Decreases in Implicit Self-Esteem Explain the Racial Impact of Microaggressions Among Asian Americans

Abstract

Asian Americans are commonly perceived as perpetual foreigners and, therefore, not “true” Americans. Asian Americans report inquiries about nationality and English abilities as the most common forms of racial microaggressions perpetrated by White Americans (Sue, 2015). Race theorists assert that these microaggressions are race-related and marginalize Asian Americans. Scholars have claimed that these subtle acts are harmful, yet only a few studies have uncovered the mechanisms by which racial microaggressions affect mental and physical well-being (Ong, Burrow, Fuller-Rowell, Ja, & Sue, 2013; Wong, Derthick, David, Saw, & Okazaki, 2013). The current study conceptualized racial microaggressions as a stressor to address the major gaps in research. Specifically, this study (a) experimentally tested the race-related nature of the microaggression event to determine whether a White American perpetrator would elicit more stress in Asian Americans compared to an Asian American perpetrator and (b) examined threats to explicit and implicit self-esteem as possible mediators of microaggression-generated stress. Findings confirmed that the race of the perpetrator did have an impact on stress among Asian Americans. In the multiple meditation analysis, experience with a White American perpetrator, compared to an Asian American perpetrator, lowered implicit self-esteem, which resulted in more stress. Implications and strategies for counseling Asian American clients are discussed.

Full text

Decreases in Implicit Self-Esteem Explain the Racial Impact of
Microaggressions Among Asian Americans
Gloria Wong-Padoongpatt
University of Nevada, Las Vegas
Nolan Zane
University of California, Davis
Sumie Okazaki
New York University
Anne Saw
DePaul University
Asian Americans are commonly perceived as perpetual foreigners and, therefore, not “true” Americans.
Asian Americans report inquiries about nationality and English abilities as the most common forms of
racial microaggressions perpetrated by White Americans (Sue, 2015). Race theorists assert that these
microaggressions are race-related and marginalize Asian Americans. Scholars have claimed that these
subtle acts are harmful, yet only a few studies have uncovered the mechanisms by which racial
microaggressions affect mental and physical well-being (Ong, Burrow, Fuller-Rowell, Ja, & Sue, 2013;
Wong, Derthick, David, Saw, & Okazaki, 2013). The current study conceptualized racial microaggres-
sions as a stressor to address the major gaps in research. Specifically, this study (a) experimentally tested
the race-related nature of the microaggression event to determine whether a White American perpetrator
would elicit more stress in Asian Americans compared to an Asian American perpetrator and (b)
examined threats to explicit and implicit self-esteem as possible mediators of microaggression-generated
stress. Findings confirmed that the race of the perpetrator did have an impact on stress among Asian
Americans. In the multiple meditation analysis, experience with a White American perpetrator, compared
to an Asian American perpetrator, lowered implicit self-esteem, which resulted in more stress. Implica-
tions and strategies for counseling Asian American clients are discussed.
Public Significance Statement
This study suggests that the microaggressions are race-related and stressful for Asian Americans.
White perpetrators of microaggressions cause more stress for Asian Americans compare to Asian
American perpetrators. Furthermore, it highlights the insidious effects of microaggressions on
implicit self-esteem.
Keywords: racial microaggressions, racism-related stress, microaggressions, impact, self-esteem
Asking an Asian American “where are you really from” is
seemingly well-intentioned; however, many Asian Americans per-
ceive this inquiry as the most common racial microaggression
(Sue, 2010). Many media outlets highlighted these subtle slights
throughout Donald J. Trump’s presidential campaign (Khalid,
2015). At a convention, Trump interrupted an Asian American
student inquiring about South Korea by asking “Are you from
South Korea?” This perpetual foreigner microaggression has his-
torical roots in systemic marginalization of Asian Americans (Es-
piritu, 1997). The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 marked the first
time in U.S. history that an ethnic group was systemically targeted
and institutionally barred from entering the country (Chan, 1994).
During World War II, Franklin D. Roosevelt passed Executive
Order 9066, which authorized the internment of all persons in the
United States of Japanese ancestry (Espiritu, 1997). These race-
related institutional policies have reflected the dominant percep-
tion that Asian Americans are “Asians” first and “Americans”
second, if at all. Asian Americans experience questions about their
nationality and English abilities as common racial microaggres-
sions (Tran & Lee, 2014). These subtle acts against Asian Amer-
icans may surge once more due to the current administration’s
authorization of strict immigration policies. Counselors working
with Asian American clients should be cognizant and competent
with the nature and experiences of the perpetual foreigner micro-
aggression.
Microaggressions are “brief and commonplace daily verbal and
nonverbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether in-
This article was published Online First April 20, 2017.
Gloria Wong-Padoongpatt, Department of Psychology, University of
Nevada, Las Vegas; Nolan Zane, Department of Psychology, University of
California, Davis; Sumie Okazaki, Department of Applied Psychology,
New York University; Anne Saw, Department of Clinical-Community
Psychology, DePaul University.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Gloria
Wong-Padoongpatt, Department of Psychology, University of Nevada, Las
Vegas, 4505 S. Maryland Pkwy. Las Vegas, NV 89154, E-mail: gloria
.wong@unlv.edu
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Journal of Counseling Psychology © 2017 American Psychological Association
2017, Vol. 64, No. 5, 574–583 0022-0167/17/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cou0000217
574

tentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or
negative slights and insults toward members of oppressed groups”
(Sue, 2010). A common critique of racial microaggressions is that
these incidences are not race-related and therefore, not racial in
nature. White American critics argue that these everyday slights
are largely harmless regardless of who perpetrates them (Harris,
2008;Lilienfeld, 2017). Racial microaggressions occur within this
contrast in racial realities between White Americans and people of
color (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000;Sue, 2015). White Amer-
ican perpetrators may perceive their comments and gestures as
nondiscriminatory and even well-intentioned (Sue, Bucceri, Lin,
Nadal, & Torino, 2009). Many critics also have argued that mi-
croaggression researchers are “making a mountain out of a mole-
hill” and that these events are not distressing and elicit little to no
stress response (Harris, 2008;Lilienfeld, 2017). They have sug-
gested that microaggressions are no different than other novel or
unexpected social encounters (Thomas, 2008). Lilienfeld (2017)
reviewed research on microaggressions and stated that there is not
enough empirical evidence linking racial microaggressions to stress.
