mutual understanding of the material and symbolic resources that
serve as a basis to assess membership in the category. Material resources include technologies,
skills, and funding sources. Symbolic resources include identities, certifications, and
cultural features (see Wry et al., 2013). Often, material and symbolic aspects of categories
are ‘thickly interwoven’ (Porac et al., 2011, p. 652). A category only exists to the extent
that it is recognized as a salient unit of analysis by a sufficient number of member
organizations and external audiences (e.g., critics, the media, or regulatory bodies). This
definition, in most contexts, would overlap to a large extent with that of an ‘organiza-
tional form’, defined as a category whose legitimation among relevant audiences exceeds
a certain threshold (Hannan et al., 2007, p. 85).
Product Category
A product category is recognized as such when similar sociotechnical artefacts come to be exchanged as
products within a distinct market segment that serves as a basis for interaction between producers, buyers,
and external audiences (e.g., critics). A product category coalesces around a set of sufficiently
similar product features involving technologies, cultural features, values, and potential
uses.
Audience
In many respects, the concept of ‘audience’ transposes the notion of ‘stakeholder’ from
the organizational to the organizational category level. An audience is a group of individuals
or organizations that enters into a relationship of mutual dependence with an organizational category.
This relationship is based on the following characteristics: (1) an audience attends to category members’
offerings (e.g., products, jobs, shares, suggested policy reforms, information, values) as part of a com-
parison set, considering both the offerings of the category as a whole and, comparatively, of the category’s
various members; (2) an audience directly or indirectly exerts control over the material and symbolic output
of category members; and (3) an audience can reward or sanction category members. An audience can
be internal (e.g. employees) or external to the category’s member organizations (e.g.
financial analysts).
For example, financial analysts specializing in the restaurant industry provide an
opinion about the industry as a whole, and then, comparatively, formulate recommen-
dations for investors about the various corporations categorized in that industry (Hsu and
Hannan, 2005; Zuckerman, 1999). By influencing investor decisions, they exert indirect
control over the financial resources available to category members, and direct control
over members’ reputation, thereby affecting both material and symbolic aspects of the
category. When analysts decide to upgrade or downgrade their rating of category
members, they reward or sanction members.
Classification Hierarchy (or Categorization Hierarchy)
A classification hierarchy is a cognitive representation of the structural relationships between categories that
has achieved some consensus among category members and/or audiences. A classification hierarchy
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describes the various levels at which categorization takes place and defines how these
levels are embedded or nested within one another (e.g., firms are often categorized by
industry, then within industries by product type). In industry-based classification hierar-
chies, certain sub-categories within industries are also known as niches. At the population
level, niches are defined at the intersection of certain types of organizational capabilities,
product offerings, and audience tastes (Hannan, 2010).
While categories are meaningful at all levels of a hierarchy, they are not equally
influential or salient (see definition of ‘category saliency’ below). The types of distinctions
that managers rely on to determine key competitors (Porac et al., 1989) and audiences
use to evaluate organizations and products (Zuckerman, 1999) are based on ‘basic’ level
categories: the level of categorization that maximizes the number of attributes shared by
members, and minimizes the number of attributes shared with other categories (Rosch
and Lloyd, 1978).
A classification hierarchy is said to be stable when both category members and key
audiences recognize it. When there is disagreement, the hierarchy is said to be ‘contested’
or ‘in flux’. Contested hierarchies typically witness an ongoing evolution of the category
boundaries that underlie their structure.
Category Boundaries (or Categorical Boundaries)
In absolute terms, category boundaries define what lies inside and what lies outside a category. In relative
terms, category boundaries help distinguish between different categories. Category boundaries often consist
of lists of category attributes that offerings must possess to fall within the category’s boundaries. Category
boundaries can be more or less stable, more or less clear, and can be subject to
disagreement among category members and audiences (see Lamont and Molnar, 2002).
Congruence between an organization’s offerings and what lies within a category’s
boundaries is not enough for the organization to establish membership in the category
(i.e., it is a necessary but not sufficient condition).
Category Membership
An organization is recognized as a category member by audiences and other members when: (1) they
believe that the organization’s offerings fall within the boundaries of the category; and (2) they believe
that the organization is focused enough. In the late 1980s, many financial analysts specializing
in the restaurant industry did not cover PepsiCo despite the fact that the firm’s offer-
ings fell within the boundaries of that industry (via brands such as Taco Bell, KFC, or
Pizza Hut). That is because PepsiCo did not meet the second requirement – the firm
was not focused enough and was mostly seen as a beverage company (Zuckerman,
1999). Note that perfect agreement across all audience members is not a requirement
of this definition or limitation to its applicability. In fact, disagreement represents an
empirical opportunity to measure membership in a non-binary way (e.g., Zuckerman
found that 20 per cent of analysts considered PepsiCo a member of the fast-food
category, so membership was neither 0 nor 1 at the aggregate level). Different research
streams within the literature have come to a similar conclusion regarding the existence
of ‘diagnostic attributes’, i.e. core attributes that are most correlated with others to
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predict category membership (Porac et al., 2011, p. 656; this notion is akin to the ‘test
code’ described by Hannan et al., 2007, p. 81 and parallels discussions about ‘cue
validity’ in cognitive psychology, e.g. Rosch and Lloyd, 1978).
Partial Membership
Based on the previous definition, partial membership in a category occurs when: (1) the partial
member’s offering possesses some, but not all, the category attributes used to make a boundary assessment;
and (2) the partial member is not focused enough, in terms of its offerings, to be perceived as a full member.
Partial membership can be caused by (1) or by (2), exclusively, or by a combination
of the two. For an organization to fall within the ‘fast-food restaurant’ category,
for instance, it must possess attributes such as ‘friendly atmosphere’, ‘counter service’,
‘limited menu’, and ‘bright colours’ (Porac and Thomas, 1994). A restaurant
chain could be considered a partial member of the ‘fast-food’ category if it possesses
only three of the four category attributes cited above. Or it could be considered
a partial member if it is also significantly involved in other activities (say,
farming), thereby decreasing perception of focus among audiences because of diversi-
fication. PepsiCo, for instance, was judged focused enough by only two out of
ten analysts specializing in the restaurant industry (Zuckerman, 1999), resulting in
an assessment of partial membership from the viewpoint of that audience, and despite
the firm’s restaurant chains possessing all the attributes listed in the category’s
definition.
A widely-used measure of a member’s focus on any given category is grade of membership
(or GoM, cf. Hannan et al., 2007). For example, if a restaurant ‘is categorized as
belonging to “Chicken wings” and “Fast food”, we assign it a GoM of one-half in each
of these categories and a GoM of zero in all of the others’ (Kovács and Hannan, 2010).
There are limitations to this approach, though. In the previous example, GoM captures
requirement (2) above but not (1), so it is only a partial measure of partial membership
(e.g., it does not capture how many ‘fast-food’ attributes the restaurant possesses out of
the four identified by Porac and Thomas). Also, while there are a variety of ways that an
organization might dilute its GoM in a category, the measure treats them as equivalents.
This has been recognized as problematic in the cognitive psychology literature (Cohen
and Murphy, 1984).
External Identity (or Code)
The material and symbolic resources that serve as a basis for external audiences to assess membership in
a category define the category’s external identity (or code). External identities form the basis of audience
expectations. Violation of those expectations can lead to social sanctions for category members (Durand
et al., 2007; Hannan et al., 2003; McKendrick et al., 2003). External identities may be
construed by borrowing elements from several institutional logics ( Jones et al., 2012) –
defined as coherent nexuses of material practices and sociocultural elements that convey
meaning and drive agency – but this is not required for a code to emerge (Kennedy,
2008; Khaire and Wadhwani, 2010; Weber et al., 2008).
