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Social class of the rural households in the Northeast, Thailand

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This study tried to examine the social class of rural northeast households, Thailand. The mixed methodology was employed in this research. It started with a qualitative phase in two villages that have a high proportion of elderly. In-depth interviews were conducted based on an interview guideline with the 22 key informants. Wealth ranking was also conducted with 28 heads of households. In quantitative phase, interview schedule was administered as a research tool to 372 three-generation households. Data collection was collected during March, 2014 -November, 2015. Qualitative data and quantitative data were analyzed by the inductive analytics and descriptive statistics respectively. The results were found that the production system still dominated in the rural households of the northeast, Thailand. Social class was divided by the consumption patterns of the households in two villages and those also correspond to the official criteria. The social class of the rural households; the rich, the medium, and the poor were reflected in the economic capital accumulation, which was transferred, creation, cache and investment. Those processes provided many chances and the social class which affected the rural households to social mobility.
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SOCIAL CLASS OF THE RURAL HOUSEHOLDS IN THE
NORTHEAST, THAILAND
Wanichcha Narongchai1, Dusadee Ayuwat1* and Oranutda Chinnasri2
Abstract : This study tried to examine the social class of rural northeast households, Thailand.
The mixed methodology was employed in this research. It started with a qualitative phase in
two villages that have a high proportion of elderly. In-depth interviews were conducted based
on an interview guideline with the 22 key informants. Wealth ranking was also conducted
with 28 heads of households. In quantitative phase, interview schedule was administered as a
research tool to 372 three-generation households. Data collection was collected during March,
2014 –November, 2015. Qualitative data and quantitative data were analyzed by the inductive
analytics and descriptive statistics respectively.
The results were found that the production system still dominated in the rural households of
the northeast, Thailand. Social class was divided by the consumption patterns of the households
in two villages and those also correspond to the official criteria. The social class of the rural
households; the rich, the medium, and the poor were reflected in the economic capital
accumulation, which was transferred, creation, cache and investment. Those processes provided
many chances and the social class which affected the rural households to social mobility.
Keyword: Social Class, Rural Households, Northeast, Thailand.
INTRODUCTION
The family institution is one of the social entities in which the members are
interrelated in one way or another from being married (a marriage couple), from
kinship, or from living under the same roof (Onkvisit and Shaw, 1994). Many
academics (McFalls, 2003; Scott and Marshell, 2005; White and Klein, 2008) see the
family as a number of members living together, resulting in certain family’s
behaviors in the area called their “household”. Households in the rural areas are
composed of many single families living and relate to one another as kins.
Households are therefore a social group that exists for a longer time than other
social groups. They may consist of very young to elderly members who live
I J A B E R, Vol. 14, No. 11, (2016): 7717-7736
1Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, KhonKaen
University, KhonKaen, Thailand.
2Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Kasetsart University, Bangkok,
Thailand.
*Corresponding author. E-mail: dusayu@yahoo.com , dusayu@kku.ac.th
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Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
together and hold a certain status and role from the time they were born until
their death (White and Klein, 2008; McFalls, 2003). The household was thus the
interesting unit of this study.
The household as an institution has its important reproductive role, respond
to the members’ emotional security, and is a socialized institution. As an economic
unit, the household responds to the members’ supervision and builds economic
and social status (Cheal, 2002). These major duties compel the household to
accumulate important elements for their existence (Wolf, 1966), and these elements
have been seen as the household capital. A household may own manufacturing
inputs, which could be labor, businessmanship, or entrepreneurship. The duties
of the household involve decision on utilization of capital such that it results in
utmost benefits and welfare of the members. Utilization of capital can be in the
form of bartering with other economic units (Kaewthep and Hinwiman, 2008),
building of cultural capital through increasing educational opportunities and levels
of the members, encouraging members to work as government officials in order
to have contact with governing authorities, and obtaining acceptance from others
through the symbolic capital from their own knowledge, skills and wisdom. The
latter leads to the extension of social capital and building of beneficial networks
(Becker, 2008; Berk, 2008).
In the course of national development that follows the present-day arising
economic trend, changes also take place in the household components. The former
family that included the father, mother, children and relatives became a family
with father, mother, grandparents, and children (owing to the present old-aged
society). Meanwhile, households have developed according to the consumerism
trend, driving members to accumulate capitals in different forms. This may change
the social class of households and thus led the researchers to become interested in
knowing: “What are the criteria in determining social classes of the northeastern
rural households in Thailand?” Due to the fact that civilization has arrived in the
rural society and brought about socio-economic changes that forced households
to accumulate different capitals; differences in social classes could be reflected.
OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
To study the social classes of rural households in the Northeast of Thailand
THEORIES AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Analysis of social classes in early eras was influenced by the conflict theorists
such as Karl Marx (1818–1883) and Max Weber (1864-1920). The two concepts
were parts of the emergence of sociological and economic, and political concepts
during the time when the western socialism turned into the industrial society.
The concepts of social classes during the later eras still are influenced by these two
major concepts.
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7719
Analysis of social classes according to Marx appears in”The Communist
Manifesto” (1848), which states that,”The histories of human of all kinds from the past
to the present all involved class struggles”. Turner (2003) explained social classes as
the group of people holding different position or status according to the principles
of job classification in the production organization or the economic system, such
as laborers and employers. The characteristics of social classes depend on the
pattern of capitalism production or production factors (Ritzer, 1992a). Marx believed
in the major conflict between the two classes, namely, the super class and the
lower class. Social groups polarize into the classes with distinction. Class
relationship has its root in “production relationship” or the pattern of ownership
and control of production, especially when use of resources is concerned.
