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Research Article
Aging Well in the Digital Age: Technology in Processes of
Selective Optimization with Compensation
Galit Nimrod, PhD1,2,*,
1Department of Communication Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, and 2The Center for Multidisciplinary
Research in Aging, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer-Sheva, Israel
*Address correspondence to: Galit Nimrod, PhD, Department of Communication Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, and The
Center for Multidisciplinary Research in Aging, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, POB 653, Beer-Sheva 84105, Israel. E-mail: gnimrod@bgu.ac.il
Received: March 27, 2019; Editorial Decision Date: August 11, 2019
Decision Editor: Jan Warren-Findlow, PhD
Abstract
Objectives: Studies show that using information and communication technology (ICT) contributes signicantly to elders’
subjective well-being (SWB). Drawing on the Selective Optimization with Compensation (SOC) model, this study aims at
exploring the mechanism by which ICT use helps older adults remain engaged in valued life activities and maintain their
SWB.
Method: Involving teams from seven countries (Canada, Colombia, Israel, Italy, Peru, Romania, Spain), 27 focus groups
were conducted with a total of 184 grandmothers aged 65years and older who use ICT.
Results: Analysis led to identication of a series of strategies related to ICT use that may be described in SOC terms.
“Intentional limited use” and “Selective timing,”, for example, are clearly associated with selection. In addition, numerous
optimizing strategies were found to be applied in “Instrumental” and “Leisure” activities, whereas some ICT uses offered
compensation for “Aging-related” and “General” challenging circumstances.
Discussion: The study suggests that ICT is used in all three SOC processes and that its effective application facilitates
adjustment and enhances SWB. It should therefore be regarded as a resource that supports existing personal and social re-
sources and life management strategies, and even as a Quality of Life Technology that maintains or enhances functioning
in older adulthood.
Keywords: Aging, Qualitative research, Technology, Well-being
The use of information and communication technology
(ICT) such as computers, internet, and mobile phones has
become a common practice among older adults in many
countries (Hunsaker & Hargittai, 2018). Parallel to the in-
crease in use and frequency, a growing number of studies
demonstrated that ICT use contributes signicantly to
older people’s subjective well-being (SWB; Damant, Knapp,
Freddolino, & Lombard, 2017). Other studies claried that
this contribution depends on the type and purpose of use
(Lifshitz, Nimrod, & Bachner, 2018; Szabo, Allen, Stephens,
& Alpass, 2019). The exact mechanism by which ICT
use affects SWB, however, requires further investigation.
Drawing on the Selective Optimization with Compensation
(SOC) model (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes & Carstensen,
1996), this study aims at intensifying comprehension of
that mechanism.
ICT Use and SWB in Later Life
Over the past few decades, a signicant volume of scien-
tic inquiry aimed at providing a better understanding of
what it means to age well, offering numerous denitions,
theories and measurements. Whereas some scholars (e.g.,
Rowe & Kahn, 1998) referred to old age as a period in
Journals of Gerontology: Social Sciences
cite as: J Gerontol B Psychol Sci Soc Sci, 2020, Vol. 75, No. 9, 2008–2017
doi:10.1093/geronb/gbz111
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which the individual is physically, cognitively, and men-
tally challenged and dened aging well as confronting these
challenges successfully, others (e.g., Baltes & Baltes, 1990)
adopted a more relative view and dened it as making the
best of what one has rather than achieving a specic objec-
tive level of functioning. The absence of a consensus de-
nition has given rise to an extensive compass of measures,
ranging from broad objective constructs, such as quality
of life or health condition, to the somewhat narrower def-
initions of SWB that refer to “self-evaluation that people
make about their general life condition, usually in terms
of a judgment or affect that can be located on a positive-
negative continuum” (Shmotkin, 2011, pp.27–28). Unlike
objective measures, which refer to observable conditions
such as income or health, denitions of SWB typically ex-
clude objective conditions, although these can inuence
ratings ofSWB.
Studies that explored the impact of ICT use on SWB of
older adults covered diverse topics and employed a wide
range of qualitative and quantitative methods. Generally
speaking, these studies can be divided into those that tried
to identify what the impact is (i.e., positive or negative) and
those that attempted to explain how ICT affects well-being.
Among the rst group, some studies revealed no ICT use
impact (e.g., Berner, Rennemark, Jogreus, & Berglund,
2012; Slegers, Van Boxtel, & Jolles, 2008), whereas others
uncovered negative effects (e.g., Caspi, Daniel, and Kave,
2019; Matthews & Nazroo, 2015). The majority, however,
demonstrated an overall positive association between ICT
use and SWB in later life and some even proved causality
(for reviews, see Damant etal., 2017; Forsman & Nordmyr,
2017; Forsman etal., 2018).