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Category Straddling (or Category Spanning)
An organization engages in category straddling when it has simultaneous membership in two or more
categories located at the same level of the classification hierarchy. For instance, an ‘American
thriller’ does not straddle categories, but a ‘comedy-thriller’ does (at the ‘genre’ level of
classification), and an American-Indian comedy does too (at the ‘country’ level of
classification). Both ‘genre’ and ‘country’ are salient categories in the movie industry, as
visible in the Internet Movie Database for instance.
Category straddling makes social evaluations more neutral, i.e. a positively-perceived
organization that straddles categories will receive less positive social evaluations (Hsu,
2006a; Hsu et al., 2009), and a negatively-perceived organization that straddles catego-
ries will receive less negative social evaluations (Vergne, 2012). This effect is reinforced
when: the straddled categories have high contrast (Kovács and Hannan, 2010) or high
saliency (Vergne, 2012), when the audience consists of market-takers as opposed to
market-makers (Pontikes, 2012), when an organization straddles more than its peers
(Durand et al., 2007), or when the straddling organization is strongly identified with the
illegitimate category of which it becomes a member (Alexy and George, 2013). Con-
versely, this effect is mitigated when the straddled categories are nascent (Ruef and
Patterson, 2009) or have low currency (Alexy and George, 2013), when many peers have
already straddled in the past (Rao et al., 2005), or when the straddled categories involve
either common types of knowledge or similar economic activities (Wry and Lounsbury,
2013).
Category Legitimacy vs. Category Legitimation
As visible in Figures 2 and 4 above, both organizational ecology and institutional theory
have significantly contributed to the development of category studies within organiza-
tional research. But these two theoretical streams differ in important ways and this may
partly explain the lack of theoretical integration within categories research. In particular,
the concepts of legitimation (Hannan et al., 2007) and legitimacy (Suchman, 1995) refer
to different phenomena, but these differences are often overlooked by category research-
ers, sometimes resulting in confusing statements.[6]
Whereas for category researchers inspired by institutional theory, legitimacy is about
congruence with broad social norms (Suchman, 1995), scholars in the ecological tradition view
legitimation as ‘conformity of feature values to schemata’, such that ‘legitimation grows with the level of
consensus within the audience about the meaning of a label’ (Hannan et al., 2007, p. 98). Thus,
according to the former, a criminal organization is not legitimate because it violates
many of the norms that society regards as appropriate. But according to the latter, a
criminal organization can be legitimate provided that it conforms to the population
schemata (e.g., the boss must be chosen among close family members).
In studies of category emergence, where congruence with social norms and internal fit
with population schemata are simultaneously at stake, conflating category legitimacy and
category legitimation can be very problematic. In particular, a category of organizations
may well achieve legitimation without achieving legitimacy, as Hudson and Okhuysen
(2009) showed in the case of men’s bathhouses (see also the definition of ‘stigmatized
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category’ below, and Vergne (2011) for methodological implications in terms legitimacy
measurement). As well, an emerging category of firms can gain legitimacy without
gaining legitimation, as is the case in new industries that serve appropriate social goals
but still lack consensual schemata that guarantee the industry’s economic sustainability
(e.g., the solar energy industry).
The notion of ‘category currency’, defined as the extent to which a category has ‘clear
meaning and positive appeal’ (Kennedy et al., 2010, p. 372), can be seen as a way to
bridge the notions of legitimation (‘clear meaning’) and legitimacy (‘positive appeal’). As
currency increases, audience attention shifts from the category as a whole to the differ-
entiation of firms within (Navis and Glynn, 2010). However, in industry settings where
legitimacy and legitimation are uncorrelated – typically in stigmatized industries and in
certain emerging markets – it may be preferable to maintain the distinction between
meaning clarity and appeal by keeping separate the two notions of category legitimation
and category legitimacy. In fact, attending simultaneously to phenomena of legitimation
and legitimacy represents a promising avenue for integrating the institutional and eco-
logical streams within a broader theory of organizational categories.
Category Prototype
There are several accepted definitions of what constitutes a prototype. The term derives
from the Greek word ‘prototypon’ which refers to the original or primitive form.
According to this definition, the most prototypical firm in an industry would be the
oldest one. However, modern category studies have insisted on the central role of the
producer–audience interface, which led to a redefinition of the category prototype as the most
representative or central member of a category in the eyes of a given audience (Rosch and Mervis,
1975).
Still, this definition has been interpreted in three different ways. Some see the proto-
type as the average member of a category (see Tunney and Fernie, 2012, for a discussion).
Accordingly, a prototypical industry member is a firm that scores average values on the
most salient attributes of the industry category (e.g., average revenues, average profits,
average product quality). Others conceive of the prototype as the most salient member of
a category from the viewpoint of the audience. More specifically, the prototypical firm in
an industry would then be the one that respondents name first when asked: ‘Could you
name a firm in industry X?’ If respondents were asked to name a firm in the mobile
phone industry, they may first think of Apple because the firm is highly visible, although
it is probably very far from the industry’s average member ( perhaps HTC would be
closer to that average and fit best the definition of prototype-as-average in that industry).
Note that these two interpretations of the notion differ in significant ways: whereas the
‘prototype-as-average’ helps identify the central tendency in a category, the ‘high-
saliency-prototype’ will likely point to an extreme case, that is, an outlier. Finally, a third
stream of research conceives of the prototype not as a member of a category (average or
extreme) but as an abstract representation that encodes the salient attributes of the category
members ( Jones et al., 2012).
While it is well beyond the scope of this paper to provide a unified theory of proto-
typicality, we believe that category scholars should be aware of the different definitions
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of this construct. To foster knowledge accumulation in the long run, we suggest testing
these different perspectives against one another using qualitative research designs (e.g.,
surveying a category’s audience would help understand which prototypes they actually
have in mind). In the short run, instead of trying to measure prototypicality in general
terms, scholars could focus their measurement effort on more precise constructs with
higher internal validity, such as saliency (by surveying the audience of interest), isomor-
phism (often measured as deviation from industry average), or fit with schemata (by
looking at departure from population templates).
Category Properties
Category attributes. These are dimensions of an organization’s offering that are used by category
members and audiences to assess whether the offering falls within categorical boundaries. The inclusion
of attributes in a category’s definition can be more or less consensual among category
members and audiences, and certain category attributes may weigh more than others in
the boundary assessment. Possession of certain attributes but not others can lead to an
assessment of partial membership in the category.
Category fuzziness. A category’s boundaries are fuzzier when: (1) there is disagreement among
producers and audiences about which attributes enter the category’s definition; and (2) category members
have multiple memberships in other categories (or, equivalently, have a low GoM). Fuzzier
boundaries result in more difficulties to assess category membership. For instance, if
audiences disagree on whether a restaurant must have counter service to be considered
a fast-food category member, or if many members of that category have simultaneous
memberships in the coffee shop industry, then the fast-food category will be fuzzier and
membership harder to assess.
Category contrast. This is the average GoM across all category members (e.g., Negro et al., 2011).
A higher contrast logically implies fuzzier boundaries (but the opposite is not true, since
fuzziness can be caused by disagreement about category attributes).
Category leniency. This is the extent to which category membership constrains affiliated organizations.
A category is more lenient to the extent that it has: (1) fuzzier boundaries; and (2) a stronger overlap in
attributes with other categories. As a consequence, lenient categories tend to be populated by
organizations with multiple category memberships (Pontikes, 2012).