The Structuralism, the later development from Marxism, sees education as
social realty contrastive to observation. However, there is a need to understand
the structural issue, where an individual is loaded with something determined
from the structure. Therefore, each social class in the capitalism has certain duties,
but may not always receive equal benefits (Ritzer, 1992a).
In short, Karl Marx and the later Marxism believe that social classes are
determined by distinction structures with importance placed on economic capitals.
It is believed that social classes have the power to change the society, especially
the lower class that struggles towards ownership of production factors. This is the
background behind power and chances in the use of production factors in order
to develop oneself towards social mobility.
In the 20th Century, Antonio Gramsci proposed that in the society, social class
structure, class conscience, and class action have changed considerably. Thus, other
issues should be taken into account such as consumption. Cultural capital,
economic capital and class distinction should be understood (Ritzer, 1992b).
Antonio Gramsci (1971) and Edward Bernstein (1990) discussed idealism
domination of people in the society through consumption. It is believed that all
human beings who are social members are dominated ideally from the capitalism
class people, making capitalism extend and develop on and on. People in the
society think they need to consume and believe in capitalism in order to exist
(Marger, 2005; Ritzer, 1992b).
Besides,Pierre Bourdieu (1990), a French sociologist who is influenced by
Marxand Weber, proposed a concept on social area and social classes. Bourdieu
sees that social classes are determined from social relations in all aspects rather
than production and economy. It is believed that the major problem of capitalism
during the end of the 20th Century was in the consumption process instead of the
production process. The reason is excess of production in the capitalismwhich
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Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
leads to an approach towards mass consumption in order that the goods and
services are rapidly used up (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977; Kaewthep and
Hinwiman, 2008).
Thus, the researchers believed that households have a role of reproduction in
order to carry on and respond to the needs of members in their living under the
agricultural production and kinship community but at the same time in the course
of the change in economic capital accumulation under the capitalism’s economic
structure. Therefore, social classes are likely to emerge in the rural society.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This research was aimed at studying the social classes of rural households in the
Northeast of Thailand. The Sequential Mixed Method Design (Teddlie and
Tashakkori, 2009) was applied. The initial step was the qualitative research which
was performed in 2 areas, namely the South Isan village in Nakhon Ratchasima
and the North Isan village in Khon Kaen. The two villages had the highest
proportion of members from the three generations in the Northeast (as computed
from the census data of the Governing Department, Ministry of the Interior, 2013).
Agricultural production was their major occupation. The analysis units comprised
both the community level and the household level. At the community level, the
semistructured interviewed was conducted with 22 major informants based on
the developed interviewing tool for data collection, with participating and non-
participating observation. At the group level, the in-depth individual interview
was conducted with 28 households with 3 generation members, the younger
generation already inherited from their parents. There were both evidence of the
inheritance transfer and oral transfer at the time of data collection. The researcher
made the community economic status through interviewing major informants
and the present household heads in order to determine the criteria for measuring
social classes of the community households. Finally, the inductive analysis was
performed with the obtained data.
In the quantitative research the group level analytical unit was applied, i.e.,
the rural households with 3 generations. The results of the qualitative research
were used to develop the interview form, which was the instrument used in data
collection from the household heads or their spouses of 372 households. The
two-stage sampling technique was used (Creswell, 2009) by considering the
province showing the highest number of members from 3 generations in the
Northeast (from the census data of the Governing Department, Ministry of the
Interior, 2015). The sampling was performed at the district and sub-district levels
that showed the highest proportion of members in the three generations. Thirty
villages were chosen. The descriptive statistics was applied to analyze the data.
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7721
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The results of the study on social classes of the northeastern rural households are
discussed below in the topics of:
1. the community contexts of the northeastern rural households,
2. the state’s criteria for establishing social classes,
3. the criteria related to social classes of the northeastern rural households,
and
4. social classes of the northeastern rural households.
1. The Community Contexts of the Northeastern Rural Households
The physical contexts of both of the rural northeastern villages, the South Isan
and the North Isan villages are mixed deciduous forests fertile with natural
resources and water resources passing the villages. Land use patterns of both
villages began from forest encroachment and land claiming for subsistence.
Therefore, the amount of land for housing and preempted subsistent land
depended on the labor and hardworking of the household members. However,
household subsistent land decreased in size owing to the government’s
expropriation for the purpose of reservoir construction at Lam Samlai near the
area of the South Isan village. In addition, the land title documents the villagers
hold is only the Por. Bor. Tor. 5 (Local Maintenance Tax) which only certifies the
right under the Land Law. This means the villagers can only subsist on the land
without any title deed. Households in the past were able to claim only 1-3 rais
(0.2-0.5 ha) of land per household.
The North Isan village faced limitation in housing land due to the forest pirate
robbery. People therefore clustered closely together, having an average of not
over 1 rai (0.2 ha) of land per household. The villagers changed their patterns of
production regularly, leading to deterioration of the fertile land. Meanwhile,
housing extended on the road around the village. With the arrival of public utilities
and transportation route, people found it more convenient to expand their housing
into the other areas around the village.