The contrasting ndings were explained by the insuf-
cient methodological quality of most previous studies
(Forsman etal., 2018), as well as by inconsistency in the
denition of basic concepts (e.g., old age) and sampling
methods (Hunsaker & Hargittai, 2018). In addition, many
studies adopted a macro level view that addresses ICT use
as a single, general activity and could thus give rise to mis-
leading generalizations (Lifshitz etal., 2018). As ICT offers
numerous activities, recent studies argued that its contri-
bution depends on the type and purpose of use. One study,
for example, distinguished among three purposes (commu-
nication, information, and task performance) and found
that all three indirectly affected SWB via increased social
engagement and that communication also decreased loneli-
ness (Szabo etal., 2019). Another study, however, examined
leisure in addition to the aforementioned three purposes
and showed that after controlling for sociodemographic
variables, only leisure uses associated signicantly with
SWB measures (Lifshitz etal., 2018).
Studies that aimed at exploring how ICT affects older
individuals’ SWB tended to adopt a micro level approach,
namely, to examine specic technology-based activities.
These studies provided a deeper understanding of the
benets of ICT to older adults by demonstrating how the
impacts vary according to activity type and use experience.
Playing video games, for example, was found to produce
positive emotions and foster relationships with younger
family members (Osmanovic & Pecchioni, 2016), whereas
using social media decreased loneliness and relieved stress
(Leist, 2013) and carrying a mobile phone increased a sense
of security (Kurniawan, 2008). The limited scope of these
studies, however, precluded examination of different activi-
ties undertaken by the same user and the interrelationships
among such activities. Furthermore, they often overlooked
the notions that the same activity may play different roles
under varying circumstances, and that a certain activity
may provide different benets for different users (Nimrod,
2013).
Moreover, similar to the studies that adopted a macro
level approach, studies that focused on specic activities
often demonstrated considerable weaknesses. Some studies
on the impacts of “exergames” (digital games that involve
physical exercise) on SWB, for example, did not specify the
signicance of the results or did not nd any signicant
ndings (Loos & Kaufman, 2018), and explorations of the
impacts of social media tended to ignore possible negative
consequences such as adoption of harmful information
shared by other users and misuse of personal information
(Leist, 2013). Consequently, the answer to the how ques-
tion is currently only partial, and there appears to be a need
for a more holistic approach that systematically considers
various uses and focuses on processes rather than specic
activity and/or SWB outcome.
The SOCModel
Like ICT studies, research seeking a better understanding
of well-being in later life has generated numerous den-
itions, theories, and models that attempt to explain what
it means to be “well” in older adulthood and how people
age well (Steverink, 2014). The SOC model is a most sa-
lient example of the latter. Originally suggested by Baltes
and Baltes (1990), this model offers an explanation for suc-
cessful aging that focuses on people’s abilities to adjust to
losses in a manner that optimizes their remaining capacities
and resources.
SOC suggests that positive adaptation to challenges is
more likely when people select personal goals that match
or optimize their available resources (Baltes & Carstensen,
1996; Lang, Rieckmann, & Baltes, 2002). Even more im-
portant is the way that older adults use these resources,
exercising selection, optimization, and compensation to re-
main engaged in valued life activities (Baltes & Lang, 1997).
Selection refers to individuals’ goal-setting and prioritization
of goals and related activities. It includes elective selection,
namely, committing to goals and activities perceived as more
important while relinquishing those that are less so, as well
as loss-based selection, that results from experiencing a loss
in goal-relevant means that threatens one’s functioning in a
specic domain. Optimization involves acquiring, applying,
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rening, and focusing resources to achieve desired goals
and persisting in efforts to achieve them. Compensation is
nding alternative approaches, assistive technology, and so-
cial support to maintain effective and satisfying involvement
when specic goal-relevant means are no longer available
(Baltes, 1997; Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes & Carstensen,
1996; Freund & Baltes, 2002).
Combining all three processes effectively not only fa-
cilitates adjustment to loss and limitation, but also may
bring about growth and enhance well-being. Two factors
within SOC were identied as predicting well-being in the
face of diminishing abilities. The rst is personal resources
such as self-esteem, condence, or perceived control, as
well as social resources that support successful engagement
with one’s community (Jopp & Smith, 2006). The second
is the use of self-regulatory processes or what are referred
to within SOC as life management strategies (Freund &
Baltes, 2002)—learned and practiced skills, including the
ability to revise goals based on a realistic appraisal of re-
sources and to use strategies to compensate for personal
limitations (Jopp & Smith, 2006).