To fill these gaps in the research, this study directly addressed the
racial impact and mechanisms of microaggressions by experimentally
inducing the perpetual foreigner microaggression.
Racial Microaggressions as Stressors
Scholars have argued that the expression of racism has morphed
from blatant to more insidious forms that are embedded in our
cultural values, our institutional policies and practices, and in
deeper psychological processes (Mio, Barker, & Rodriguez, 2016;
Noh, Kaspar, & Wickrama, 2007). Often times, White Americans
do not commit racial microaggressions with malicious intentions
and the subtleness of these situations makes it difficult for people
of color to address (Solorzano et al., 2000;Sue, 2010). Sue et al.
(2009) found that Asian Americans were uncertain about how to
respond appropriately to these slights because they had difficulty
determining whether microaggressions were racially motivated.
Racial microaggressions seem to be ambiguous situations for
Asian Americans (Sue et al., 2009;Nadal, 2011;Wong, Derthick,
David, Saw, & Okazaki, 2013). Ambiguous situations are, at
times, more stressful compared to clear and blatant situations
because people are more likely to make external attributions for
blatant situations and internal attributions for ambiguous situations
(Spalding, 1998). Internal attribution for microaggressions is in-
ferring the causal explanation for these slights to oneself and not
other people (Mehl, Vazire, Holleran, & Clark, 2010). Crocker and
Blanton (1999) found that people of color who attributed negative
feedback to themselves instead of labeling it as discrimination
experienced more stress. The perpetual foreigner microaggression
may be stressful for Asian Americans because they are uncertain
about the situation and how to respond (Sue et al., 2009). This
study directly tested whether Asian Americans felt stress from
White American perpetrators inquiring about their English ability
and whether these race-related slights threatened attitudes toward
self.
Minority stress theory posits that racism puts people of color at
risk for psychological distress and other adverse outcomes because
these events threaten self-esteem (Meyer, 2003;Sechrist, Swim, &
Mark, 2003). This theory suggests that difficult race-related situ-
ations cause stress for people of color and this stress accrues over
time leading to poor health deficits (Balsam, Molina, Beadnell,
Simoni, & Walters, 2011;Berjot, Girault-Lidvan, & Gillet, 2012;
Herek, Gillis, & Cogan, 2009). Researchers have found that race-
related experiences have a negative impact on the self-esteem of
Asian Americans (Asamen & Berry, 1987;Cheryan & Monin,
2005;Hatzenbuehler, 2009). Asamen and Berry (1987) found that
more perceived incidents of race-related experiences were related
to lower self-esteem among Asian Americans. Cheryan and Monin
(2005) found that the perpetual foreigner microaggression threat-
ened the American identity of Asian Americans. Boeckmann and
Liew (2002) used an experimental design and found that Asian
Americans who were exposed to hate speech about their racial
group reported lower levels of collective state self-esteem. Thus, it
seems that racial microaggressions may cause stress for Asian
Americans because these acts undermine and devalue their sense
of self and lower their self-esteem (Sue, 2010). Alvarez, Juang,
and Liang (2006) found that Asian Americans with low self-
esteem had more experiences with racial microaggressions. The
majority of studies on microaggressions have been correlational in
design and based on recall and self-report. Therefore, it is not clear
if racial microaggressions actually cause decrements in self-
esteem. Experiencing racial microaggressions may result in lower
self-esteem. Alternatively, individuals with lower self-esteem may
be more likely to perceive incidents as racial microaggressions.
By using an experimental design to test the immediate racial
impact of microaggressions on self-esteem, as well as the link
between self-esteem and stressful experiences, this study clar-
ifies the pathway between experiencing racial microaggressions
and stress responses.
Implicit and Explicit Self-Esteem as Mediators
for Microaggressions
The current study examined different forms of self-esteem as
possible mechanisms through which racial microaggressions im-
pact stress for Asian Americans. Most researchers have examined
self-esteem as an explicit process that is consciously accessible
through self-report questions (Spalding, 1998;Woodford, Kulick,
Sinco, & Hong, 2014). More recently, researchers have started to
examine implicit self-esteem and the distinction between the con-
scious and unconscious attitudes toward self (Wilson, Lindsey, &
Schooler, 2000). Implicit self-esteem refers to the unconscious and
automatic evaluations of self. According to Greenwald and Banaji
(1995), implicit self-esteem is the “the introspectively unidentified
effect of the self-attitude on evaluation of self-associated and self-
dissociated objects” (p. 11). Increasing numbers of researchers have
emphasized the need to consider the distinction between explicit
and implicit self-esteem (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995;Hetts &
Pelham, 2001). Past findings have indicated explicit and implicit
self-esteem develop differently and measures are typically uncor-
related (Bosson, Swann, & Pennebaker, 2000;Fazio & Olzon,
2003). Researchers also have found that stereotypes and discrim-
ination negatively affect the implicit rather than the explicit self-
esteem (Pelham & Hetts, 1999). Pelham and Hetts (1999) found
that people of color had more discrepancy between explicit and
implicit self-esteem compared to White Americans. Racial micro-
aggressions, compared to blatant racism, may have more insidious
psychological and physiological effects. This study distinguished
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575
IMPACT AND MECHANISMS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS

between explicit and implicit self-esteem as possible mechanisms
for the racial impact of microaggressions on stress.