The North and the South Isan villages’ main occupation was agriculture. Each
village applies several production systems, but normally they grow rice for
household consumption. If the harvest is in excess, they would sell the products.
The produces that bring major incomes to the South Isan village are sugar cane,
cassava, and vegetables. Husbandry is done for supplementary income. The North
Isan village holds integrated farming as the main occupation, receiving the main
income all through the year from growing vegetables and raising cash farm animals.
Therefore, the North Isan villagers received higher average incomes from farming
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Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
than the South Isan village who only sell their produces once a year. Nevertheless,
the households of the two villages raise supplementary incomes from employment
in and outside agriculture. Household members are also encouraged to be
employed outside farming or migrate to work in other regions for both short and
long terms.
2. The State’s Criteria for Establishing Social Classes
The researchers analyzed the criteria of the government to establish social classes.
For instance, the Office of Community Development, Ministry of the Interior
measures poverty based on the basic needs which have been stipulated. In the 11th
Development Plan (Information from basic needs of 2012-2015), a poor household
is defined as a household receiving less than 32,000 Baht per person per year
(904 USD) (Department of Community Development, 2015). The research study
found that only 5.1 percent of the poor households (income lower than the basic
needs) received the lowest income of 7,200.0 Baht per year (202USD), whereas the
median household income was 138,559.5 Baht per year (3,890USD) and the highest
income was 3,211,400.0 Baht per year. (90,157USD).
The criteria used by the National Statistics Bureau, the Office of the Prime
Minister have been done through a survey of socio-economic conditions of
households related to citizen classes and 10 household categories of expenditures
(National Statistics Bureau, 2015). In general, households spending a high amount
for consumption are placed at a good social status. Households spending lower
than the standard criterion or lower than the poverty line are considered poor
households. The research found that in general the average consumption of
households is 190,968.7 Baht (5,361USD) annually, with the lowest being 6,200.0
Baht (174USD) and the highest being 1,200,000.0 Baht (33,689USD). It should be
noted that there were 11 percent of households spending an overall amount of
over 352,000.0 Baht (9, 882USD ) (Table 1). When considering the annual
consumption expense of rural households, the details are as follows (Table 2 and
table 3):
In agriculture
Most of the households spent between 10,001-20,000Baht (283-564 USD)(29.3%)
and 20,001-30,000 Baht (565-847 USD)(23.5%) for agriculture investment; with the
highest being 250,000.0 Baht (7,019USD)and the lowest being 1,000.0 Baht (28USD).
In business
Some households hold supplementary occupation in business or trading in order
to build more incomes for the family. These households need to invest in business.
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7723
The highest investment was 600,000.0 Baht (16,845USD) with the median of 48,000.0
Baht (1,348USD). It was noted that these households spent more on business than
on agriculture.
Household expenses for consumption and food
The amounts spent on food and consumption goods were taken into account. It
was found that over 50.0 percent of households spent more than 50,001 Baht (1,413
USD) with the median of 540,000.0 Baht (15,160USD). The highest expenditure
found was 960,000.0 Baht (26,951USD) and the lowest was 1,000.0 Baht (28USD).
Expenses on public utilities
These included tap water and electricity tariffs, telephone charge, cooking gas,
transportation and others related to the living of household members. Most
households (34.2%) paid from 5,001-10,000 Baht (142-282 USD) on this, followed
by 11,001-20,000 Baht (283-564USD) and lower than 5,000.0 Baht (140USD) at 28.7
and 20.5 percent, respectively, with the median of 9,600.0 Baht (269USD).
Expenses on children education
Most of the households with dependable members (28.8%) spent around
10,001-20,000 Baht (283-564 USD) for children education, with the median of
18,100.0 Baht (506USD). Households with few number of children spent less on
children education. The lowest amount spent was 500.0 Bahtper year(14USD). On
the contrary, families with a higher number of dependable members who were at
school or university spent a high amount on education. The highest amount found
was 276,000.0 Baht (7,719USD).
Expenses on health care
Households having members with chronic diseases who needed to be treated
regularly spent as high as 84,000.0 Baht (2,349 USD), which was the highest amount
found. Most households used the overall health security rights (the golden card)
(41.4%) and some was found spending the lowest amount of 30 Baht (0.8 USD).
Expenses on vehicles
The installment payment for vehicles was taken into account including the down
payment in that year. It was found that most households that paid for vehicles
(53.4%) spent over 50,001Baht (1,413 USD), with the highest amount being 240,000.0
Baht (6,713USD) and the lowest being 2,400.0 Baht (67USD).
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Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
Expenses on housing
It was found that 27.8 percent of households having expenses on accommodation
spent less than 5,000.0 Baht (141 USD)for repairing, while 25.0 percent spent more
than 50,001.0 Baht (1,413 USD) for extending their houses for better living. The
median was 11,000.0 Baht (308USD) in this respect.
Expenses of debt payment
This involved households having debt from a loan source. Most of the households
in this category (24.1%) had to pay the amount of over 50,000.0 Baht per year
(1,413USD) including interest. The median was 30,000.0 Baht (839USD). Some
households with the highest debt from agricultural investment had to pay 620,000.0
Baht (17,341USD). However, the low amount of debt of 24.5 percent of households
was below 10,000.0 Baht (280USD), with the lowest being 600.0 Baht (17USD).