Since its introduction, the SOC model was explored in
numerous studies of older adults. Many focused on aging-
related challenges, especially health decline and living with
chronic conditions (Carpentieri, Elliott, Brett, & Deary,
2017; Zhang & Radhakrishnan, 2018). Other studies,
however, concentrated on specic life domains, such as
work (Zacher & Frese, 2011), leisure (Son & Janke, 2015),
and relationships (Rohr & Lang, 2009). It was even sug-
gested that constraints may be a benecial factor in peo-
ples’ lives, as they force them to apply SOC strategies and
focus on the most meaningful activities (Kleiber, McGuire,
Aybar-Damali, & Norman, 2008).
Several scholars found that older individuals apply SOC
strategies in ICT-adoption processes. Broady, Chan, and
Caputi (2010), for example, pointed that older ICT users
selectively choose to use fewer applications than younger
people, and Vaportzis, Giatsi Clausen, and Gow (2017)
reported that these users show evidence of optimizing be-
havior, such as requesting or accepting assistance to use
technology. Others (e.g., Hernandez-Encuentra, Pousada,
& Gomez-Zuniga, 2009; Lifshitz et al., 2018; Sun,
McLaughlin, & Cody, 2016) suggested that ICT is used in
SOC processes, stressing that its use may compensate for
aging-related decits. No previous research, however, has
explicitly explored how the use of various ICTs supports
SOC processes in later adulthood. As the SOC model offers
a holistic approach that systematically considers processes
rather than specic activities and/or well-being outcomes,
it may be most useful in answering the how question re-
garding ICT and SWB in later life. Accordingly, this study
aims at answering two interrelated questions:
1. What uses do older adults make of ICT through SOC
processes?
2. How do these uses help them remain engaged in
valued life activities and maintain their SWB?
Method
Data Collection
Data for this study were collected in the framework of the
“Grannies on the internet” project. Involving teams from
seven countries (Canada, Colombia, Israel, Italy, Peru,
Romania, Spain), 27 focus groups were conducted, com-
prising grandmothers aged 65years and older who use the
internet. The age limit was set in accordance with the ac-
cepted chronological age used in denitions of older per-
sons in most developed world countries (World Health
Organization, 2015). The operational denition for in-
ternet use was “making any use of the internet,” even if this
use was very limited in terms of frequency and/or scope.
This denition allowed us to interview a wide variety of
users. Each team was granted an ethics approval from its
respective institutional review board. Participants were re-
cruited by posting information at local community centers
and/or snowball sampling. The number of focus groups per
country ranged from three to ve, and the number of par-
ticipants per group from ve to ten, yielding a total of 184
participants. Their characteristics are presented in Table 1.
After being informed about the project’s aims, each par-
ticipant signed a consent form and lled in a short back-
ground questionnaire. Then, a group discussion explored
participants’ experiences with ICT. This included probing
when, how, and why they learned to use various ICTs; their
current uses of various devices, software, and applications;
the difculties they face; and the benets they gain from
using them. The focus group discussions were audiotaped
and then transcribed verbatim and translated into English
by the teams, who also added clarications for local refer-
ences (e.g., people, places, events, and traditions).
Data Analysis
The focus groups discussions did not refer directly to SOC
processes but rather aimed at exploring such processes as
implied by the experiences that the participants shared.
Accordingly, the data were analyzed by drawing on the
principles of the hybrid approach of inductive and deduc-
tive thematic analysis (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006),
which integrates data-driven codes with theory-driven
ones based on the tenets of social phenomenology. This ap-
proach enabled identifying SOC strategies unique to ICT
use, and possibly even expand the SOC model by revealing
processes other than “Selection,” “Optimization,” and
“Compensation.” However, no such additional processes
were observed.
The three SOC concepts informed the development of
the code manual for the study. As a rst step, all transcripts
were carefully read and descriptive codes were generated
through open coding. Each data-driven code was exam-
ined and classied in light of the SOC model. In this phase,
for example, all codes describing internet use aimed at
improving poor skills were classied as “Compensation.”
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Once the initial coding framework was established, the
analysis proceeded to connecting the codes and generating
a coherent logical structure based on the theory-driven con-
cepts and their relationships with the coded data. In this
phase, for example, all codes related to improvement of
skills were grouped into a subcategory titled improving ex-
isting skills. The latter was then grouped along with the sub-
category learning new skills into a skills category, which, in
turn, was merged with knowledge and then included with
other categories in the major “general challenges” category.
The latter category along with major “aging-related chal-
lenges” category formed the theme of compensating with
ICT. Codes related to SWB that could be directly linked to
specic categories and/or themes were also considered in
this process. For the practices that compensated for lack of
knowledge or skills, for example, these codes were termed
personal growth and self-esteem.
The data analysis was an iterative and reexive process.