Present Study
The present study experimentally tested the major premise of
microaggression; specifically, whether the racial nature of micro-
aggression causes stress for Asian Americans. According to Social
Dominance Theory, White Americans are part of the privileged
group that historically had greater social status and power com-
pared to people of color (Nadal, Vargas, Issa, Lyons, & Tobio,
2011;Omi & Winant, 1994). The racial hierarchy in the United
States positions White Americans as the perpetrators of racism and
Asian Americans as the marginalized individuals afflicted by
racism (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000). Therefore, it was hypothe-
sized that Asian Americans would experience more stress when
White Americans perpetuated the microaggressive behaviors com-
pared to Asian Americans perpetrating the same behaviors. This
study also tested specific reasons why Asian Americans may have
experienced more stress facing White American perpetrators com-
pared to facing other Asian American perpetrators (Okazaki,
2002). According to the Minority Stress Theory, incidents involv-
ing racism may cause stress for people of color because these are
difficult race-related situations that lower self-esteem (David,
2008). When Asian Americans are oriented to the racial hierarchy
and their minority status, it may lower their self-esteem leading to
feelings of threat. Thus, it was hypothesized that the racial differ-
ences of those delivering the microaggressions would be mediated
by negative changes in different aspects of the recipients’ self-
esteem.
Method
Participants
One hundred and twenty-seven (56 female) Asian Americans at
a large West Coast public university were recruited through the
psychology subject pool and participated for course credit. Partic-
ipants’ age ranged from 18 to 30 years (M
age
⫽19.98, SD ⫽2.26).
Of the 61 foreign-born participants, the majority (44.3%) were
international students (n⫽27), 21.3% were first-generation im-
migrants who arrived after age 12 (n⫽13), and 34.4% were
1.5-generation immigrants who arrived before age 12 (n⫽19).
The majority (93.9%) of the 66 U.S.-born participants were second
generation born in the United States to immigrant parents (n⫽62)
while 4.5% were third generation with one or more immigrant
grandparents (n⫽3), and 1.5% was fourth generation (n⫽1). The
ethnicity for the whole sample consisted of 68.5% with Chinese
heritage (n⫽87), 12.6% with Southeast Asian heritage (n⫽16),
11.8% with Korean heritage (n⫽15), 6.3% with Japanese
heritage (n⫽8), and .7% with biracial (Chinese and White)
heritage (n⫽1).
Asian international college students have reported White Amer-
icans inquiring about English abilities as a common microaggres-
sion (Wang, Leu, & Shoda 2011). This study, therefore, included
Asian international students as part of the study sample. Interna-
tional students did not vary significantly from noninternational
students on the major study variables.
Procedure
The study was reviewed and approved by the University of
California, Davis Internal Review Board (IRB) in order to assure
compliance with Federal and University regulations regarding
human participants in research before contact was made with
human participants (IRB Protocol Name: Social and Cognitive
Factors for Stress; Protocol Number: 666205–1). Written informed
consent was obtained from all participants. Participants were re-
cruited to the study with a purported purpose of examining emo-
tional reactions to different words. One participant was scheduled
per each 1-hr session. They were randomly assigned to either the
White or Asian American perpetrator conditions (White American
experimenter vs. Asian American experimenter). The experiment-
ers were similar in age (19 to 21 years) and wore matching attire.
They did not differ on major demographics other than their racial
group membership. To control for possible gender effects, the
experimenters were gender matched to the participants. Racial
microaggressions operate as a daily stressor for Asian Americans,
and it is recommended that both psychological and physiological
stress measurements be used to clarify the racial impact on mental
health and health (Sue, 2010;Wong et al., 2013). Both physiolog-
ical and psychological measures were used to assess the participants’
stress level immediately before and after the experimental manipula-
tion of the microaggression. Implicit and explicit self-esteem were
examined as mediators for this possible perpetrator race effect.
The experimental room included a computer, a wristband mon-
itor to measure blood pressure, and an iPad to document the blood
pressure readings. At the time of each appointment, the experi-
menter informed the participant about the purported purpose of the
study and conducted the first physiological measurement of blood
pressure. Next, the experimenter instructed the participants to
complete a survey assessing their current state of stress. The
experimenter left the room and returned when the participants
completed the survey. The experimenter then conducted the sec-
ond physiological measurement of blood pressure, which was
averaged with the first physiological measurement and recorded as
the baseline measurement.
The experimenter then asked the participants if English was
their first language and how well they spoke it. The race of the
experimenter was varied to test the race-related impact of these
comments. In both conditions, the experimenters spoke English
with an American accent. Regardless of the participant response,
the experimenter asked all participants to read the consent form out
loud. The following is the scripted dialogue between the experi-
menter and each participant:
Experimenter: (casual tone) Do you speak English? I mean,
is English your first language.
Participant: (answered)
Experimenter: (casual tone) How well do you speak it?
Participant: (answered)
Experimenter: (casual tone) Could you read the consent
form out-loud and I’ll see if we can continue?
Participant: (read the consent form out-loud)
Experimenter: That was all right, let’s move on.