Category saliency. This corresponds to how much attention audiences devote to a particular category
within the broader classification hierarchy. For instance, as they classify arms producers, expert
journalists devote more attention to country categories than to industry categories (e.g.,
whether an arms producer is American or Chinese matters more than its membership in
other industry categories, such as medical devices) (Vergne, 2012). In the Internet Movie
Database, a movie’s genre is systematically displayed before the movie’s country affilia-
tion, suggesting that genre categories are more salient than country categories in the film
industry.
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Category similarity. This reflects the extent to which two (or more) categories share attributes in
common. For instance, the categories for haute and nouvelle cuisine became increasingly
similar as chefs transposed practices and ingredients from one category into the other
(Rao et al., 2003). The penalty for spanning between categories is attenuated when
categories become similar (Wry and Lounsbury, 2013).
Category stigmatization. A stigmatized category carries a persistent liability that prompts out-
group members to keep their distance to avoid a potentially harmful association (Devers et al., 2009;
Hudson and Okhuysen, 2009; Vergne, 2012). Stigmatized industry categories include
weapons manufacturing, tobacco, abortion service providers, pornography ( Jensen,
2010), or cadaver trade (Anteby, 2010).
BUILDING AN INTEGRATIVE RESEARCH AGENDA
As our review suggests, the turn towards the categorical imperative in organizational
research has been exceptionally fruitful for developing insights about the relationship
between organizations and their external environment. From this perspective, categories
provide a powerful lens because they embody meaning at a level that is both organiza-
tionally proximate and amenable to empirical modelling. Perhaps more importantly,
though, categories can be empirically linked with audience perceptions and, in turn, their
willingness to provide material support to an organization. Based on this – and as our
lexicon shows – scholarship has progressed from illustrating the existence of category
effects (Hsu, 2006b; Hsu et al., 2009; Zuckerman, 1999) to more directly examining
category properties, relationships, combinations, and how these affect audience percep-
tions (Hsu and Hannan, 2005; Ruef and Patterson, 2009; Vergne, 2012; Wry and
Lounsbury, 2013). On one hand, this work has deepened our understanding of category
effects. However, it has also deflected attention away from the earlier cognitive approach
to categories research, arguably to the detriment of the field (Durand and Paolella, 2013;
Kennedy and Fiss, 2013).
As ‘category studies’ continue to emerge as a distinct research area, we see a
number of benefits in the field returning to its roots and embracing insights from
cognitive psychology (e.g., Porac and Thomas, 1990; Porac et al., 1989). To be clear,
we are not agitating for an ontological repositioning of categories research (Durand
and Paolella, 2013), or the reinvigoration of studies that link organizational self-
classification to competitive dynamics (Kaplan, 2011). Rather we argue that powerful
insights may emerge by identifying points of intersection between micro and macro
approaches to categories research. In particular, leveraging micro insights, such as how
audience members conceive of category prototypes and stereotypes (Durand and
Vergne, 2012), may help to provide a fresh perspective on macro-level category effects,
while laying the foundation for a uniquely organizational approach to category studies.
Thus, whereas the use of categories as an auxiliary perspective focuses on its intersec-
tion with different organizational theories, a discrete focus on category studies signals
the utility of ‘looking across the fence’ (Agarwal and Hoetker, 2007) to consider mul-
tiple perspectives on categories and how these might be bridged in ways that advance
management scholarship more generally (see also Durand and Paolella, 2013;
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Kennedy and Fiss, 2013). Indeed, we find it somewhat ironic that studies which have
pursued questions about category structure, audience perceptions, and strategic cat-
egorization, have largely ignored research in adjacent disciplines that deal directly with
these issues. In what follows, we discuss a few – but by no means exhaustive – insights
from cognitive psychology that relate to these issues, highlighting their implications for
organizational category studies.
Category Structure
One of the main contributions of recent research on the categorical imperative has been
to show that its effects are moderated by category structure (Kovács and Hannan, 2010;
Negro et al., 2010; Ruef and Patterson, 2009; Wry and Lounsbury, 2013). As reflected
in our lexicon, this work importantly directs attention towards the importance of cat-
egory ‘similarity’, ‘fuzziness’, and ‘contrast’. However, while these are nominally differ-
ent considerations, each assumes that categories are more or less related in terms of
shared members and/or attributes, and that this affects the potency of their organiza-
tional effects. While this is undoubtedly true in some cases, insights from cognitive
psychology suggest that it is a partial view and that categories may be related in a variety
of other ways.
As reflected in early research on managerial categorization (Porac and Thomas, 1990;
Porac et al., 1989), studies in cognitive psychology have shown that categories are related
through their positions within a ‘classification hierarchy’ (Rosch et al., 1976). As with
other types of inter-category relationships, this may have important implications for the
potency of category effects. For instance, a higher-level category may comprise multiple
sub-categories. And, while the categorical imperative assumes that category mixing is
only problematic when categories at the same hierarchical level are mixed, this is not
assured. For instance, products or organizations may enjoy considerable leeway when it
comes to combining categories that share a common root (Rosch, 1978). To the extent
that this is true, it signals a potentially fruitful research direction examining the ways in
which categories variously enable and constrain innovation depending on their historical
trajectory. Indeed, it seems quite possible that categories with many sub-classes may
allow their members more leeway to innovate – and thus accommodate a broader range
of legitimate positions – than categories with few sub-categories (Brewer, 1993). Thus,
whereas the categorical imperative focuses on categories primarily as constraints, closer
consideration of hierarchical category structures may contribute to a broader under-
standing about the varying capacity of categories to accommodate innovation as well as
different strategic differentiation vectors (Deephouse, 1999).
In addition, the concepts of ‘fuzziness’ and ‘similarity’ associated with the categori-
cal imperative may be combined with insights about hierarchical relationships to
offer insights about the multifaceted nature of inter-category relationships. For
instance, categories at the same level of a classification hierarchy may be more or
less similar to each other, and categories may comprise sub-classes with varying
levels of contrast. In an initial attempt to bridge these views, Wry and Lounsbury
(2013) examined what happened when nanotechnology firms spanned individual
patent classes and how these effects shifted when these classes were associated with
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different higher-level categories, namely ‘science’ and ‘technology’. Whereas all types
of spanning had a detrimental effect on the likelihood of a firm receiving venture
capital, this effect was attenuated when spanning took place across similar categories,
and was reversed when it took place among similar patent classes that were associated
with different high-level categories. Building on this, we anticipate research that
embraces categorization as multifaceted and grapples with the implications that
this complexity has for our understanding of category effects (see also Zhao et al.,
2013).
In addition to highlighting the importance of considering hierarchical category-
relationships, cognitive psychological research has shown that categories can be symbi-
otically related (Cohen and Murphy, 1984; Hampton, 1988; Murphy, 1988). Thus,
rather than locating categories along a continuum ranging from similar/fuzzy to
distinct/high-contrast (Pontikes, 2012; Ruef and Patterson, 2009), this approach evokes
a view of categories as distinct, yet potentially related in a variety of different ways. This
has a number of implications for how we theorize category spanning and organizational
hybridity (Battilana and Dorado, 2010; Durand et al., 2007). For instance, the categori-
cal imperative assumes that mixing elements of multiple and distinct categories causes
problematic ambiguity about how an organization should be classified and evaluated
(Zuckerman, 1999). However, viewing category combinations as composites directs
attention to the ways that categories can be symbiotic and mutually supporting. Indeed,
studies have shown that ‘science’ can be a key input into ‘technological development’
(Rosenberg and Nelson, 1994) and that the economic activities of microfinance institu-
tions can help to enable their social outreach (Frank, 2008). Likewise, haute and nouvelle
cuisine were distinct categories for many years, during which understandings evolved
about how they might be appropriately mixed (Durand et al., 2007). In the global arms
industry, category spanning is the norm as industry members tend to have memberships
in multiple, unrelated industries, and only realize half of their revenues in the defence
sector on average (Vergne, 2012). While some hybrids are negatively viewed, it is
problematic to assume that this is always the case. As such, the integration of insights
from cognitive psychology highlights the importance of considering how categories are
related and the degree to which audiences view particular mixes as appropriate. A key
implication is that evaluation may not always take place against the backdrop of indi-
vidual categories: this is a considerable point of departure from the categorical impera-
tive, and something that future studies should take into account when theorizing category
effects.