This included shifting back and forth between preliminary
subgroupings and revised versions, as well as ongoing com-
parisons among different participants, circumstances, and
countries. Reexive and theoretical notations were used
to rene the analysis and shape interpretations. Analysis
was supported by the qualitative data analysis software
Atlas.ti 7.Considering the large number of participants, no
pseudonyms and descriptive information were attached to
the brief quotes provided in the Results section, and only
age and country were mentioned in cases of long quotes.
Results
Analysis led to identication of a series of strategies related to
ICT use that may be described in SOC terms. Many of these
strategies were associated with the challenge of operating the
ICTs themselves (e.g., seeking help), but these strategies were
beyond the scope of the current report, that focuses on ICT
uses that helped study participants remain active and so-
cially engaged. Results also pointed to several cross-national
differences with regard to ICT use (e.g., WhatsApp seemed
to be less prevalent in Canada). Nevertheless, ICT use in
SOC processes was largely similar in all countries.
Selectivity in ICTUse
Two types of strategies identied in the analysis were
clearly associated with selection: “Intentional limited use”
and “Selective timing.” “Intentional limited use” included
limiting duration of use, media repertoire, and content con-
sumed. Realizing that ICT may distract them from other,
more important activities, many participants reported that
they limited duration of use by restricting the number of
times per day they used it and/or making sure that use did
not exceed a certain amount of time. They explained that
new technologies can “grab you and take a lot of your time,
just like television” and thus “you have to restrain your-
self.” Otherwise, “it would take too long and I would not
be able to do other things that interest me more.”
Table 1. Study Participants
Canada Colombia Israel Italy Peru Romania Spain Total
No. of participants 30 34 24 28 24 20 24 184
Age
Range (65 to … 87 87 81 81 82 81 88 88
Average 69.2 69.9 74.9 71.5 72.1 69.5 71.5 71.1
Family status
Married/in relationship 20 15 9 16 11 5 11 87
Widowed 7 10 10 11 9 11 7 65
Divorced/separated 3 4 5 1 3 2 3 21
Single 0 5 0 0 1 2 0 8
Work status
Retired 27 24 19 25 16 15 19 145
Not employed 1 8 1 1 0 0 0 11
Working 2 2 4 2 6 5 2 23
Education
Secondary or lower 8 13 2 20 3 12 13 71
Post-secondary 9 13 3 2 5 1 4 37
Academic 13 8 19 6 16 6 4 72
Income
Average or lower 17 19 6 11 12 12 4 81
Above average 11 15 17 17 11 8 10 89
Internet at home
Yes 29 31 24 27 24 20 16 171
No 1 3 0 1 0 0 4 9
Notes. Working= full or part time. Some information is missing because participants could choose not to answer all background questions. As a result, the total
sum for each item does not always equal the number of participants.
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Perceiving the need to keep up with the proliferation of
ICT and the constant changes therein as a task that requires
considerable time and effort, many participants also re-
ported that they limited their media repertoire in a manner
that maximized benets at minimum exertion, referring to
both number of devices (“I use a smartphone only. It has
everything”) and variety of software and applications, for
example:
I learned how to use the things that interest me, such as
WhatsApp and Facebook. Iknow that there are lots of
other applications, but I’m not interested. I’m not going
to complicate my life by putting more things in my head
that Idon’t need, I’ve learned what Ineeded to learn.
(69, Colombia)
In addition, participants reported that to avoid “getting
so sucked in” and/or upset, they intentionally limited the
amount and type of content they consumed by ignoring and
deleting uninteresting messages; quitting annoying mailing
lists and groups; blocking advertisements, pornography,
and violent content; being selective about online contacts;
and so on. One participant, for example, explained: “I send
[Facebook] friend requests only if Iam willing to hear what
the people have to say. Ihave no fascists on my Facebook,
Ido not want to get angry.”
“Selective timing” included a set of strategies that did
not limit use altogether but rather aimed at using ICT at
the right moment. These strategies included switching
off, leaving [the device] elsewhere, leaving for later, and
time designation. The rst two strategies were associ-
ated primarily with mobile phone use while with other
people or engaged in other activities. Participants were
criticizing others, especially younger people, who use
their mobile phones at times they thought were inappro-
priate, reporting that to achieve total engagement, they
either switch off their phones (“When I’m in a meeting
or taking a walk Ialmost always turn it off or put it in
airplane mode”) or simply leave them elsewhere (“If Igo
to the gym, Ileave it at home”). Some even reported that
at family gatherings they ask everyone to do the same, for
example: “When my daughter comes with my grandchil-
dren to eat, Isay ‘While we are eating, Idon’t want mobile
phones [at the table].’”