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576 WONG-PADOONGPATT, ZANE, OKAZAKI, AND SAW

The experimenter conducted the third physiological measure-
ment and instructed the participants to complete the stress mea-
sures on the computer. Then, participants were instructed to com-
plete the implicit and explicit measures and filled out a
demographic form on the computer. Afterward, the experimenter
told the participants that they had completed the study and another
research staff would come in and debrief them about the study.
During the debriefing, a research staff who was not the original
experimenter used a series of funneling questions to test whether
the participants knew the study was examining the race-related
impact of microaggressions. Past researchers have used this pro-
cedure to check the participants’ awareness of the research hy-
potheses without inducing awareness of the actual design (Bargh
& Chartrand, 2000). The research staff debriefed the participants
as to the true purpose of the study and provided participants with
a list of resources to address any negative effects from the study.
The following is the script of the debriefing:
Thank you for your participation in this research study. The major
purpose of this study was to examine the impact of racial discrimi-
nation on stress. The first experimenter was instructed to deliver some
discriminatory comments to you. These comments are known as racial
microaggressions which are a common form of subtle discrimination.
The present study involved deception since we are interested in
studying the immediate impact of microaggressions in as close to a
real-world context as is possible. Asking about English ability is a
common microaggression toward Asian Americans by White Amer-
icans. Participants in the Asian American condition were asked about
their English ability by an Asian American. Exposure to microaggres-
sions may be upsetting and effects may have lasting discomfort. Here
is a list of resources available if you need to address any discomfort
from participating. This study will be conducted between May, 2014
and May, 2015. Since there is deception in this study, it is imperative
that you do not discuss the experimental design with other students.
Measures
Self-reported stress. The stress subscale from the modified
Stress Arousal Checklist (SACL; Mackay, Cox, Burrows, &
Lazzerini, 1978) assessed the baseline and postexperimental ma-
nipulation assessments. The SACL was originally constructed as
an easy-to-obtain self-report measure of transitory levels of indi-
vidual activation of stress and arousal. Respondents rate their
current feelings according to a 4-point response option: (⫹⫹)
definitely feel, (⫹)feel slightly, (?) do not understand,(⫺)defi-
nitely do not feel. The modified version includes 20 adjectives
derived from the original 45 items (Fischer & Donatelli, 1987).
The items loading on the stress factor include: calm, contented,
comfortable, uneasy, worried, distressed, uptight, tense, relaxed,
and bothered. Fischer and Donatelli (1987) did a factor analysis on
SACL and found a .86 coefficient alpha for the stress subscale.
The stress subscale is a valid measure for evaluating stress re-
sponses in a wide range of situations (King, Stanley, & Burrows,
1987). The stress subscale also is significantly correlated with
other measures of stress (Mackay et al., 1978). This study used the
stress subscale to assess the stress experienced by the participants.
The coefficient alphas for the present sample were .85 for the
baseline stress subscale and .87 for the posttest stress subscale.
Physiological stress. This study used a wrist monitor to assess
cardiovascular responses by recording the participants’ blood pres-
sure (mmHg). Researchers have combined systolic and diastolic
blood pressure measures, and this joint measure has been a reliable
and valid index of physiological stress (Carlson et al., 2013). The
experimenter measured the participants’ blood pressure mmHg at
three time points throughout the study. This study measured base-
line physiological stress using the average of the first and the
second assessments of blood pressure, and the final assessment of
blood pressure served as a criterion variable.
Explicit self-esteem. The State Self-Esteem Scale (SSES;
Heatherton & Polivy, 1991) assessed the participants’ explicit
self-esteem after the experimental manipulation. This measure has
been commonly used in laboratory manipulations to examine state
self-esteem (Heatherton & Polivy, 1991). The SSES is a 20-item
scale modified from the widely used Janis-Field Feelings of Inad-
equacy Scale (Janis & Field, 1959). Researchers have used this
scale to test situational factors that lead to momentary changes in
self-evaluation (Heatherton & Polivy, 1991). Sample items include
“I feel confident about my abilities” and “I feel displeased with
myself.” Responses range from 1 (strongly disagree)to5(strongly
agree). Several studies provide support for the SSES’s construct
validity (Heatherton & Polivy, 1991). The SSES correlates nega-
tively with anxiety and depression (Heatherton & Polivy, 1991).
The SSES also has high internal consistency with coefficient
alphas for the scale reaching .90 and above (Heatherton & Polivy,
1991;Rudman, Dohn, & Farchild, 2007). The coefficient alpha for
the present study was .79 for explicit self-esteem.
Implicit self-esteem. The Implicit Association Test (IAT;
Greenwald & Farnham, 2000) measured the participants’ implicit
self-esteem after the experimental manipulation. The self-esteem
IAT is a computerized categorization task that assesses implicit
self-esteem. People with higher self-esteem tend to pair self-
relevant and pleasant words at a higher rate than their pairing of
self-relevant and unpleasant words. Recent studies provided sup-
port for the validity and reliability of the self-esteem IAT (Green-
wald, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003;Krause, Back, Egloff, & Schmukle,
2011). Researchers have found strong relationships between the
self-esteem IAT and other implicit self-esteem measures
(Greenwald et al., 2003) including the Implicit Self-Esteem
Compensation (ISEC; Rudman & Fairchild, 2004), which sup-
ports the construct validity of the measure. Krause and colleagues
(2011) investigated the internal consistency and temporal stability of
different implicit self-esteem measures. In their study, participants
responded twice—with a time lag of 4 weeks—to five different tasks,
including the IAT. The self-esteem IAT had the highest test–retest
reliability coefficients of all the implicit self-esteem measures. The
coefficient alpha for the present study was .79 for the implicit self-
esteem measure.