Expenses on vice
This means expenses on extravagant goods or alcohol, gambling, or underground
lottery. The average expenses on this was 10,387.5 Baht (291USD) to lower than
1,000.0 Baht (28USD) per month. It was noted that as high as 3.7 percent of
households paid over 40,001.0 Baht (1,119USD) on vice, with the highest amount
being 60,000.0 Baht (1,678USD).
Social expenses
This involved entertainment and religious activities such as traditional merit
making, celebrations, funerals, and social get-togethers. The average donation money
was 13,718.2 Baht (384USD) yearly or 1,000.0 Baht (28USD) per month. Most
Table 1
Percent of rural households classified by the total expenses on consumption
The total expenditure on consumption of rural households Percent
(Unit: Baht per year)
Less than 32,000 Baht per year (Less than 904 USD) 2.2
Between 32,001-96,000 Baht per year (905 - 2,712 USD) 24.7
Between 96,001-160,000 Baht per year (2,713 - 4,519 USD) 30.6
Between 160,001-224,000 Baht per year (4,520 - 6,327 USD) 17.5
Between 224,001-288,000Baht per year (6,328 - 8,134 USD) 7.8
Between 288,001-352,000Baht per year (8,135 – 9,942 USD) 6.2
More than 352,000 Baht per year (More than 9,943 USD) 11.0
Total 100.0 (372)
Mean = 190,968.7 (5,394 USD), Median = 140,200.0 (3,960 USD), S.D. = 161,262.8 (4,555 USD),
Maximum = 1,200,000.0 (33,895 USD), Minimum = 6,200.0 (175 USD)
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7725
Table 2
Percentage of rural households classified by expenses for consumption
and by categories
Expenses for consumption (Unit: Baht per year)
Categories of Less 5,001- 10,001- 20,001- 30,001- 40,001- More Total
consumption than 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 50,000 than
5,000 50,000
(USD per year) < 141 142-282 283-564 565-847 848-1,129 1,130-1,412 > 1,412
In agriculture 3.7 11.7 29.3 23.5 10.2 8.3 13.3 100.0
(324)
In business 9.5 7.4 13.7 11.6 4.2 10.5 43.2 100.0
(95)
Household expenses 1.1 3.0 5.1 6.2 23.2 10.5 50.8 100.0
for consumption and (370)
food
Expenses on public 20.5 34.2 28.7 7.7 3.6 3.0 2.5 100.0
utilities (366)
Expenses on children 8.3 15.4 28.8 18.6 7.7 3.2 17.9 100.0
education (156)
Expenses for health- 41.4 27.6 13.8 13.8 0.0 0.0 3.4 100.0
care (29)
Expenses on vehicles 6.8 0.00 15.1 17.8 5.5 1.4 53.4 100.0
(73)
Expenses on housing 27.8 19.4 25.0 0.0 0.0 2.8 25.0 100.0
(36)
Expenses of debt 14.3 10.5 17.3 12.0 9.0 12.8 24.1 100.0
payment (133)
Expenses on vice 47.1 18.7 17.6 9.6 3.2 2.1 1.6 100.0
(187)
Social expenses 38.7 17.0 22.3 11.8 6.6 0.3 3.3 100.0
(305)
households paid for social expenses at an amount lower than 5,000.0 Baht (141
USD) (38.7%), followed by 20,001-30,000 Baht (565-847 USD)(22.3%), with the
highest amount being 199,000.0 Baht (5,566USD).
Categorizing social classes of households by the National Statistics Bureau
were based on expenses on food and consumption goods and utilities. The amount
was computed into the average expense for food and consumption per person per
month of rural household. The result was compared with the criterion set for the
poverty line (National Statistics Bureau, 2014). This will be discussed under the
topic on the social classes of the northeastern rural households.
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Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
Table 3
Number, mean, median, standard deviation, maximum and minimum classified by
expenses for consumption and by categories.
Categories of consumption N Mean Median S.D. Maximum Minimum
(Unit: Baht per year)
In agriculture 324 31,495.6 23,450.0 28,716.4 250,000.0 1,000.0
In business 95 74,374.1 48,000.0 99,603.7 600,000.0 1,200.0
Household expenses for 370 66,340.9 54,000.0 76,304.6 960,000.0 1,000.0
consumption and food
Expenses on public utilities 366 14,669.5 9,600.0 27,945.8 480,000.0 480.0
Expenses on children education 156 34,109.2 18,100.0 43,911.8 276,000.0 500.0
Expenses for health care 29 11,159.0 6,000.0 15,847.5 84,000.0 30.0
Expenses on vehicles 73 44,625.0 30,000.0 66,853.4 620,000.0 600.0
Expenses on housing 36 67,098.0 60,000.0 54,587.6 240,000.0 2,400.0
Expenses of debt payment 133 34,738.9 11,000.0 47,447.8 200,000.0 1,000.0
Expenses on vice 187 10,387.5 6,000.0 12,009.1 60,000.0 500.0
Social expenses 305 13,718.2 7,000.0 18,079.0 199,000.0 200.0
3. The Criteria Related to Social Classes of the Northeastern Rural Households
With the assistance from household leaders and major community informants,
the community economic status was categorized into 3 groups, namely, well-off
households, moderate status households, and poor households. The differences
and similarities between the North and the South Isan villages are elaborated below
(Table 4).