Leaving for later was described chiey as a strategy for
dealing with large amounts of messages and/or informa-
tion. One participant, for example, said that “people send
so many pictures and interesting notes that you would like
to look at, so Ikeep them for a later time, when Ican give
them my full attention.” Some participants even described
designating specic times of day for ICT use. Typically,
it was early in the morning (“I read my Facebook in the
morning like a person would normally read a newspaper”)
or late at night (“before going to bed … instead of watching
TV”), replacing traditional media use. This way, ICT use
became part of the daily routine and facilitated social
engagement without affecting meaningful roles, goals, and
activities adversely.
The two chief strategies, “Intentional limited use” and
“Selective timing,” could generally be described as elec-
tive selection. Their application did not result from ex-
periencing a loss in goal-relevant means but rather from
the participants’ wish to make the most of existing per-
sonal resources, time and effort especially. By limiting
duration of use and/or choosing when to use the various
ICTs, they could make better use of their time, and by re-
stricting their media repertoires they could reduce the in-
vestment of both time and effort in acquiring digital skills
that they did not perceive as necessary. In addition, lim-
iting the type of content consumed enhanced the benets
they derived from ICT use by increasing the proportion of
interesting and/or enjoyable content. Thus, the identied
selection strategies seemed to contribute to participants’
SWB by offering self-regulatory processes that supported
making the most of existing personal resources and en-
hanced positive experiences. In addition, enacting them
appeared to strengthen users’ perceived sense of control.
Rather than allowing technology “grab” their time and
energy, they were “on top” of it, as one participant ex-
plained: “It [technology] gives you control. You know,
you are involved, and if you are not involved then you
press a button and receive the information that you need.
Your need to absorb new things is met by the fact that you
control those things.”
Optimization via ICTUse
Study participants described numerous strategies that
optimize their daily activities through ICT use. Unlike
the selection strategies that could be categorized ac-
cording to action type, these strategies were best grouped
according to the activities they supported, which could
generally be classied as “Instrumental Activities of
Daily Living” (IADL, Roley etal., 2008) or “Leisure ac-
tivities.” The most dominant IADL were communication
management, health maintenance and management, -
nancial management, shopping, and caring for others.
Other IADL (e.g., home maintenance, cooking, mobility,
and religious observances) were also discussed but to a
lesser extent.
Optimization of communication management com-
prised various strategies that could mostly be divided
between person-match and purpose-match. Almost all
participants referred to their attempts to use media that
best accommodated the needs, schedules, preferences, geo-
graphical location, and/or digital literacy of the people with
whom they communicated. The medium choice, however,
also depended on the purpose of use. Many, for example,
reported that they used text messages to communicate
brief information but phone calls if they wanted to have
“a real conversation” or when it was urgent. The following
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quote exemplies the interplay of person and purpose
considerations:
I used Skype a lot when my daughter and her hus-
band lived abroad ... Today they are back, so we use
WhatsApp. With relatives, I talk by cell phone or
WhatsApp, with classic texting for those who do not
have WhatsApp. For everything that is ofcial, I use
email. With grandchildren, Iuse voice messages—just so
we can hear each other. (66, Italy)
The medium’s qualities (e.g., screen size, perceived safety,
costs) were also taken into account in the participants’
choice. They explained, for example, that video calls
were best for long distance communication because they
saved money and provided an experience that resembled
in-person communication.
The use of ICT in health maintenance and management
was reected in performance of various health-related er-
rands (“organizing medical appointments, lling in forms,
updating forms, lab tests …”), playing online games con-
sidered healthy for the brain, and seeking information
about both sickness (e.g., diseases, medications) and well-
ness (e.g., healthful recipes). One participant even ex-
plained how she used the internet for self-help when she
suffered backache:
At night it hurt a lot and I thought about calling my
son, who is a doctor, but it was too late. So Ithought
“computer”. Ilooked up “medicine” and it gave me the
name of the remedy Itake for my hypertension. Since
Ialready had that remedy I took it, and in the end the
aching stopped. (79, Peru)
Financial management and shopping via ICTs shared sim-
ilar perceived benets. Some participants reported that they
managed their bank accounts and paid bills and taxes via
the internet, thereby saving time and effort. Many also de-
scribed involvement in online shopping and tended to view
it as convenient, enjoyable, and cost-effective (“Prices are
cheaper. I bought new tiles at half price.”). Others, how-
ever, were troubled by the risks associated with providing
their personal information and/or credit card information.
Nevertheless, they used consumer information available on-
line to optimize ofine shopping. As one participant said:
“Almost everything Ibuy starts on the internet. Igo online to
nd out if this [the item] is exactly what Ithink it is or not.”