Audience Perceptions
As reflected in our lexicon, ‘audiences’ and ‘codes’ are key explanatory mechanisms that
sociological approaches use to account for category effects (Hannan et al., 2003; Hsu and
Hannan, 2005; Lounsbury and Glynn, 2001; Wry et al., 2011). In this regard, extant
work makes a close association between individual categories and the codes that audi-
ences use to evaluate their members. As per our discussion above, cognitive psychology
points to opportunities for broadening this perspective. Indeed, studies of composite
concepts such as cognition (Hampton, 1988; Murphy, 1988) have shown that, while
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individual categories do indeed play an important role shaping cognition, audiences may
also have codes that are relevant to category combinations. Thus, audiences may be
readily able to interpret ‘category straddling’ organizations, contrary to the prediction of
the categorical imperative (see also Kennedy and Fiss, 2013).
More specifically, this approach directs attention to the importance of category
‘attributes’, and shows that the perception of category mixing relies on an asymmetric
structure where one category anchors interpretation, but has its attributes modified by
those of the other category (Cohen and Murphy, 1984). So, for instance, a ‘boathouse’
is a type of house, whose attributes are modified to fit with the attributes of the category
‘boat’. Similarly, ‘apartment dog’ implies a subset of the dogs whose attributes, such as
size and energy level, fit with the features of an ‘apartment’ (Hampton, 1988). This has
two potentially important implications for macro-category studies. First, it implies that
when theorizing about ‘category straddling’, it is important to account for the other-
category features of a product or organization, rather than just its ‘partial membership’
in a focal category (Hannan, 2010). Indeed, different forms of straddling may elicit very
different audience reactions. For example, two beverages might share an 80 per cent
‘grade of membership’ in the category ‘vodka’, but be perceived very differently depend-
ing on whether the 20 per cent dilution is ‘tonic’ or ‘acid’. Second, it suggests that the
relative balance between the categories that a product or organization straddles might
consequentially affect how it is evaluated. Indeed, mixing the same two categories may
elicit very different responses, depending on which is more prominent: a ‘boathouse’ for
example, is very different than a ‘houseboat’! In a more organizationally relevant
context, Frank (2008) suggests that, while all microfinance institutions mix profits and
social mission, those that lead with the former are more attractive to commercial capital
investors, while those that lead with the latter are typically forced to rely on grants and
donations.
The perception of category members by audiences also depends on social position and
expertise. High-status audiences are more likely to influence the evolution of category
boundaries, as was shown in the context of the rise of nouvelle cuisine (Durand et al.,
2007). As well, audience expertise is key in explaining category effects, yet little research
has looked into this issue thus far. Often, there are huge discrepancies between what
expert and non-expert audiences know about a particular category and its members.
This difference between expert and non-expert audiences may overlap to some extent
with the distinction between internal and external audiences, but this is not a necessity.
For instance, in the global arms industry, many large companies prefer to avoid public
association of their name with the industry and thus communicate very little about their
activities. Therefore, the general public heavily depends on what expert journalists write
about the sector in authoritative newspapers such as The New York Times to construe their
perception of the ‘arms producers’ category (Vergne, 2011, 2012). In fact, a deeper
examination of audience expertise may represent a promising way of researching the
implications of the divide between category legitimation and category legitimacy (cf.
lexicon above). In many industries, legitimacy understood as social appropriateness is
primarily derived from non-expert audiences (e.g., society at large has an opinion about
whether genetically-modified organisms (GMOs) should be sold at grocery stores), but it
is expert audiences that provide legitimation (e.g., scientists and government regulators
Categorizing Categorization Research 77
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
validate or not certain organizational templates among producers of GMOs, and such
templates remain largely invisible to the broader society). Thus, certain audiences pri-
marily legitimize categories (i.e., provide legitimacy) while others primarily legitimate them
(i.e., provide legitimation).
Strategic Categorization
Despite acknowledging that organizations ‘often try to shape category systems and
influence the choice of categories into which they are classified’ (Negro et al., 2010, p. 4),
studies associated with the categorical imperative tend to downplay this type of agency,
focusing instead on the influence of external audiences in categorization processes. A
notable exception, however, is the sociological research on entrepreneurship, which
highlights the importance of new ventures establishing their identity within an existing
category in order to establish legitimacy and mitigate the liability of newness (Lounsbury
and Glynn, 2001; Navis and Glynn, 2011; Wry et al., 2011). Still, the emphasis here is on
conforming to any category, rather than strategically pursuing membership in one cat-
egory versus another.
In recent years, however, there has been a move to embrace the type of agentic
self-categorization evident in early research on categories and cognition. Integrating this
with a sociological approach to categories and meaning, a nascent research stream has
begun to develop and test theory about the emergence of new categories (Kennedy,
2008; Khaire and Wadhwani, 2010; Navis and Glynn, 2010). Rather than viewing
categorization as an externally driven process (Hsu and Hannan, 2005), these studies
show that producer organizations can act strategically to theorize new categories around
‘codes’ and ‘attributes’ which may be discounted within extant categories. We welcome
this research and advocate for a fuller integration of strategy and agency into organiza-
tional category studies.
In particular, we envision exciting research in the area of strategic categorization.
Whereas emergence studies focus on the processes of building new categories, opportu-
nities abound to explore the ways in which organizations strategically signal their affili-
ation(s) within an existing category system. For instance, Vergne (2012) showed that
organizations can manipulate how they and their competitors are classified in order to
dilute a stigmatized identity. Advancing this direction, Zhao et al. (2013) also showed
that signalling membership in legitimate categories can help to offset the penalties
associated with genre spanning in the film industry. By providing a bridge between
studies of internal and external classification, these studies point to the tension that can
exist between organizations and their audiences and the potential role that power,
resources, and politics play in classification processes (Cornelissen, 2012; Santos and
Eisenhardt, 2009; Wry et al., 2013).
These topics are currently under-theorized in the categories literature, yet have a
number of potentially important implications. For instance, we anticipate research that
examines cases where groups struggle to define which category is ‘salient’ for evaluating
a firm. For example, there has been an ongoing fight between Uber (a car service that
integrates a smartphone app) and various taxi commissions over whether the most salient
category for the firm is as a ‘technology’ company or a ‘taxi’ company (Chen, 2012).
J.-P. Vergne and T. Wry78
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
Regulators argue that the firm most closely resembles a taxi company and, as such,
should be subject to regulatory oversight. Uber, however, argues that it is a technology
company and should not be required to pay licensing fees or be accountable to regulatory
restrictions. The outcomes of this contestation have implications for the company’s very
survival (Chen, 2012). Likewise, in 2011, a US Congress bill blocked a Department of
Agriculture effort that would have made it harder to offer pizza in the federally subsi-
dized school lunch programme. Within days, the news spread across the world that the
US government had categorized pizza as a vegetable under the pressure of various
lobbies (Los Angeles Times, 2011). In 1963, a ‘district court ruling enabled Dr Pepper to
expand when the United States Fifth District Court of Dallas declared that Dr Pepper
was not a cola. This ruling allowed independent bottlers to carry Dr Pepper along with
Pepsi-Cola or Coca-Cola, since bottlers could now carry Dr Pepper without violating
their franchise contracts’ (Farl, 2013). This is yet another case of ‘categorical entrepre-
neurship’, whereby managers facing powerful audiences such as regulators influenced
categorical memberships, with huge implications for their business and broader industry.