1. Size of subsistent land
The size of subsistent land is the first indicator used by both villages for determining
the social classes. Similarly, they define well-off families as families owning over
50 rai (8.0 ha)of subsistent land. Moderate households possess from 5 to 49 rai
(0.8-7.9 ha)of subsistence land. Poor households do not own subsistent land. The
North Isan village believes that households owing small land are not able to
produce enough food for the members the whole year round and have to buy
foods whereas households with sufficient land are able to produce enough food
and retain it for their own consumption.
2. Number and type of vehicles
Both villages use this indicator to determine social classes. The South Isan
households possessing farm vehicles such as a tiller car, farm truck, or tractor; or
more than one pick-up truck or car are considered well-off. Moderate status
households own one car or one or more motorcycles. On the contrary, in the North
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7727
Table 4
The criteria related to social classes of the northeastern rural households
Indicators Villages The criteria related to social classes
Well-off Households Moderate Households Poor Households
Size of South Isan Over 50 rais (8.0 ha) 5 to 49 rai (0.8-7.9 ha) Do not own subsistent
subsistent land
land North Isan Over 50 rais (8.0 ha) 5 to 49 rai (0.8-7.9 ha) Less 5 rais (0.8 ha), Do
not own subsistent land
Number South Isan More pick-up truck One vehicles or Only bicycles
and type or farm vehicles motorcycles
of vehicles North Isan More pick-up truck Only motorcycles Only bicycles
or farm vehicles
Income South Isan Over 100,000 Baht 50,000-20,000 Baht Less 10,000 Baht
per year (over 2,800 USD) (1,400-560 USD) (less 280 USD)
North Isan Over 60,000 Baht 60,000-36,001Baht Less 36,000 Baht
(over 1,680 USD) (1,008-1,680 USD) (less 1,008 USD)
Savings South Isan Over 100,000 Baht Able to provide loan 50,000-20,000 Baht
per year (over 2,800 USD) (1,400-560 USD) NA
North Isan Over 60,000 Baht 60,000-12,000 Baht
(over 1,680 USD) (1,680-336 USD) NA
Sources South Isan Do not have debt/ BAAC/the village The non-formal sources/
and commercial bank funding do not have debt
amount North Isan NA NA NA
of debt
Characte- South Isan Constructed with Have been renovated Old houses inherited
ristic of aluminum doors and from parents or without
house window showing any renovation.
beauty and modern
style
North Isan NA NA NA
Number South Isan NA NA NA
and types North Isan Own all types or Own 4-8 types of Own 1-3 types of electrical
of electrical over10 types of appliances appliances
appliances appliances
Number South Isan NA NA NA
or mobile North Isan Own more than Own 3-5 mobile phones Own less than 2 mobile
telephones 5 mobile phones phones
Occupati- South Isan NA NA NA
onal skills North Isan Farmers and Farmers Employed in farms
merchants
Remark: NA means the village did not consider that indicator.
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Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
Isan village, households possessing just one car or one farm vehicle are considered
high-status households. Moderate households own a motorcycle only. Both villages
share common opinion towards a poor household in this respect, i.e., households
having only bicycles which have been inherited from the parent generation.
3. Income per year
The criteria used by the South Isan village is the money accumulated per year.
High amount of accumulation means the household is richer than others. It should
be noted that the range of incomes as the criteria is not consistent. They believe
well-off households should earn over 100,000 Baht (2,800USD), moderate
households should earn from 20,000-50,000 Baht (560-1,400USD), and poor
households earn only 10,000 Baht (280USD). The North Isan village relies on the
criteria of incomes close to the basic needs. Therefore, households earning lower
than 36,000.0 Baht (1,008USD)are poor households. Moderate households earn
double this amount or 36,001-60,000 Baht (1,008-1,680USD) and the well-off families
obtain over 60,000.0 Baht (1,680USD).
4. Savings per year
The criterion of savings per year of both villages are of the same pattern. In the
South Isan village, a household is considered rich if the savings reach 100,000
Baht (2,800USD), or the household is able to provide loan to villagers. Moderate
households have savings at an amount from 20,000-50,000 Baht (560-1,400-USD).
In the North Isan village, a well-off household’s savings is over 60,000 Baht
(1,680USD), and a moderate household’s savings is between 36,001-60,000 Baht
(1,008-1,680USD). Poor households of both villages do not have savings.
The different indicators for determining social classes of the North and the
South Isan villages are as follows:
1. Sources and amount of debt
The South Isan village relies on the loaning sources to indicate social classes. Rich
households do not have debt because of adequate incomes. Rich households are
also defined by the fact that they are able to make loans from a commercial bank
since this kind of bank requires savings security before approval of the loan.
However, the amount of loan in this case must be in the hundreds of thousands or
million Baht to be able to be categorized as a rich household.
Moderate households make loan from the Bank of Agriculture and Agricultural
Cooperatives, Community Cooperatives, or the village funding, all of which require
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7729
land as the guarantee. They can also be members of the savings group of a
community’s organization in order to make a loan. The amount of loan is in the
tens of thousands to a hundred thousand. Poor households mean those having no
debt because they do not have any credit to borrow money. However, some poor
households loan money from the non-formal sources as one leader said:
“... Rich people (well-off) are people who have a lot of debts. They are able to make
loans from various sources owing to good credit. Most villagers borrow from BAAC
or the village funding and pay back year by year…. Poor people don’t even have
subsistent land, so they don’t have any credit at all. They just make ends meet day by
day. If they borrow from a non-formal source, they have to pay the interest daily. So
they are still poor....” (Chairman of the Community Enterprises, South Isan village,
aged 42 years, interviewed March, 2014)
2. Characteristic of house
This is another indicator of social classes seen only in the South Isan village. Rich
people’s houses are constructed with aluminum doors and window showing
beauty and modern style. Households that have been renovated belong to
moderate-income people. Poor people’s houses are usually old houses inherited
from parents without any renovation.