Participants reported numerous methods of applying
ICT to optimize their care for others. Typically, this was
accomplished when caring for grandchildren, either by
providing the child with ICT (“I give my great-grandson
my phone to play with”) or co-use, for example: “I often
look at things with my grandchild through smartphones or
tablets ... a cartoon, or research for school. This way Iget
closer [to him].” Some, however, also described how they
used ICT in caring for adults, such as their older parents or
frail spouses. They reported that they always carried their
mobile phones with them in case something happens and
that they used the technology to coordinate care with other
family members.
Strategies for optimizing daily activities via ICT use
were applied not only in IADL but also in “Leisure ac-
tivities.” These strategies were reected in personal, so-
cial, and family leisure and were generally divided
between facilitating the organization and enriching the
activity. Strategies of facilitation primarily involved plan-
ning based on information available online (“I check in-
formation about museums. It’s important for me to know
opening hours, who is exhibiting, etc.”), making reser-
vations, and coordinating participation with others. The
latter was typically accomplished via text messages, where
group messages on Facebook and WhatsApp were con-
sidered most effective (“With WhatsApp, Ican ask where
we should go for coffee this week. There is no need to call
5–6 girls”). Such groups were often informal, set up and
managed by family members or friends, but many partici-
pants also reported being part of formal mailing lists and
Facebook/WhatsApp groups established by organizations
offering leisure activities (e.g., cultural centers and tour
operators).
Enriching the activity strategies also relied on online
information—in this case applied during participation,
such as consulting with Google when solving a crossword
puzzle, using an online dictionary in a foreign language
class, and nding new models for handicrafts. One partici-
pant, for example, mentioned how she used the internet for
her artwork:
I discovered a site with various arrangements that
you can make with pasta. Ihave a box of pasta and
when I start, I can’t stop. Iam referring to art elem-
ents, owers, spirals. And you can do many things with
eggshells. Also using the bottoms of beer cans—things
you’d never think of. (73, Romania)
In addition, some participants described post-participation
use of online information, such as reading about the artist
after visiting an exhibition or about a place visited during
travels. Such use was described as “increasing the impact”
of the leisure experience.
Similar to the selection strategies, most practices asso-
ciated with optimization seemed to contribute to partici-
pants’ SWB by supporting processes that facilitated making
the most of existing personal resources: time, effort, and
even money. In addition, the practices associated with
enriching leisure seemed to enhance positive experiences.
Hence, optimization not only supported maintained in-
volvement in valued life activities but also augmented the
benets resulting from participation. Furthermore, being
able to better perform IADL and more efciently organize
leisure activities seemed to strengthen the study partici-
pants’ sense of autonomy and self-esteem, as reected in
the followingquote:
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I search everything by myself and nd everything Ineed.
One must be in the loop. Technology is rapidly devel-
oping, and you must develop yourself accordingly. If
you fail to do so, you go downhill. If Isee a woman my
age who has no idea about technology, Iwill think that
she is a little dumb, even if it’s not true. (76, Israel).
Compensating WithICT
The focus group discussions revealed that ICT use some-
times offered compensation for “Aging-related” and
“General” challenging circumstances that posed threats
to participants’ SWB. Hence, unlike the selection and op-
timization strategies that could be categorized according to
one’s actions and activity, the compensation practices were
grouped according to external circumstance. The chief
aging-related situations described were retirement, spousal
loss, and physical constraints. With regard to retirement,
ICT was used mostly to keep in touch with former col-
leagues, typically via designated Facebook/WhatsApp
groups. One participant, for example, said that she and her
colleagues formed a WhatsApp group “to stay in touch, to
celebrate birthdays … to inform one another that someone
has died or that someone was born. We are together through
good and bad times.” Another participant reported that she
was a Facebook friend of many of her former students, and
that “it is a joy for me to notice that they remember me,
that they love me, that they have nice memories.”
Widows described how ICT use helped them cope with
loneliness (“You live alone but it’s not as though you’re
lonely. You’ve pretty much got a friend at your ngertips”),
and how having a mobile phone increased their sense of
safety at home (“If Ifall during the night, heaven forbid,
Ido not want to be found with the cats”) and outside (“for
whenever Iwent out in case anything happened to me”).
Others, who coped with a constraining physical condition,
typically post-surgery or accident, indicated that they used
ICT to keep themselves busy, coordinate visits, and call
forhelp.
Besides providing some compensation for aging-related
circumstances, ICT was described as an effective means for
coping with two “General” challenges, of which the rst is
physical distance from loved ones. All focus groups con-
sisted of participants who had children and grandchildren
living far away from them, and many also reported phys-
ical distance from other family members and/or friends as
a result of residence change, immigration, or travels. It ap-
peared, however, that the most troubling separation was
distance from young grandchildren, for which ICT and es-
pecially video calls offered some compensation:
My grandson lives in another country and we sang
“Happy Birthday” to him through our iPad. We also
sent him a present and he was saying “Oh, wow!” So
now he is beginning to see that even if you’re not physi-
cally there, you can relate to people.” (73, Canada)
All participants agreed that even though communication
via ICT cannot replace physical and visual contact, it is a
useful means for keeping remote people close: “The dis-
tance decreases thanks to these tools.”