Related to this, future research might also examine cases where organizations actively
avoid categorization, rather than assuming that this is something that marginal firms
aspire towards (Fiol and Romanelli, 2012; Khaire and Wadhwani, 2010). For example
‘dubstep’ musicians have tried to avoid categorization by audiences like iTunes in order
to duck the constraints that a category ‘code’ may place on their creative freedom
(Yenigun, 2010).
In addition, the focus on ‘attributes’ and ‘salience’ implied by this approach also
signals opportunities to study how ‘attributes’ might be ordered in ways that benefit some
category members over others. Indeed, a key argument in the categorical imperative is
that products and organizations – once categorized – are evaluated against a stable
‘code’ that defines appropriate behaviours and features (Phillips and Zuckerman, 2001).
Going a step further, a number of studies in cognitive psychology have examined the
internal characteristics of different categories, arriving at a general conclusion that
attributes have different ‘cue validity’ for determining categorization and valuation (e.g.,
Rosch and Mervis, 1975). As such, the internal ordering of ‘category attributes’ may
affect how different entities are perceived. For instance, hotel star rankings are based on
a number of considerations including location, facilities, room size, finishings, service,
etc. (e.g., Dolnicar, 2002). If we consider that any given property may have different
vectors for each measure, the way that these are weighted within the category may affect
how a hotel is evaluated. For instance, it is theoretically possible that a property which
scores highly on multiple peripheral attributes may be relegated to a lower star category
than one that scores highly on only a few core attributes. Thus, the integration of insights
from cognitive psychology signals the relevance of not only studying category member-
ship, but also the organizational consequences associated with the internal structure of
various categories.
CONCLUSION
As a distinctively organizational body of work, category studies are still in their infancy,
but this paper shows that there is much work conducted in the area upon which scholars
Categorizing Categorization Research 79
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
can already build to further this exciting research agenda. We are hopeful that our
systematic review of prior works as well as the lexicon offered in the paper will provide
scholars with a useful toolbox that can be used to nurture an organizational theory of
categories and categorizations in the years to come.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors would like to thank Chethan Srikant for his invaluable research assistance, Sarah Kaplan for
her insightful suggestions on how to improve the paper, and JMS editor Joep Cornelissen and an anonymous
reviewer for their support and excellent feedback throughout the review process. We are also grateful for
financial support from the Mack Center for Technological Innovation at the Wharton School.
NOTES
[1] In 2011 and 2012 respectively, the two authors of this piece received the Grigor McClelland Doctoral
Dissertation Award, supported by the JMS and the Society for the Advancement of Management
Studies (SAMS), for their dissertation research on categories.
[2] Our iterative approach was especially useful to identify early publications that did not explicitly
acknowledge their contribution to research on categories because the relevant organizational literature
was nascent and not yet recognized as a distinctive perspective. By proceeding iteratively, we also did not
have to include or exclude, ex-ante, certain journals from our search criteria, thus enabling us to search
through a broad range of journals that are relevant to management and organization scholarship.
[3] The term ‘organizational form’ is used in categorization research inspired by population ecology and
overlaps to a large extent with the notion of organizational category. We discuss this in more detail in
the definitions section below.
[4] We chose those terms as search keywords because they frequently appeared in the abstracts of the
most-cited papers on organizational categorization. After inspecting the list of papers returned by our
database search, we decided to exclude those that were peripheral to categorization research à la Porac
or à la Zuckerman, such as: papers on strategic groups written primarily from the perspective of
industrial economics; papers referring to typological categories unrelated to socio-cognitive or knowl-
edge dynamics (e.g., categories à la Porter such as ‘differentiators’ and ‘low cost competitors’); papers
primarily focused on dyadic interactions (e.g., research on alliances); papers focused exclusively on
resource partitioning and niche dynamics; papers examining managerial cognition at the individual level
only; and papers on brand categories, published in marketing journals, that do not explore the socio-
cognitive and identity mechanisms underlying category formation. Finally, we included all the papers
(except the introduction) published in volume 31 of Research in the Sociology of Organizations (2010) focusing
on ‘Categories in Markets: Origins and Evolution’. Note, however, that our paper identification
procedure is not without limitations. A few relevant papers whose title, abstract, and keyword fields do
not contain ‘categor*’ or ‘organizational form’ may be missing.
[5] Our lexicon echoes, and draws upon, the project conducted by Hannan et al. (2007), but also differs in
several ways. First, we seek to establish a common lexicon for category researchers from various
disciplinary backgrounds – not just sociologists – and one that bridges different research traditions.
Second, based on our findings from the literature review that demonstrate the increasing autonomy of
the literature on categories, we do not see the need to anchor categories research within the broader
organizational ecology framework. Third, we wish to provide an accessible state-of-the-art of the
categories literature, and thus offer definitions in plain language that do not require a formal logics
background. Fourth, we seek to propose definitions that are precise yet general enough, so they can serve
as a common lexicon for a broad variety of categories scholars across the social sciences. Moreover, our
definitions bridge the ‘feature list’ and ‘frame’ traditions in categorization research (Barsalou and Hale,
1993) since they are based on assumptions of limited perceptual, attentional, and cognitive skills by
human agents. As such, the critique that feature list classifications are ‘not sufficient to capture all the
information in natural knowledge’ because the process of assigning category attributes to entities ‘could
continue indefinitely’ (Barsalou and Hale, 1993, pp. 134–35) would not apply in real-world organiza-
tional contexts, where actors were shown to use just a few attributes to categorize their surroundings
(e.g., Porac et al. (1995) found that knitwear producers used only five categories: Scottish, non-Scottish,
hosiery, knitwear, and lace).
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© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
[6] The distinction echoes in part the one made by Aldrich and Fiol (1994) and Suchman (1995) between
cognitive and normative legitimacy.
APPENDIX
Author (Year)
Papers with three or more authors are identified with ‘et al.’. The full references can be
found in the paper’s reference list.
Method
Theory/formal model (T); Interviews or surveys (I); Content Analysis (CA); Case study
(C); Network or relational analysis (N); Regression (R); Other methods (Oth).
Dependent Variable (DV)
A category member’s performance/response (M); Category Emergence (CE); shifting
Category Boundaries (CB); Categorization Process (CP); Selection (entry/exit) (S); Audi-
ence Reaction/ Rating (AR); Identity formation/change (I)
Explanatory Mechanisms
Audience Evaluation (AE) – process by which audiences and critics express an evaluative
opinion
Legitimation (L) – process related to how categories or category members gain, maintain,
or lose acceptance
Membership Seeking (MS) – process by which organizations actively seek to be recog-
nized as members of a category by some relevant audience
Classification (CL) – process by which a system of classification is created or changed by
organizations
Category Straddling (CS) – process by which a member is simultaneously associated with
two or more categories located at the same level of the classification hierarchy
Competition (Cm) – process by which producers come to behave as rivals in an envi-
ronment characterized by resource scarcity
Categorizing Categorization Research 81
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
Theoretical Lenses Used as Complementary Perspectives
Institutional Theory (IT); Organizational Identity (OI); Population Ecology (PE); Social
Network theory (SN); Competitive Groups and managerial cognition (CG); Social Move-
ment theory (SM); Sociology of Markets (SoM); Technological Change (TC); Social
Identification Theory (SIT)
Abbreviations: catg =category/categories; org =organization(s)
Author (year) Method DV Explanatory mechanisms Critic/audience Category: Product
(P)/Org (O)
Theoretical lens
Clark and
Montgomery
(1999)
I, R,
Oth
CP (MS, Cm): Competitor’s
categorization, Managerial
cognition
Managers (O): Competitor’s
groupings
CG
Porac et al.
(1999)
R M, CP (MS): Board-level blending of
informational and political forces
in peer group identification; (CL):
industry self-categorization
Shareholders (O): Peer org groups Taxonomy
Rosa et al.
(1999)
CA, R M, CE (CL): producer-consumer
convergence towards prototype;
(MS, AE): story telling; shared
sensemaking revealed in media
stories
Consumers;
Published
media
(P): Minivans SoM;
sensemaking
Carroll and
Swaminathan
(2000)
I, R S, CE (L, AE): form’s normative
valuation relative to identity
claims and social visibility; (Cm):
Resource partitioning
Mass
Producers
(O): Microbreweries
vs. mass/contract
brewers
PE
Ferguson et al.
(2000)
R AR (L): Reputation of strategic
group; (CL): Strategic group
identity
rating
agencies
(P/O): U.S.
property/casualty
insurers
CG
Zuckerman
(2000)
R M (AE): diversification discount
caused by category straddling
(CS); de-diversification more
likely when mismatch between
strategy and identity (CL, MS) is
attributed to the firm by analysts
Stock analysts (O): publicly held
U.S. firms
SoM; IT
Labianca et al.
(2001)
I, N M (MS, CL): emulating a reference
group on the basis of reputation,
organizational image, and org
identity
Other orgs (O): Higher
education
institutions
OI; CG
McKendrick
and Carroll
(2001)
C CE (MS, CL): new markets cannot
cohere into a ‘form’ when firms
derive their primary identities
from other activities
Audience
(generic)
(O): Disk array firms IT; PE
Phillips and
Zuckerman
(2001)
R M, AR (L): Conformity; (CL): Status
hierarchy
Stock analyst (O): Silicon Valley
legal and investment
advice firms
SoM; status/
conformity
Daniels et al.
(2002)
R, N CP (MS): cognitive convergence in
institutional environment; (Cm):
cognitive divergence in task
environment
Managers (O): UK Personal
finance firms
IT; CG; IO
Foreman and
Whetten (2002)
I, R AR, I (L, AE): Member’s cognitive
legitimacy rating of the co-op org
form; (CL): Form level identity
gaps
Co-Op
members
(O): Rural
Cooperatives as
Hybrid-Identity
Orgs
OI; IT
Glynn and
Abzug (2002)
I, R I, AR (L): symbolic isomorphism; (CL):
Accurate categorization; (MS):
naming convention
Public (O): Org field
domains
IT; OI
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APPENDIX Continued
Author (year) Method DV Explanatory mechanisms Critic/audience Category: Product
(P)/Org (O)
Theoretical lens
Lee and
Pennings (2002)
N, R,
Oth
S (CL, L): interaction between
selection at the level of sector and
imitative adoption at the firm level;
(AE): Market feedback
suppliers,
customers
(O): partner-
associate structure in
professional services
firms
PE; IT; SN
McNamara
et al. (2002)
I, R M (CL, Cm): Complexity of
managerial knowledge categories of
strategies and competitors
Managers (O): Strategic groups
– Banks
CG
Pólos et al.
(2002)
T CE (L): code deviance after periods of
conformity causes a devaluation of
the entity; (MS, CL): common
minimal external identity
Audience
(generic)
(P/O): Boundaries of
various types
SoM; PE;
Baum and Lant
(2003)
N, I, R CP (MS, Cm): managerial cognition
(mis)shapes competitive groups
Hotel
managers
(O): Manhattan
Hotels
CG
Hannan et al.
(2003)
T AR (CL): allocation principles; (L):
code enforcement; (MS): Social
position; (CL, MS): common
minimal external identity defines
pop
Audience
(generic)
(O): Niches PE
McKendrick
et al. (2003)
R CE, S (MS, CL): Focused individual
identities make firms cohere into a
distinct collective identity
Audience
(generic)
(O): Geographically
agglomerated disk
manufacturers
Form
emergence; PE
Zuckerman and
Kim (2003)
R, N AR (CL): market structures restrict
identity; (MS): role structures place
constraints on the identities
available to individuals
Film critics;
Film
audiences
(O): Major vs
Independent studios
in US film industry
Structural role
theory; SoM
Zuckerman
et al. (2003)
R, Oth CP, M (CL, MS): focused identities foster
entry at first but later impose
increasing limitations; (AE):
typecasting
Film
audiences
(P/O): Film actors typecasting;
SoM; labor mkt
Lounsbury and
Rao (2004)
R CE, CB (AE): performance variability
affects new product entry and
replication; (CL): reconstitution of
prod categories by the media
Industry
media
(P/O): Product
categories of mutual
fund industry in US
IT; SoM
Zuckerman and
Rao (2004)
R AR (CL): investors distinguished
among internet stocks consistently;
return comovement patterns reveal
categorical complexity
Internet
stocks’
analysts
(O): internet firms PE; SN
Zuckerman
(2004)
R AR (CS): incoherent stocks are traded
more because of: differences in
interpretive models (AE); the fact
that common interpretation relies
more heavily on self-recursive
market dynamics (CL)
Stock analysts (O): stocks of U.S.
firms
SoM
Hardy et al.
(2005)
T I (MS): conversations create
discursive resources that build
identity
Other firms (O): Collective
identities
IT; OI;
Hsu and
Hannan (2005)
T CE, I (CL, MS): how identity drives form
emergence and persistence
generic
audience
(O): Identity based
grouping
PE
Kennedy (2005) CA, R, N S, AR (AE, MS, Cm): Rival identification
through media coverage drives
market category emergence
Rival (P): Computer
workstation
manufacturers
SoM; PE
Labianca and
Fairbank (2005)
T AR, M,
CP
(MS, AE): managers monitor other
firms based on a 3-dimensional
categorization process (emulation,
imitation, competition)
Other orgs (O): groups of firms
used for comparison
Monitoring; CG
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APPENDIX Continued
Author (year) Method DV Explanatory mechanisms Critic/audience Category: Product
(P)/Org (O)
Theoretical lens
Lamertz et al.
(2005)
C, CA CP, CB (MS, CL, L): firms self-categorize
using identity attributes that
reinforce legitimacy
Relevant
stakeholder
(O): Canadian beer
brewers
IT; Org image
Rao et al.
(2005)
I, R M, AR (CL): boundaries weaken when
the borrowing of elements from a
rival category (CS) by high-status
actors triggers emulation (L).
(AE): Expert ratings
Industry
publication
(P): classical and
nouvelle cuisines
restaurants
Mathew effect
Romanelli and
Khessina (2005)
T I, M (AE): shared understandings of
residents and investors about the
suitability of a region; (MS, CL):
Clusters, the results of historical
investments, signal the type of
business that can thrive in the
future
Residents;
Investors
(O): Firms in region
based industries
PE
Suddaby and
Greenwood
(2005)
CA, C CE, AR (MS): using rhetorics (institutional
vocabularies and theorizations of
change); (L): contestation through
conflicting logics
opponents to
the new form
(O): Big 5
accounting firms
entry into Law
IT
Zhao (2005) C I, AR,
CP
(MS): classifications are political
processes that confer identities
and: channel audience perception
(AE); create social boundaries
(CL); signify standing of social
actors (MS, L)
Critics and
media
(P): American
(grape) and French
(region) wines
IT; Cultural
sociology
Dobrev and
Kim (2006)
R S, CB (CL): market segmentation; (Cm):
Proliferation
Auto
manufacturers
(P/O): market
segments in the U.S.
auto industry
PE
Dobrev et al.