3. Number and types of electrical appliances
The possession and number of electrical appliances are indicators used by the
North Isan village to classify social classes. Poor households usually own 1-3 types
of electrical appliances (such as electric fan, radio, electric rice cooker). Medium-
income households own 4-8 types of appliances (television, DVD player, radio,
electric fan, refrigerator, electric kettle, rice cooker, and computer. Well-off
households own all types or over 10 types of appliances. One North Isan villager
from the children generation said,
“... Rich houses have many utilities. They have television, refrigerator, washing machine,
you name it. No question if they buy them in cash or installment. If they have many,
then they are rich...” (GCn8 (A pseudonym), aged39 years, interviewed March, 2015).
4. Number of mobile telephones
This is another indicator for social classes especially used in the North Isan village.
Poor families do not have mobile phone or own just 1-2 of them. Moderate
households own 3-5 mobile phones, whereas rich households own more than
5 mobile phones. One villager from the parent generation said,
“... Everyone must have a cell phone. Our children bought it for us. They said they
wouldn’t have to go look for us…Having a cell phone, we have to add money. We
spend a hundred Baht a month on our phones (mom and dad). The children pay
7730
Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
1,000 Baht. If they have more phones, they pay more...” (GCs3 (A pseudonym), aged
48 years, interviewed March, 2014).
It can be seen that the present households and villagers in the North Isan village
follow capitalism pattern of consumption by acquiring materials which may be
items of electrical appliances and mobile phones for convenience of life.
5. Occupational skills
The North Isan village also classify social classes from occupational skills which
mean one cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986). In this respect, they define poor families
as those being employed in farms since they do not have their own subsistent land.
Moderate-status households are farmers and earn sufficiently on their own. Well-
off households own a lot of subsistent land and can produce a great amount of
products. Rich families may also run businesses and earn a lot each day, especially
wholesale households that sell consumption goods and foods at the district level.
The analysis of economic status in the communities shows that although the
North Isan village use cultural capital or occupational skills to indicate social classes,
both villages see the importance of economic capital, especially the size of subsistent
land, number and types of vehicles, incomes, savings, loan sources, characteristics
of houses, number and types of electrical appliances. Categorization of social classes
like this results in households accumulating economic capital to be sufficient for
household members’ consumption. In short, rural northeastern households rely
on indication of economic capital through consumption as the important criteria
for determining social classes.
4. Social Classes of the Northeastern Rural Households
Households in the North and the South Isan villages are faced with socio-economic
impact, leading to the social value in locating items that facilitate and decrease
time in their farm production. For instance, they turn to use pesticides and
chemicals in plantations, replace farm animals by machinery (tillers, water pumps),
substitute household labor with hired labor, and decrease the time to sell products
by buying vehicles that transport the produce to the market instead of waiting for
the middlemen. Abundant natural resources in the community also facilitate
agricultural production, leading to their adoption of urban lifestyles influenced
by mass media. Rural households in this regard change their patterns of
consumption. They become more acquainted to convenient foods and begin to
accumulate more of an expensive consumption goods (household utensils, electrical
appliances, vehicles, telephones), not withstanding if these items have to be
acquired by installment payment or loan money. The trends of the two villages to
make loan for household expenditure and vehicles become higher than the loan
for agricultural investment.
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7731
However, when we considered social class categorization of the National
Statistics Bureau that is based on the poverty line as the criterion (National Statistics
Bureau, 2014) and relies on the average monthly expense per rural person on
foods and consumption, it was found that the poverty line of the Northeast areas
outside the municipality in 2014 was 2,231 Bahtper person per month (63USD).
This denotes that households spending lower than 2,231 Baht on foods and
consumption goods are categorized as poor. Thus, this research relied on the class
criteria of well-off rural households with an average expense higher than the
poverty line, i.e., over 2,232 Baht; of medium households with an average expense
between 1,501-2,231 Baht (42-63USD), and of poor households with an average
monthly expense per person less than 1,500 Baht (42USD). When the criteria were
used to analyze social classes in the quantitative study, it was found that most
rich households spend an average monthly between 2,501-3,000 Baht (71-84USD)
for consumption and between an average monthly between 2,001-2,500 Baht
(56-70USD) at 32.1 and 30.4 percent, respectively. The moderate-income households
mostly (82.3%) spend an average of between 1,501-2,000 Baht (42-56USD). Poor
households spend between 501-1,000 Baht (14-28USD) and between 1,001-1,500
Baht (28-42USD) at 43.9 and 43.5 percent, respectively. The highest amount spent
on consumption per person per month was 9,300.0 Baht (260USD)and the lowest
amount found was 58.3 Baht (2USD) (Table 5). In short, the National Statistics
Bureau used consumption of households to classify household social classes.