Second, participants described the information avail-
able on the internet as a means that compensates for lack
of knowledge or skills. Some participants explained how
they used the internet to improve poor skills (e.g., baking
cookies, understanding English), others reported using
it to learn a new skill (e.g., playing bridge, xing a snow
blower), and everyone described how the internet provided
them with all information they could possiblyneed:
If we are in the middle of a conversation and Ihave any
doubt, Ilook things up on Google. It’s so immediate.
Sometimes, we are in the library of the senior center and
while others are looking for something, Ialready nd it
here—and Ido this a lot. It’s the immediacy. (69, Spain)
In fact, many of the participants described the use of Google
as turning to a person who “tells” or “teaches” everything,
“understands” and “answers” any question, “helps” one to
getalong, and can also “make mistakes.” Some even gave
it an honoric (e.g., “Mister Google”) or a nickname: “I
give my friend Gogu an assignment. Iask him to look for
things.”
In contrast to the strategies associated with selection or
optimization, most practices associated with compensation
did not involve maximization of personal resources such
as time and effort. Instead, almost all of them seemed to
contribute to participants’ SWB by maintaining social re-
sources in the face of various threats—either general or
aging related. Enabling keeping in touch with former col-
leagues, old friends, and remote family members, ICT use
preserved participants’ engagement with their communities
and thus offered a sense of continuity, facilitated the ex-
change of social support, and helped avoiding feelings of
loneliness. Even the practices that compensated for lack
of knowledge or skills, which seemed to promote self-es-
teem and personal growth (e.g., “sometimes I nd myself
arriving to things I did not even know they exist”), had
a social component as reected in users’ tendency to per-
sonify Google and present it as integral part of their social
network.
Discussion
SOC model (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes & Carstensen,
1996) application in this study of older users intensied un-
derstanding of why and how ICT typically exerts positive
effects on older adults’ SWB (Damant etal., 2017; Forsman
& Nordmyr, 2017; Forsman et al., 2018). Overall, the
study offered evidence for previous suggestions according
to which ICT may support SOC processes in later life
(Hernandez-Encuentra et al., 2009; Lifshitz etal., 2018;
Sun et al., 2016), illustrating the various mechanisms by
which such support is provided.
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Although no quantitative measures were used in this
study, it appeared that the most common and diverse
application of ICT was optimization of daily activities.
This could be an indication of the role older people give
to technology in their daily lives, but it may also be a
result of the studied sample that comprised a high rate
of relatively young, healthy, and highly educated grand-
mothers. Facing relatively few losses and constraining
circumstances, these women may have experienced less
need for selection and/or compensation. The use of op-
timization practices in performing IADL such as health
management, nancial management, and shopping, as
well as in planning leisure activities, was said to have
saved time, effort, and money. Accordingly, it facilitated
everyday activities and enabled better use of available
personal resources in achieving desired goals (Baltes
& Carstensen, 1996; Lang et al., 2002). As the ability
to carry out IADL and participation in leisure activi-
ties are strong predictors of SWB in later life (Adams,
Leibbrandt, & Moon, 2011; Jivraj, Nazroo, Vanhoutte,
& Chandola, 2014), the impact of ICT on SWB may be
explained according to its contribution to conservation
of resources for greater engagement in valued life activ-
ities (Baltes & Lang, 1997). Moreover, as it seemed to
strengthen the study participants’ sense of autonomy
and self-esteem, the impact is also reected in enhance-
ment of personal resources (Jopp & Smith, 2006).
ICT also appeared to play a role in improving the ex-
perience of performing various daily activities, such as
communication management and of caring for others.
Matching media to purpose and interlocutor apparently
contributes to communication quality, whereas co-use of
ICT with grandchildren underscores shared interests and
provides opportunities for bonding. Such impact was re-
ected most noticeably in leisure activities, leading to the
suggestion that optimization via ICT use both maintains
involvement in meaningful activities and enhances the posi-
tive experiences they provide. These variations also support
previous arguments according to which the contribution of
ICT depends on the type and purpose of use (Lifshitz etal.,
2018; Szabo etal., 2019).