(2006)
R CE; S (L): Legitimation transfer from
existing pop; (CL): Overlap of
identity spaces, comparison;
(MS): Categories’ name changes
Commercial
banks
(O): financial co-ops
in Singapore
PE
Hsu (2006a) R AR, M (CS): Category spanning creates
ambiguity among audiences (AE);
(CL): Principle of allocation
Consumers;
critics
(P/O): Film genres
in IMDB
PE
Hsu (2006b) CA, N AR (AE, CL): actors’ tendency to
favor arenas in which they have
developed clear and structured
schemas
Professional
film critics
(P): Film genres in
IMDB
IT; PE; SoM
Kuilman and Li
(2006)
R S (MS, CL): Identity structure
based on country of origin
Generic
audience
(O): Shanghai banks PE
Benner (2007) T AR, M (AE): Stock price; (MS, Cm):
Stock market identity gap b/w
current and new category
Stock market (O): Company Stock
– Income vs growth
IT; TC
Durand et al.
(2007)
R AR (AE): Ratings of restaurants/
chefs; (CL, MS): code-preserving
vs. code-violating change (in
relation to form)
Industry
publication
(P): haute cuisine PE
Nadkarni and
Narayanan
(2007)
N, R,
Oth
M (L, MS): Consensus, collective
beliefs and assumptions. (CL):
Social networks and
characteristics of change in the
collective frames
Other orgs (O): firms in aircraft
and semiconductor
industries
CG; industry
velocity
Rindova et al.
(2007)
CS,I,
AR
(AE): media coverage, attention;
(MS): Firm actions in emerging
category to gain media attention
Media (O): e-commerce
firms
Reputation/legitimacy
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© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
APPENDIX Continued
Author (year) Method DV Explanatory mechanisms Critic/audience Category: Product
(P)/Org (O)
Theoretical lens
Sine et al. (2007) R S, M (AE, L): Legal endorsement of a
sector/certification; (AE): media
coverage (negative/positive)
Government/
regulator;
media
(O): firms in
emergent
independent power
sector in US
IT
Anand and
Jones (2008)
C CE (AE, CL): enactment of
tournament rituals distinguishes
product categories; Structures of
domination
Booker Prize (P): English Fiction IT, Field
Theory
Archibald (2008) R S (L): political and cultural
normative; (Cm, CL): Identity
enclosure: identity-based (rather
than resource-based) barriers to
entry
influential
activists
(O): Self-help/
mutual-aid HMO
PE
Cattani et al.
(2008)
R, N S (L, AE): Audience consensus and
legitimation; (CL): Inter-org
network b/w producer and
distributor
Distributors (O): Producers in
U.S. motion picture
industry
PE; SN
Kennedy (2008) CA, R S, AR (CL, L): Few links to other entrants
in early stages of market formation;
(AE): Media coverage; (MS, Cm)
Rival reference
Competitor,
Media
(O): Market
participants
SN;
sensemaking
Perretti et al.
(2008)
R S (MS, L, CL): identity framing of
emerging org domains, and
identity matching of candidate orgs
Public
discourse
(O): US commercial
TV operators
PE; social
markedness
Roberts and
Khaire (2008)
R M, AR (MS, L): quality signalling –
publicity of specific career info
about skilled employees; (AE):
critic coverage decision
Wine
publications
(O): Australian Wine
producers
SoM; SN
Simons and
Roberts (2008)
R S, M (MS): non-local industry
experience prior to founding
increases the odds for a new
entrant of selecting an
organizational form (CL)
Consumers (O): Israeli wineries
(non-kosher)
IT; PE
Weber et al.
(2008)
C, CA CE Actors mobilize codes (CL) to
motivate producer entry in nascent
market. Shapes production choices
and collective identity (MS)
Social
movement
(O): grass fed diary
and meat producers
SoM; SM
Yu et al. (2008) T CE (L): crisis spillover process is
contingent on the characteristics of
– (CL): the org form to which the
stricken org belongs, (MS): the
characteristics of other orgs in the
industry
Stakeholders (O): Orgs in crisis PE
Fleischer (2009) R AR (AE): relations creating conflicts of
interest in rating process
Equity
researchers
(O): US Brokerage
Firms
Classification
Hsu et al. (2009) R AR, M (CS, AE): Category spanning and
audience-producer interface
Film audience
and critics;
Consumers
(P): US film ratings
in IMDB; Ebay
product categories
PE
Jamerson (2009) I CP, AR (AE, CL): Tasting room hosts in
Napa valley as intermediaries
controlling critic ratings; (MS):
Consumer education/gatekeeping
Wine critics (P): Wine Cultural
production;
SoM
Jonsson et al.
(2009)
CA, R AR, M (L, CL): Deviance, social standing
of deviant actor, spillover to similar
orgs
Media (O): mutual funds
owned by insurance
firms in Sweden
SoM; social
identification
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APPENDIX Continued
Author (year) Method DV Explanatory mechanisms Critic/audience Category: Product
(P)/Org (O)
Theoretical lens
Kuilman and Li
(2009)
R S (L, CL): heterogeneity among
sub-pop affects the degree to which
orgs contribute to and benefit from
the population’s legitimacy
Media (O): Shanghai banks PE
Purdy and Gray
(2009)
I, CA, C CE (MS, L): legitimacy-seeking for new
form; (AE, L): field level
expectations; (CL): multi-level
dynamics and multiple logics
Field level
audience
(O): state offices of
dispute resolution
IT
Ruef and
Patterson (2009)
R AR org membership in multiple catg
(CS) not problematic when catg
are emergent or in flux (CL) and
orgs avoid rare combinations of
ambiguous identities (MS)
R. G. Dun
and Company
(O): Firms that
received credit
ratings by R. G.
Dun
PE
Santos and
Eisenhardt
(2009)
C S, M (MS, CL): Shaping org and market
boundaries; (L, CL): usage of
‘soft-power’ strategies by which
entrepreneurs compete in highly
ambiguous markets
dominant
competitors
(O): Firms at the
confluence of
computing,
electronics, and
telecom
IT; resource
dependence
Schmutz (2009) CA, Oth AR (CL): involves symbolic distinctions
that are often linked to social
categories (gender) (MS); (CL): as
musical hierarchies shift and new
genres gain legitimacy, social
hierarchies remain intact (L)
Media (P): Popular vs.
classical musical
genres; Male vs.
female performers
Symbolic and
cultural
classifications
Tripsas (2009) C CB, I (MS): because identity is
intertwined in the routines and
beliefs of both an org and its
external constituents, shifting
identity to accommodate
identity-challenging technology is
difficult (CL)
Stock analysts (O): Linco OI; PE; TC
Zuckerman
(1999)
R M (CL, L, AE): since stock analysts
specialize by industry, diversified
firms are harder to categorize and
suffer an illegitimacy discount
Stock analysts (O): Publicly listed
corporations
IT, SoM,
finance
Bogaert et al.
(2010)
R S (CL): fuzziness created by
sociopolitical contention among
associations; (L): fiercely contested
on the basis of cultural-frames
Professional
associations
(O): early Dutch
accounting firms
Hannan et al.
‘07; IT
Carroll et al.