Analyses
The study was an experiment that systematically varied the
race of the perpetrator (White experimenter vs. Asian American
experimenter). A one-way multivariate analysis of covariance
(MANCOVA) test compared the mean differences of posttest
stress while controlling for baseline stress. Race of perpetrator
(White perpetrator vs. Asian American perpetrator) was entered as
the independent variable, and the two measurements of posttest
stress (self-reported stress and physiological stress) were entered
as dependent variables. Given that baseline stress may be signifi-
cantly related to the two stress outcomes, baseline self-reported
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577
IMPACT AND MECHANISMS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS

stress and baseline physiological stress were controlled for in all
analyses. This study used a MANCOVA analysis instead of
independent ANCOVA analyses because the two dependent
variables of stress were assumed to be related to each other. The
MANCOVA was used to test the effect of perpetrator race on
different aspects of stress. A multiple mediation analysis was
conducted using the PROCESS SPSS macro (Hayes, 2012)to
examine explicit and implicit self-esteem as mediators for the
racial impact on stress. This approach provided bootstrapped
estimates and 95% bias-corrected (BC) confidence intervals
(CIs) for the indirect effects based on 5,000 resamples. In this
mediation analysis, explicit and implicit self-esteem were en-
tered into the model simultaneously as mediators of the asso-
ciation between perpetrator race and physiological stress.
Results
Descriptive Statistics and Correlations of Study Variables
Descriptive analyses were conducted to examine the character-
istics of the Asian American sample as well as the relationships
among the independent and the dependent variables. Table 1
presents the bivariate and the partial correlations for the demo-
graphic and the stress variables. The diagonal in Table 1 displays
the reliability scores for each scale. All the measures had adequate
internal consistencies, with Cronbach’s alphas ranging from .66
to .87.
Bivariate correlations. Bivariate correlation analyses indi-
cated that the demographic variables were not related to the
experimental variable of perpetrator race (White vs. Asian Amer-
ican) indicating that the random assignment of participants was
adequate. The self-reported stress and physiological stress were
not related to each other. The possible mediators, explicit and
implicit self-esteem, were not related to each other.
Partial correlations. The partial correlations accounted for
self-reported stress and physiological stress at baseline. The rela-
tionships among the demographic variables, stress, and self-esteem
were similar to the bivariate correlations. Partial correlations
showed significant relationships between perpetrator race and
other study variables. As hypothesized, the participants in the
White American perpetrator condition, compared to those in the
Asian American condition, experienced more physiological stress
at posttest (r⫽.23, p⫽.01, d⫽.24) and showed lower implicit
self-esteem (r⫽⫺.22, p⫽.02, d⫽.23). Perpetrator race was
significantly related to explicit self-esteem (r⫽.18, p⫽.04, d⫽
.19), with participants in the White American perpetrator condition
having higher explicit self-esteem compared to those in the Asian
American perpetrator condition.
Impact of Perpetrator Race on Stress
A one-way multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) tested
if there were significant differences between the perpetrator race
conditions for stress at baseline. The two conditions did not differ
significantly for self-reported stress, F(1, 125) ⫽.35, p⫽.55, and
physiological stress, F(1, 125) ⫽.05, p⫽.83, at baseline. These
findings confirmed that the conditions were equivalent on self-
reported stress and physiological stress at baseline. Since the
conditions also were similar in age, gender, and generation status,
these demographic variables were not controlled for in subsequent
analyses.
A one-way multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA)
tested for the effect of perpetrator race while controlling for stress
at baseline. The experimental variable (perpetrator race) was en-
tered as the independent variable with self-reported stress and
physiological stress at posttest entered as the dependent variables.
The covariates included self-reported stress and physiological
stress at baseline. The perpetrator race effect was significant at
F(2, 122) ⫽3.48, p⫽.03, ␩p
2⫽.05. Findings indicated that the
Asian American participants experienced higher levels of stress
when the microaggression was perpetrated by a White Ameri-
can than when this behavior was perpetrated by an Asian
American. That is, a White American perpetrator caused more
stress for Asian American participants compared to an Asian
American perpetrator.
Two analyses of covariance (ANCOVA) tests were used to
interpret the multivariate effect of perpetrator race on stress by
examining the effect on self-reported stress and physiological
stress separately. Perpetrator race was entered as the independent
variable and self-reported stress and physiological stress at base-
Table 1
Bivariate Correlations, Partial Correlations, and Internal Consistencies of the Study Variables for Entire Sample (N ⫽127)
Variable 12345678910
1. Perpetrator race (—) .07 .16 ⫺.14 .05 .02 ⫺.01 .13 .14 ⫺.20
ⴱ
2. Age .06 (—) .18
ⴱ
⫺.24
ⴱⴱ
.16 .21
ⴱ
.04 .31
ⴱⴱ
⫺.13 .09
3. Sex .19
ⴱ
.11 (—) ⫺.07 ⫺.17 .58
ⴱⴱ
⫺.13 .56
ⴱⴱ
.18
ⴱ
.01
4. Generation status ⴚ.13 ⴚ.22
ⴱ
ⴚ.09 (—) ⫺.14 ⫺.03 ⫺.12 ⫺.05 .05 ⫺.09
5. Self-reported stress at baseline ————(.85) ⫺.04 .61
ⴱⴱⴱ
⫺.07 ⫺.46
ⴱⴱⴱ
.23
ⴱⴱ
6. Physiological stress at baseline —————(.68) ⫺.04 .85
ⴱⴱ
.08 ⫺.03
7. Self-reported stress at posttest ⴚ.05 ⴚ.07 ⴚ.02 ⴚ.01 — — (.87) .08 ⫺.45
ⴱⴱⴱ
.01
8. Physiological stress at posttest .23
ⴱ
.27
ⴱⴱ
.14 ⴚ.06 ——ⴚ.06 (.66) .10 ⫺.18
ⴱ
9. Explicit self-esteem .18
ⴱ
ⴚ.09 .10 ⴚ.01 ——ⴚ.25
ⴱⴱ
.04 (.87) ⫺.07
10. Implicit self-esteem ⴚ.22
ⴱ
.06 .08 ⴚ.06 ——ⴚ.17 ⴚ.29
ⴱⴱ
.04 (.79)
Note. Bivariate correlations of the study variables are presented above the diagonal and partial correlations (controlling for baseline stress) of the study
variables are presented below the diagonal. The coefficients on the diagonal are the Cronbach’s alpha of each scale. Perpetrator Race: 0 ⫽Asian American
Perpetrator, 1 ⫽White Perpetrator. Sex: 0 ⫽Female, 1 ⫽Male. Generation status: 1 ⫽1st generation, 2 ⫽1.5 generation, 3 ⫽2nd generation, 3 ⫽3rd
generation, 4 ⫽4th generation.