In addition, analysis indicated that ICT use can com-
pensate somewhat for changes and losses associated with
aging, such as retirement, spousal loss, and physical con-
straints. The most dominant compensating ICT function
appeared to be communication, which preserved social
engagement, offered a channel for social support, and de-
creased loneliness. This function also compensated for
physical distance from loved ones, which is not necessarily
associated with advanced age but was very common among
study participants. The low costs of online communication
and the video call option enabled more frequent contact
and better communication with family and friends residing
in remote places. In addition, the personication of Google
may imply that users perceived it, to some extent, as part of
their social network.
The role of interpersonal communication offered by
ICT in such compensation processes may explain the sa-
lience of the communication function in previous studies
of the ICT–SWB association in later life (e.g., Szabo etal.,
2019). Apparently, ICT use contributes to preservation of
social resources that are crucial to SWB in old age (Jopp
& Smith, 2006). This study, however, also emphasized the
importance of the information function. Information pro-
vided by ICT was applied in optimization of daily activities
such as health management and leisure planning, and also
compensated for lack of knowledge and skills. As a result,
users could experience greater self-efcacy and even a sense
of growth. ICT may thus be regarded as a tool allowing for
change and not “merely a tool for the conservation of old
functions” (Hernandez-Encuentra etal., 2009, p.243).
Finally, the ndings regarding selectivity suggested that
ICT use is both a means for maintaining social engagement
and a goal in itself that is prioritized among other goals.
To preserve available resources, time and effort in partic-
ular, study participants intentionally limited their ICT use
duration as well as their repertoire of uses and content con-
sumed. They also applied a variety of strategies aimed at
using ICT when the time is right, thus rendering ICT part of
their daily routine without affecting meaningful goals and
activities adversely, maximizing its positive benets at min-
imum cost. This type of selectivity was clearly elective rather
than loss-based (Baltes, 1997; Freund & Baltes, 2002) as it
resulted from the participants’ wish to make the most of
available resources. Applying selectivity in ICT use could
thus be regarded as life management strategy (Freund &
Baltes, 2002) that promotes SWB by maximizing benets of
ICT use at minimum exertion. Such elective selectivity may
also increase the sense of independence and control that
is vital to SWB in later life (Hernandez-Encuentra et al.,
2009; Jopp & Smith, 2006).
Overall, as discussed earlier with relation to each SOC
process separately, the ndings suggest that ICT is used in
all the three SOC processes and that its effective applica-
tion facilitates adjustment and enhances SWB. Hence, ICT
should be regarded as a resource that supports existing
personal and social resources and life management strat-
egies (Jopp & Smith, 2006; Freund & Baltes, 2002) by
enabling constant revision of goals, optimization of avail-
able resources, and compensation for personal limitations.
Moreover, it can be viewed as a Quality of Life Technology,
namely, a technology that maintains or enhances human
physical, cognitive, social, or emotional functioning
(Schulz, 2013).
These notions have both theoretical and practical im-
plications. From the theoretical perspective, they explain
how ICT contributes to SWB in later life. Although there
are other explanations, such as those pertaining to mean-
ingful online activities (Lifshitz et al., 2018), awareness
of the role of ICT in SOC processes claries its signi-
cance and may explain why some older adults benet from
its use more than others. From the practical perspective,
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perceiving ICT as a Quality of Life Technology calls for
interventions aimed at increasing its use in SOC processes.
These may include subsidizing costs of devices and internet
connections and incorporating modules on topics such as
shopping and banking in ICT training for seniors. At the
same time, however, they should also include educational
efforts directed toward promoting selective rather than ex-
cessive ICTuse.
Limitations and Future Research
The holistic approach of the SOC model applied in this
study proved very useful in answering the how question
regarding ICT and SWB in later life, whereas the large
number of study participants and their varying back-
grounds enabled some generalization. Nevertheless, the
study had considerable limitations, especially its focus
on grandmothers. Although the majority of previous re-
search found no gender differences in the SOC process
(Freund & Baltes, 2002), older men are less likely than
women to experience challenging conditions such as wid-
owhood, disability, and nancial strain, and appear to
have the advantage regarding technology adoption and
use (Kim, Lee, Christensen, & Merighi, 2017). Men’s
application of ICT in SOC processes may thus be sub-
stantially different from that of women. Furthermore, re-
sults may not be similar among older women who do not
have grandchildren or children at all. Consequently, fu-
ture studies should explore the use of ICT in SOC among
more diverse populations, including non-grandmothers
and men. Studies may also apply quantitative methods to
measure the salience of the various usages revealed in this
study, along with their impacts. Finally, studies should
assess and improve the range of intervention techniques
and their efcacy in increasing older individuals’ bene-
cial use of technology.
Funding
This work was supported by Ageing + Communication +
Technologies (ACT), a research project funded by the Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and
housed at Concordia University in Montreal, Canada.
Conflict of Interest
The author has no conicts of interest to declare.
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