(2010)
R S, M (CL): degree of contrast
(distinctiveness and visibility) from
other formats; (Cm): Producer
density of formats
Drive
manufacturers
(P): New tech
formats in tape drive
industry
TC; identity
focus
Hannan (2010) T CE (L, MS, CL): Meaning
establishment; Labels and schema
Generic
audience
(P/O): Categories
and niches
PE, SoM
Jensen (2010) R, N AR, I (L): legitimate identity based on
categorical recombination (CL);
isomorphic with and differentiated
from preexisting categories (MS)
Film
audiences
(P): pornography in
Denmark
SoM
Kahl et al.
(2010)
R M (L, CL): having Black originators
and White early adopters;
inauthentic indicators (type of
record company, group’s
association with a venue); (MS):
racial identities
Audience
(generic)
(P): U.S. jazz
recordings in 20th
century
Categorical
meaning
J.-P. Vergne and T. Wry86
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
APPENDIX Continued
Author (year) Method DV Explanatory mechanisms Critic/audience Category: Product
(P)/Org (O)
Theoretical lens
Karthikeyan
and Wezel
(2010)
R CB, AR (CL): Trade-off b/w specialism and
generalism; (L): borrowed issues
contributed to extend and clarify
the ideological roots
Newspaper (O): British Liberal
Democrats Party
post WWII
Fuzzy identities
Kennedy et al.
(2010)
CA, C M (L, AE): Catg currency – clear
meaning and positive appeal for
audiences. (CL): field actors
changing category meaning
Audience
(generic)
(P): nanotechnology
firms
SoM
Khaire and
Wadhwani
(2010)
CA, C,
Oth
CE (L, CL): reinterpreting historical
constructs in ways that enhanced
commensurability and enabled
aesthetic comparisons and
valuation
Art collectors
and galleries
(P): Indian Modern
Art
IT; SoM
Kovács and
Hannan (2010)
R AR (AE, CS): Fuzziness of category
boundaries modifies the
consequences of category spanning
Consumers (O): Restaurants Category
spanning
Mohr and
Guerra-Pearson
(2010)
N CP, M (CL, MS): institutional ‘ “logic
space” ’ defined by the kinds of
organizational forms that are
understood to exist
Audience
(generic)
(O): poverty relief
orgs operating in
New York City
McPherson;
logic space
Navis and
Glynn (2010)
C, CA,
R
CE, CB (MS): Identity claims; linguistic
framing; (AE): attention; (CL, MS):
collective identity
Media and
financial
(O): US satellite
radio stations
SoM; OI;
Sensemaking
Negro et al.
(2010)
I, R AR (MS): widespread (CS) decreases
contrast; (CL): lower contrast blurs
boundaries, impairs comparison,
creates disagreement (AE, L)
Critics and
Wine
journalist
(P): Wine PE
Rao et al. (2010) R, Oth AR, S (MS): self-catg into collective
identity influenced by racial
homogeneity of protestors against
Wal-Mart’s entry; (CS): community
identity spanning/racial diversity
Wal-Mart (O): Protesting
community
SM; SIT
Roberts et al.
(2010)
R M, AR (CS): crossing the kosher
categorical boundary exposes
producers to experience-based
penalties (lower product quality
ratings) (AE)
Wine critic
(Rogov)
(O): kosher Israeli
wine producers
(formerly
non-kosher)
SoM
Schneiberg and
Berk (2010)
C CB, CP,
CE
(L): mass production and its
disciplinary use of catg prompted
efforts by manufacturers,
associations, and cost accountants
to reconstruct cost accounting catg
(CL)
Firms (P): Accounting
categories
Other
Shepherd (2010) R M (CL): Organizational context and
rules of the classifying organization
affect the classification system
World bank (O): Countries
seeking loans
Classification
systems
Staber (2010) R CP, I (CL, L): the role of imitation and
its relationship to social interaction
in managerial identification with
the cluster (MS)
Other orgs (O): Textile mills
cluster in SW
Germany (Location
cluster)
SIT; imitation
Tan and
Roberts (2010)
R, N AR (CL): assessments of similarity
between new and existing
technologies; (CS): heightened
ambiguity leads to more
examiner-added citations (AE)
Patent
examiner
(P): Technologies
seeking patents
SoM; SN
Categorizing Categorization Research 87
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
APPENDIX Continued
Author (year) Method DV Explanatory mechanisms Critic/audience Category: Product
(P)/Org (O)
Theoretical lens
Kim and Jensen
(2011)
R AR (AE, CL): order in which the
products or product features that
determine their market identities
are offered
season ticket
holder; critics
(P/O): Opera SoM
King et al.
(2011)
N I (L, CL): Identity based groupings;
(MS): Identity realization
School board (O): Arizona charter
schools
SoM; OI; SM
Negro et al.
(2011)
R S (CL): members of the endangered
catg become partial defectors and
category straddlers (CS); (MS, L):
their history challenges identity of
non-defectors and inhibits further
change
Other orgs (P): Barolo and
Barbaresco wines
‘traditionalism’ and
‘modernism’
SoM; grade of
membership
Perretti (2011) C CB, I (MS, CL): construction and
interplay of different identities
leading to hybridity as a pop level
process; (L): actor status
Audience
(generic)
(P): US feature film
industry – film
genres; (O): project
orgs
SoM
Phillips (2011) R, N AR (AE, CL): difficult-to-categorize
outputs appealing when associated
with a source (city) high in
disconnectedness
Audience
(generic)
(P/O): Midwest
music recordings by
cities
social structure
of creativity
Smith (2011) R, N AR (MS): Typicality of identity; (L):
nonconformance
Investors (O): hedge fund
companies
SoM; OI
Waguespack
and Sorenson
(2011)
R AR (MS): distribution by high status
actors leads to more lenient classf
(AE) compared to independent/
peripheral distribution (MS)
Censor (P): movies that are
certified in the U.S.
SoM; Halo;
Prototypicality
Wry et al. (2011) T CP (L): legitimacy when members
articulate a clear defining collective
identity story (MS) that identifies
the purpose and core practices
(CL)
Audience
(generic)
(O): Entrepreneurial
firms with nascent
collective identity
IT
Benner and
Tripsas (2012)
R M (MS): with others firms from prior
industry; (L): pressures from other
participants of prior industry
competitors in
prior industry
(P/O): Firm in the
nascent Digital
Cameras category
PE; IT; CG; TC
Fiol and
Romanelli
(2012)
T CE, CP (L, MS, CL): Collective identity
emergence
External
audience
(O): Collective
identity of
entrepreneurs
IT; PE; OI; SM
Hsu et al. (2012) CA, R M (AE): evaluative schema clarity;
(MS, CL) producer social position
Wine critics (P): Wine SoM
Jones et al.
(2012)
CA, N CE (CL, MS): catg theorization; (CL,
Cm): fights over logics
Generic
audience
(P): ‘modern
architecture’ catg
SoM; IT
Negro and
Leung (2012)
I, R AR (CS): blind and no-blind tasting;
(CL): implicit schema of wine
taster; (AE): quality inference based
on identity
Wine taster (P/O): Barolo and
Barbaresco wines
SoM
Pachucki (2012) I, Oth AR (CL, AE): implicit status
hierarchies and classification biases
in cognition; Museum Quality
evaluation/classification
museum
professionals
(O): Museums Socio-cognitive
assessment
Pontikes (2012) R AR (AE): ambiguity of labels for
market-takers and -makers, appeal;
(MS): Identity claims; (CS): label
spanning
Consumers,
VCs
(O): U.S. software
firms
SoM; PE; classf
Vergne (2012) C, CA,
R
AR (CS): straddling multiple categories
dilutes stakeholder attention (AE)
to membership in stigmatized catg
(L)
defence
journalists
(O): global arms
producers
SoM; IT;
stigmatization
J.-P. Vergne and T. Wry88
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
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