Meanwhile, the results of economic status categorization of the North and
South Isan villages reflected that rural households and major informants determine
social classes from consumption of economic capital. From evaluation of social
classes in the South Isan village, we found that most households are at moderate
status (90.0%), while there are 5.0 percent each of rich households and poor
households. Most of the rural households grow rice and field crops as their main
occupation. In the North Isan village, integrated farming is practiced. At present,
members of households are also found employed outside farming. This made
many households become classified as well-off (20.0%). The majority of the
households (60.0%) have moderate status and the rest of 15.0 percent are poor
households because they do not own subsistence land (Table 6). It can be said that
accumulation of capital, which is an indicator of social classes means household
consumption that reflects different social classes in the villages. This can be similar
or different according to the types of indicators, and the criteria in determining
social classes may be the same or different.
It is interesting to see that categorization of social classes by governmental
organizations, e.g., the Department of Community Development and the National
Statistics Bureau, take into account the social class criteria of the northeastern rural
households; which reflect household consumption as the main priority. This agrees
7732
Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
Table 5
Percentage of rural households classified by expenses for consumption per person per
month and by social classes of the northeastern households
Social Classes of the Households *
Well-off Moderate Poor
Households Households Households
Expenses for Consumption > 2,232 Baht 1,501-2,231 Baht < 1,500 Baht
(per person per month) > 62.5 USD 42.0-62.5 USD < 42.0 USD
Less than 500 Baht (Less than 14.0 USD) 0.0 0.0 12.0
Between501-1,000 Baht (14.1-28.0 USD) 0.0 0.0 43.9
Between1,001-1,500 Baht (28.1-42.0 USD) 0.0 0.0 43.5
Between1,501-2,000 Baht (42.1-56.0 USD) 0.0 82.3 0.0
Between2,001-2,500 Baht (56.1-70.0 USD) 30.4 17.7 0.0
Between2,501-3,000 Baht (71.1-84.0 USD) 32.1 0.0 0.0
Between3,001-3,500 Baht (84.1-98.0 USD) 17.9 0.0 0.0
More than 3,501 Baht (More than 98.0 USD) 19.6 0.0 0.0
Total 100.0 (56) 100.0 (79) 100.0 (237)
Mean = 1,473.4 (41.3 USD), Median = 1,248.6 (35.0 USD), S.D. = 1,037.3 (29.0 USD),
Maximum = 9,300.0 (269.4 USD), Minimum = 58.3(1.6 USD)
Remark: * means the rural household spending per month per person for food and consumption
lower than the poverty line of the area outside the municipality in the Northeast, 2014.
Table 6
Percentage of rural households classified by social classes of the northeastern households
and by the criteria related to social classes
The Criteria Related to Social Classes
Social Classes of the Rural Households Government South IsanVillage North Isan Village
Well-off Households 15.1 5.0 20.0
Moderate Households 21.2 90.0 65.0
Poor Households 63.7 5.0 15.0
Total 100.0 (372) 100.0 (153) 100.0 (130)
with the viewpoint of Pierre Bourdieu (1990), who supports the criteria of
consumption patterns for measuring social class. Bourdieu relied on two criteria:
economic capital ownership and social capital ownership (including cultural and
symbolic capitals) (Ritzer, 1992b), since Bourdieu believed that the important
problem of capitalism towards the end of the 20th Century was consumption
processes as opposed to production processes. It should be understood that in
capitalism, manufactured goods exceeded demands; therefore, the question of
mass consumption became the point of interest in order to rapidly use up the
goods and services (Allen and Anderson, 1994;Kaewthep and Hinwiman, 2008).
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7733
In addition, academics such as Jonathan Rigg and Mark Ritchie (2002) proposed
that education has changed production styles and lifestyles of rural people. Thus,
consumption should be considered since people have been more interested in the
changes of the ways of living until these have compelled folk people to negotiate
and adjust themselves for risks. Anan Kanjanapan (2011) mentioned the fact that
more people live on the economic capital basis necessitates households to build
higher incomes, both from selling products and hiring labor. The family status is
hence in-between, “not an investor, nor a laborer”. In other words, the change of
lifestyles made some rural households unable to accumulate capitals or depend
on their own capital. Although they are farmers, they are not the true producer
since the income from produces has to be divided into parts for business
investment, for production-related technologies, for debt-paying, etc. Household
members obtain a portion just as if they are laborers. This condition leads to
emergence of classes. This group of villagers can be categorized as the middle or
the lower class since they live under risk of being poor if the income portion they
receive becomes less or a higher portion is taken away for other purposes
(Kanjanapan, 2010).
The community context dimensions of the South and the North Isan villages
and other rural northeastern places are similar to the conditions discussed above.
Thus, it can be concluded that consumption is the criteria to categorize social classes
of rural households. Pierre Bourdieu (1984) also stated that formation of social
classes is flexible especially in the social capitalism. Individuals are able to move
up the scales of classes very rapidly depending on consumption through their
existing capital. Maintaining differences in consumption patterns is maintaining
differences in social classes as well.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Social class distinction in Thailand changes according to political and governing
development. Multiplicity of social class categorization methods depend on
definitions, economic factors, related social aspects, such as families, political
positions, official positions, economic and political power, wealth, education, and
occupation. In the past before the national social and economic development plan,
no matter what criteria were used for categorization of social classes, rural
households which were considered farming households were classified as the lower
classes since it was always difficult for them to have access to resources. They,
particularly the Isan rural households, did not also have negotiating power in the
economic system and were taken advantages by the privileged class (Lao-an, 2010).