ⴱ
p⬍.05.
ⴱⴱ
p⬍.01.
ⴱⴱⴱ
p⬍.001.
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578 WONG-PADOONGPATT, ZANE, OKAZAKI, AND SAW

line were entered as covariates. Tests revealed no perpetrator race
effect on self-reported stress, F(1, 127) ⫽.33, p⫽.57. However,
there was a significant perpetrator race effect on physiological
stress F(1, 127) ⫽6.82, p⫽.01, ␩p
2⫽.05. Findings indicated that
the Asian American participants experienced higher levels of
non-self-reported physiological stress when the microaggres-
sion was perpetrated by White Americans compared to Asian
Americans.
Aspects of Self-Esteem as Mediators of the Perpetrator
Race Effect on Stress
A primary objective of this study was to test if certain aspects of
self-esteem could mediate the effect of perpetrator race on stress.
The second hypothesis posited that Asian Americans who encoun-
tered microaggression from a White American perpetrator, com-
pared to an Asian American perpetrator, would experience more
adverse effects to their explicit and implicit self-esteem, and those
who experienced more adverse effects to their self-esteem
would experience more stress. This study used the SPSS Macro
PROCESS (Hayes, 2013) to test the mediation hypotheses. This
test provided bootstrapped estimates and 95% bias-corrected (BC)
confidence intervals (CIs) for the indirect effects based on 5,000
resamples. Self-reported stress and physiological stress at baseline
were entered as covariates. As seen in Figure 1, bootstrapped
results indicated that only implicit self-esteem was a significant
mediator in the relation between perpetrator race and stress (B
ab
⫽
.100; [BC] 95% CI [.017, .260]). Explicit self-esteem did not
emerge as a significant mediator (B
ab
⫽.001; [BC] 95% CI
[⫺.041, .106]). The total effect of perpetrator race on stress was
significant (B⫽.46, p⫽.01), as well as both the aand bpaths of
the mediation model (B
a path
⫽⫺.19, p⫽.03; B
b path
⫽⫺.52, p⫽
.003). Therefore, the White perpetrator lowered the participants’
implicit self-esteem, which, in turn, was associated with increased
physiological stress.
Discussion
Empirical evidence suggests that microaggressions perpetrated
by White Americans toward Asian Americans have negative psy-
chological and physical health impacts (Torres-Harding, Andrade,
& Romero Diaz, 2012). Yet, the racial nature of microaggressions
has remained a point of contention, perhaps because many White
Americans believe that Asian Americans have achieved racial
equality (Sue, 2015) and that racial issues are no longer critical
social issues. Furthermore, the mechanisms by which racial mi-
croaggressions results in negative outcomes is still relatively un-
derstudied (Okazaki, 2009). The current study sought to experi-
mentally test the contested assertion that the perpetrator race
matters in microaggressions. Furthermore, we examined explicit
and implicit self-esteem as possible mechanisms by which racial
microaggressions are stressful for Asian Americans. Results of the
current study indicate a perpetrator race effect that was mediated
by implicit self-esteem such that White American perpetrators
caused lower implicit self-esteem compared to Asian American
perpetrators and lower implicit self-esteem was related to higher
physiological stress.
Racial Impact: Perpetrator Race Effect on Stress
This experiment directly tested the effect of perpetrator race on
stress. Findings from this study strongly suggest that the effects of
microaggressions are race-related, and these subtle slights are
associated with stress for Asian Americans. The Asian American
participants may have experienced the perpetrator race as a situa-
tional cue when interpreting the microaggressive comments (Cozby,
2009). Specifically, the White American experimenter perpetrating
the microaggression may have oriented Asian American partici-
pants to their inferior social status, resulting in a more stressful
experience compared to participants who heard an Asian American
experimenter expressing the exact same comments. The Social
Dominance Theory (SDT), which was developed to understand
social hierarchies and the role of oppression in human societies
(Pratto, Sidanius, & Levin, 2006), may explain the perpetrator race
effect on stress. All human societies tend to organize as group-
based social hierarchies in which certain groups have had more
social and economic power and privileges than those subordinate
to them (Brown, 1991;Lenski, 1984;Pratto, James, Lisa, &
Bertram, 1994;Pratto et al., 2006). White Americans are part of
the privileged group that historically has had greater social status
and power compared to people of color. Current findings are
consistent with how SDT explains the distinct systems of group-
based hierarchy (Crocker & Blanton, 1999;Pratto et al., 2006).
Counselors working with marginalized individuals should be
mindful of the social hierarchical context. Awareness of the social
dynamic may help prevent counselors from accidentally perpetrat-
ing microaggressions.
The perpetual foreigner microaggression may have elicited
feelings of marginalization (Geronimus, 1992), which could
explain the stressful impact of these slights on the Asian Amer-
ican participants. Social marginalization is the process in which
individuals from subordinate groups are prevented from partic-
ipating fully and normally in the society in which they reside
(Tang & Richardson, 2013). Social marginalization has been
shown to impact the psychological states of belonging, control,
and self-esteem (Alvarez et al., 2006;Liang, Li, & Kim, 2004;
Wang et al., 2011). Tang and Richardson (2013) examined
social dynamics between employees and found that feeling
integrated was positively related to well-being at work whereas
Figure 1. A multiple mediation model of perpetrator race and physiolog-
ical stress through self-esteem. Unstandardized regression coefficients for
the relationship between perpetrator race and physiological stress as me-
diated by explicit and implicit self-esteem. Perpetrator Race: 0 ⫽Asian
American perpetrator, 1 ⫽White Perpetrator.
ⴱ
p⬍.05;
ⴱⴱ
p⬍.01.
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579
IMPACT AND MECHANISMS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS

feeling marginalized was negatively related to well-being at
work, especially for employees of color. Researchers have
studied the Asian American experience in the United States and
found a significant relationship between social marginalization
and acculturative stress (Liang et al., 2004). Asian Americans
experienced greater acculturative stress compared to other ra-
cial groups, and acculturative stress was positively related to
feeling marginalized (Alvarez et al., 2006;Liang et al., 2004;
Wang et al., 2011). Past research also has indicated that feelings
of marginalization lead to socioemotional struggles and engage-
ment in risky behaviors (Blume, Lovato, Thyken, & Denny,
2012). By asking about their nationality and English abilities,
the White American perpetrators may have made the Asian
American participants feel marginalized and, in turn, these
feelings of marginalization may have been the source of
stress.
The Asian American participants were racially matched in the
control condition (Asian American perpetrator) and racially mis-
matched in the experimental condition (White American perpetra-
tor). Another explanation for the perpetrator race effect involves
the possibility that the racially mismatched condition caused more
stress for participants compared to the racially matched condition
(Murphy-Shigematsu, 2010). Researchers have shown that racial
or ethnic matches in dyadic interactions can result in more positive
relationships (Meyer & Zane, 2013). Racial or ethnic match may
explain why the participants experienced lower levels of stress
with the Asian American experimenter compared to an experi-
menter from another racial group. Meyer and Zane (2013) found
that racial match led to more perceived similarities and greater
positive affect between clients and counselors. Meyer, Zane, and
Cho (2011) also found that Asian American clients who were
racially and ethnically matched with therapists perceived greater
experiential similarities, which was positively associated with ther-
apist credibility. Much of the research on client and counselor
relationships has shown that racial match increases the likelihood
that clients trust their counselors (Zane, 1989). The match research
suggests that for Asian American participants who were racially
matched, the perceived similarities between the participant and
the Asian American perpetrator may have been more salient
than the negative associations about their English speaking
abilities (Alvarez et al., 2006). Under these circumstances, the
racially mismatched condition would have generated more
stress in this situation relative to the racial match condition
(Meyer et al., 2011).
Future research should test possible explanations for the
perpetrator race effect for microaggression by including an
additional comparison condition in which a person of color, not
from the same group as the recipient, perpetrates the microag-
gression. Such a study will allow researchers to test whether
microaggressive behavior perpetrated by non-Asian American
people of color would have similar effects on stress as when
perpetrated by White Americans. Testing this effect will clarify
whether these microaggressive behaviors are stressful because
of racial stratification or because perpetrators are simply from
another racial group. It should be noted that if the comparison
condition was more stressful than the racial/ethnic match con-
dition, the microaggression would still be race-related.
Mechanisms: Mediating Effects of Implicit Self-Esteem
Findings showed that implicit self-esteem mediated the perpetrator
race effect on physiological stress. Threats to self-esteem may cause
people to experience more stress because the recipients may make
internal attributions rather than externalizing the cause (Heatherton &
Polivy, 1991). Attributional style is defined as the way of inferring a
causal explanation for life experiences (Mehl et al., 2010) either to
oneself (internally) or other people and circumstances (externally).
Asian Americans may feel threatened by White Americans inquiring
about their English abilities, but the subtleness or ambiguity of these
situations may cause them to make an internal, instead of an external,
attribution leading them to feel responsible for the situation (Yoo,
Steger, & Lee, 2010). Asian Americans may feel responsible for the
perpetual foreigner microaggression, and as such, experience more
stress under these circumstances.
A large body of research has demonstrated the connection
between internal attribution and implicit processing (Miller, Bur-
goon, & Hall, 2007). The current study is one of the first to
determine why racial microaggressions causes stress for Asian
Americans. Findings indicate that these situations have a stressful
impact for Asian Americans because these slights may implicitly
lower their self-esteem. Most of the social-psychological studies
on self-esteem have focused on explicit self-esteem that is con-
sciously accessible (Spalding, 1998). More recent studies have
started to examine implicit self-esteem, or self-esteem that is not
consciously accessible (Dewitte, De Houwer, & Buysse, 2008;
Greenwald et al., 2003). Decrements to implicit self-esteem have
been associated with negative mental health and health outcomes
(Leary & Kowalski, 1990;Steinberg, Karpinski, & Alloy, 2007).