The results of the study indicate that the national development policy under
the national social and economic development plan forces rural households to
7734
Wanichcha Narongchai, Dusadee Ayuwat and Oranutda Chinnasri
adjust themselves by growing cash crops. This has led to socio-economic changes
which was the starting point of social class distinction since rural families do not
have equal chances to adjust themselves. Well-off households are able to occupy a
place in commercial production, while medium and poor households are not
equally adjusted. However, all households attempt to acquire social mobility
through accumulation of economic capital according to the consumerism trend.
This correlates to the survey on “Thai rural consumers” of Ogilvy and Mather
Advertising(Thailand) Co. Ltd. (2003) which found that after the economic crisis,
the urban lifestyles have changed. The group with purchasing power, i.e., having
higher income than 10,000 Baht per month, is increasingly interested in obtaining
modern daily utilities. This shows that medium-status people emerge in Thai
society.
Rural medium-status people are like their counterpart in cities, i.e., they are
overridden by the power of capitalism as a result of marketing economic power
and populism policy of the government in that time which encouraged
consumption at the grass-root level in order to rapidly restore the economic
condition. From the study of the criteria for determining social classes of
governmental organizations and criteria related to social classes of rural households
in the Northeast, it is confirmed that rural households at present classify their
social classes based on consumption as the indicator.
It should be noted that the different indicators for determining social classes
of the national Statistics Bureau and the Department of Community Development
make the statistics of poor households differ at 63.7 and5.1 percent, respectively.
From the criteria of the South and the North Isan villages the proportion of poor
households are 5.0 and15.0 percent, respectively; which are closer to the social
classification of the Department of Community Development.
The research results led to recommendations that the criteria for determining
social classes of governmental organizations, particularly from the National
Statistics Bureau which are based on the concept of poverty line of the western
countries may not be suitable to analyze the distinction of Thai rural social classes.
The dimensions of rural society also enable rural households to adjust themselves
for social mobility all the time. Therefore, social class categorization should take
into account the criteria of social classes of rural areas in the Northeast.
Moreover, the government should support capitals for rural households,
including cultural capital, economic capital, social capital, symbolic capital. At the
same time, the social supporting systems and infrastructures should be improved
by the governmental organizations at the implementation level, for instance,
organizations related to agricultural extension should disseminate knowledge and
Social Class of the Rural Households in the Northeast, Thailand
7735
support farming households to produce more effectively to be able to accumulate
capitals. This will enable social mobility of the households. Relevant organizations
in rural area should set strategic plans in developing households with different
social mobility in order to strengthen rural households appropriately.
Acknowledgment
This article is a part the study entitled; “Social Mobility of Rural Households after the
Intergenerational Transfers of Capitals, Thailand.” was supported by Research Fund for
Supporting Lecturer to Admit High Potential Student to Study and Research on His Expert
Program Year 2011, from Graduate School, Khon Kaen University, Thailand.
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Article
Full-text available
The transformation of rural areas from zones of production to arenas of consumption is well established in the literature focusing on the developed world. Less so the developing world. The paper opens by providing a critique of the construction of the rural idyll in Thailand, tracing this back to what is sometimes suggested to be the first piece of Thai literature, an inscription dated to 1292. The discussion then turns to show how this construction of a (imagined) rural past infuses ideas about the present and the policies promoted by local NGOs and others. The consumption of rural Thailand by new classes, tacitly embodying this imagined past, is exemplified by reference to two case studies; a hotel with a ‘working’ rice farm and an elite school. The infiltration of new groups into rural Thailand, with new agendas has, in some instances, created tensions while also providing new opportunities for traditional rural classes. The paper concludes by considering, using Thailand as an exemplar, whether understandings of trajectories of rural change based largely on work undertaken in the North can be applied to countries of the South.
Consumption and Social Stratification: Bourdieu's Distinction. Advances in Consumer Research
  • D E Allen
  • P F Anderson
Allen, D.E. and Anderson, P.F. (1994), Consumption and Social Stratification: Bourdieu's Distinction. Advances in Consumer Research, 21(1), 70-74.
Household Production
  • R A Berk
Berk, R.A. (2008), Household Production. In S.N. Durlauf and L.E. Blume (Eds). The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics.New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education
_____ (1986), The Forms of Capital. In J.G. Richardson (Eds.). Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. New York: Greenwood Press.
Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste
_____ (1984), Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
Reproduction in Education
  • P Bourdieu
  • J Passeron
Bourdieu, P. and Passeron, J. (1977), Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage.
Streams of Political Economic Theorists and Educational Communication
  • Kanjana Kaewthep
  • Somsuk Hinwiman
Kaewthep, Kanjana and Hinwiman, Somsuk. (2008), Streams of Political Economic Theorists and Educational Communication.Bangkok: Phappim.
Adjustment of Riral Isan Structure, What do Villagers Adjust? Arts Periodical
  • Anan Kanjanapan
Kanjanapan, Anan. (2011), Adjustment of Riral Isan Structure, What do Villagers Adjust? Arts Periodical, Ubon Ratchathani University, 1 (New Liberalism in Isan Economy Issue), 5-41.
Thai Rural Structure Adjustment and Unseen Problems
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