Steinberg et al. (2007) found that low levels of implicit self-esteem
predicted clinically significant depression. Leary and Downs
(1995) found a robust association between decrements of implicit
self-esteem and high levels of anxiety. Research on attributions
and implicit self-esteem strongly suggest that microaggressions
have negative effects but these effects often involve processes that
may not be apparent or salient to marginalized individuals (Stein-
berg et al., 2007;Spalding, 1998).
Implications
The current findings have implications for counseling strategies
specific for Asian Americans dealing with microaggressions. Find-
ings indicate that racial microaggressions are not simply insensitive
acts that are harmless regardless of perpetrator race (Beaumont,
2010), but that microaggressions are stressful for Asian Americans
when the perpetrators are White Americans. Asian Americans may
not make an accurate and direct attribution for microaggressions
because of the subtleness of these slights. Counselors could help
Asian American clients build their social consciousness about the
race-related nature of microaggressions and directly address the racial
dynamics of these daily stressors. Counselors could explain the per-
petual foreigner stereotype and how this stereotype is emulated in
interactions with White Americans.
Findings strongly suggest that microaggressions operate outside the
conscious awareness of the recipients. White Americans seem to
cause stress for Asian American by perceiving Asian Americans as
not “true” Americans. Asian Americans, however, may not be able to
understand the reasons due to the implicit nature of the racial impact.
Microaggressions are ambiguous situations that lack overt malevolent
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580 WONG-PADOONGPATT, ZANE, OKAZAKI, AND SAW

intent. The subtleness of the microaggression may have caused the
Asian American participants to make internal attributions for why the
White American experimenter inquired about their English ability.
Awareness of these subtle slights may help Asian Americans
attribute race-related microaggressions as external act of dis-
crimination which may mitigate the stressful effects. Counsel-
ors should focus on increasing the awareness of microaggres-
sion events for Asian American clients to help uncover the
ambiguity and identify these racial slights. Awareness may help
Asian Americans challenge the internal attributions for the
microaggressions and replace them with external attributions.
Findings also indicated that Asian Americans may not be aware of
how they are impacted by racial microaggressions since implicit
self-esteem significantly mediated the effect on stress. Counselors
should help Asian Americans be more in touch with their feelings
about being perceived by White Americans as not true Americans.
Perhaps counselors can work with Asian Americans to process ex-
plicitly the impact of being perceived as perpetual foreigners. Asian
American clients can develop better coping mechanisms and protect
their self-esteem with more awareness of the insidious effects. These
slights seem to affect the self-esteem of Asian Americans adversely
but in a covert way, which may prevent Asian Americans from taking
protective steps against these attacks on the self. Counselors and
therapists may clarify these incidents for marginalized individuals so
they can become more mindful of how these slights can adversely
affect them. Counselors may want to devise strategies to challenge the
notion of the perpetual foreigner microaggression from White Amer-
icans to make the process more explicit.
Limitations
This study had a number of limitations that should be consid-
ered. First, it examined the immediate effect of one microaggres-
sion incident and did not consider the cumulative effects of mi-
croaggressions. Since microaggressions are everyday stressors, it
may be the cumulative effect of numerous microaggressions that
negatively impacts mental and physical health (Geronimus, 1992).
A longitudinal study would be useful in determining the stressful
impact of racial microaggressions, particularly its cumulative ef-
fects. However, an examination of the immediate effect of micro-
aggressions was necessary to determine whether it was the racial
nature of the microaggression event that caused stress for Asian
Americans. Second, this study only considered the effects of
self-esteem that may account for the stress responses to microag-
gressions. Other aspects of one’s social identity may be affected by
racial microaggressions (Outlaw, 1993). For example, microag-
gressions may cause feelings of inferiority or tendencies for up-
ward social comparison (Rudman et al., 2007). Future studies can
determine if these or other aspects of the self may mediate the
stressful effects of microaggressions among Asian Americans and
other people of color. Third, this study only examined adverse
effects to self-esteem as possible mediators of microaggressions on
stress. Perhaps other psychosocial variables may help clarify the
reasons people of color experience more stress from racial micro-
aggressions perpetrated by a White person compared to an Asian
American person. For example, the extent to which one feels a lack
of control in the situation is a common appraisal of life stressors
(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Later studies should examine these
other types of appraisal to understand better why people of color
experience stress in response to racial microaggressions. Finally,
the experiment did not include a perpetrator race condition where
a racial minority person, who was not Asian American, perpetrated
the microaggression. There is a possibility that another racial
minority person may perpetrate microaggressions because these
behaviors may have activated negative stereotypes associated with
the ethnic minority group of the recipient. Future studies should
incorporate other racial groups to clarify the racial dynamics of
microaggressions.
Conclusions
Race theorists argue that racial microaggressions are common,
racism-related slights and invalidations perpetrated by White
Americans against people of color and that the racial nature of
microaggressions marginalizes people of color, leading to stress
(Sue, 2010). Others have contended that microaggressions elicit
little or no stress response and have challenged the notion that
microaggressions are race-related in nature (Harris, 2008). The
primary objective of this study was to test whether the racial nature
of the microaggressions actually caused more stress for Asian
Americans. Adverse effects on implicit self-esteem helped explain
why the racial nature of the experience had a differential impact on
stress. The study results challenge the claim that everyone, regard-
less of race, can perpetrate racial microaggressions. These slights
seem to attack Asian Americans in insidious ways which make it
difficult to defend against these slights. Collective awareness about
the impact and mechanisms of microaggressions may minimize the
differences in racial realities and alleviate the racial tension be-
tween White Americans and people of color.
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Received November 2, 2016
Revision received March 4, 2017
Accepted March 6, 2017 䡲
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IMPACT AND MECHANISMS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS