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Nobel Prizes are commonly seen to be among the most prestigious achievements of our times. Based on mining several million citations, we quantitatively analyze the processes driving paradigm shifts in science. We find that groundbreaking discoveries of Nobel Prize Laureates and other famous scientists are not only acknowledged by many citations of their landmark papers. Surprisingly, they also boost the citation rates of their previous publications. Given that innovations must outcompete the rich-gets-richer effect for scientific citations, it turns out that they can make their way only through citation cascades. A quantitative analysis reveals how and why they happen. Science appears to behave like a self-organized critical system, in which citation cascades of all sizes occur, from continuous scientific progress all the way up to scientific revolutions, which change the way we see our world. Measuring the "boosting effect" of landmark papers, our analysis reveals how new ideas and new players can make their way and finally triumph in a world dominated by established paradigms. The underlying "boost factor" is also useful to discover scientific breakthroughs and talents much earlier than through classical citation analysis, which by now has become a widespread method to measure scientific excellence, influencing scientific careers and the distribution of research funds. Our findings reveal patterns of collective social behavior, which are also interesting from an attention economics perspective. Understanding the origin of scientific authority may therefore ultimately help to explain how social influence comes about and why the value of goods depends so strongly on the attention they attract.
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How Citation Boosts Promote Scientific Paradigm Shifts
and Nobel Prizes
Amin Mazloumian
1
, Young-Ho Eom
2
, Dirk Helbing
1
, Sergi Lozano
1
, Santo Fortunato
2
*
1ETH Zu
¨rich, Zu
¨rich, Switzerland, 2Complex Networks and Systems Lagrange Laboratory, Institute for Scientific Interchange (ISI), Torino, Italy
Abstract
Nobel Prizes are commonly seen to be among the most prestigious achievements of our times. Based on mining several
million citations, we quantitatively analyze the processes driving paradigm shifts in science. We find that groundbreaking
discoveries of Nobel Prize Laureates and other famous scientists are not only acknowledged by many citations of their
landmark papers. Surprisingly, they also boost the citation rates of their previous publications. Given that innovations must
outcompete the rich-gets-richer effect for scientific citations, it turns out that they can make their way only through citation
cascades. A quantitative analysis reveals how and why they happen. Science appears to behave like a self-organized critical
system, in which citation cascades of all sizes occur, from continuous scientific progress all the way up to scientific
revolutions, which change the way we see our world. Measuring the ‘‘boosting effect’’ of landmark papers, our analysis
reveals how new ideas and new players can make their way and finally triumph in a world dominated by established
paradigms. The underlying ‘‘boost factor’’ is also useful to discover scientific breakthroughs and talents much earlier than
through classical citation analysis, which by now has become a widespread method to measure scientific excellence,
influencing scientific careers and the distribution of research funds. Our findings reveal patterns of collective social behavior,
which are also interesting from an attention economics perspective. Understanding the origin of scientific authority may
therefore ultimately help to explain how social influence comes about and why the value of goods depends so strongly on
the attention they attract.
Citation: Mazloumian A, Eom Y-H, Helbing D, Lozano S, Fortunato S (2011) How Citation Boosts Promote Scientific Paradigm Shifts and Nobel Prizes. PLoS
ONE 6(5): e18975. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0018975
Editor: Yamir Moreno, University of Zaragoza, Spain
Received January 5, 2011; Accepted March 14, 2011; Published May 4, 2011
Copyright: ß2011 Mazloumian et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits
unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Funding: A.M., S.L. and D.H. were partially supported by the Future and Emerging Technologies programme FP7-COSI-ICT of the European Commission through
the project QLectives (grant no.: 231200). Y.-H. E. and S. F. gratefully acknowledge ICTeCollective, grant 238597 of the European Commission. The funders had no
role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. No additional external funding was received for this study.
Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
* E-mail: fortunato@isi.it
Introduction
Ground-breaking papers are extreme events [1] in science.
They can transform the way in which researchers do science in
terms of the subjects they choose, the methods they use, and the
way they present their results. The related spreading of ideas has
been described as an epidemic percolation process in a social
network [2]. However, the impact of most innovations is limited.
There are only a few ideas, which gain attention all over the world
and across disciplinary boundaries [3]. Typical examples are
elementary particle physics, the theory of evolution, superconduc-
tivity, neural networks, chaos theory, systems biology, na-
noscience, or network theory.
It is still a puzzle, however, how a new idea and its proponent
can be successful, given that they must beat the rich-gets-richer
dynamics of already established ideas and scientists. According to
the Matthew effect [4–7], famous scientists receive an amount of
credit that may sometimes appear disproportionate to their actual
contributions, to the detriment of younger or less known scholars.
This implies a great authority of a small number of scientists,
which is reflected by the big attention received by their work and
ideas, and of the scholars working with them [8].
Therefore, how can a previously unknown scientist establish at
all a high scientific reputation and authority, if those who get a lot
of citations receive even more over time? Here we shed light on
this puzzle. The following results for 124 Nobel Prize Laureates in
chemistry, economics, medicine and physics suggest that innova-
tors can gain reputation and innovations can successfully spread,
mainly because a scientist’s body of work overall enjoys a greater
impact after the publication of a landmark paper. Not only do
colleagues notice the ground-breaking paper, but the latter also
attracts the attention to older publications of the same author (see
Fig. 1). Consequently, future papers have an impact on past papers,
as their relevance is newly weighted.
We focus here on citations as indicator of scientific impact [9–
13], studying data from the ISI Web of Science, but the use of click
streams [14] would be conceivable as well. It is well-known that
the relative number of citations correlates with research quality
[15–17]. Citations are now regularly used in university rankings
[18], in academic recruitments and for the distribution of funds
among scholars and scientific institutions [19].
Results
We evaluated data for 124 Nobel Prize Laureates that were
awarded in the last two decades (19902009), which include an
impressive number of about 2million citations. For all of them
and other internationally established experts as well, we find
peaks in the changes of their citation rates (Figs. 2 and 3).
Moreover, it is always possible to attribute to these peaks
PLoS ONE | www.plosone.org 1 May 2011 | Volume 6 | Issue 5 | e18975
landmark papers (Fig. 4), which have reached hundreds of
citations over the period of a decade. Such landmark papers are
rare even in the lives of the most excellent scientists, but some
authors have several such peaks.
Technically, we detect a groundbreaking article apublished at
time t~taby comparing the citation rates before and after tafor
the earlier papers. The analysis proceeds as follows: Given a year t
and a time window w, we take all papers of the studied author that
were published since the beginning of his/her career until year t.
The citation rate Rvt,wmeasures the average number of citations
received per paper per year in the period from t{wz1to t.
Similarly, the citation rate Rwt,wmeasures the average number of
citations received by the same publications per paper per year
between tz1and tzw(or 2009,iftzwexceeds 2009). The ratio
Rw(t)~Rwt,w=Rvt,w, which we call the ‘‘boost factor’’, is a
variable that detects critical events in the life of a scientist: sudden
increases in the citation rates (as illustrated by Fig. 1) show up as
peaks in the time-dependent plot of Rw(t).
In our analysis we used the generalized boost factor Rw(t),
which reduces the influence of random variations in the citation
rates (see Materials and Methods).
Figure 2 shows typical plots of the boost factors Rw(t)of four
Nobel Prize Laureates. Interestingly, peaks are even found, when
those papers, which mostly contribute to them, are excluded from
the analysis (see insets of Fig. 2). That is, the observed increases in
the citation rates are not just due to the landmark papers
themselves, but rather to a collective effect, namely an increase in
the citation rates of previously published papers. This results from
the greater visibility that the body of work of the corresponding
scientist receives after the publication of a landmark paper and
establishes an increased scientific impact (‘‘authority’’). From the
perspective of attention economics [20], it may be interpreted as a
herding effect resulting from the way in which relevant
information is collectively discovered in an information-rich
environment. Interestingly, we have found that older papers
receiving a boost are not always works related to the topic of the
landmark paper.
Traditional citation analysis does not reveal such crucial events
in the life of a scientist very well. Figure 3 shows the time history of
three classical citation indices: the average number of citations per
paper Sc(t)T, the cumulative number C(t)of citations, and the
Hirsch index [21] (h-index) H(t)in year t. For comparison, the
evolution of the boost factor Rw(t)is depicted as well. All indices
were divided by their maximum value, in order to normalize them
and to use the same scale for all. The profiles of the classical
indices are rather smooth in most cases, and it is often very hard to
see any significant effects of landmark papers. However, this is not
surprising, as the boost factor is designed to capture abrupt
variations in the citation rates, while both C(t)and H(t)reflect the
overall production of a scientist and are therefore less sensitive to
extreme events.
To gain a better understanding of our findings, Figs. 4 and 5
present a statistical analysis of the boosts observed for Nobel Prize
Laureates. Figure 4 demonstrates that pronounced peaks are
indeed related to highly cited papers. Furthermore, Fig. 5 analyzes
the size distribution of peaks. The distribution looks like a power
law for all choices of the parameters wand k(at least within the
relevant range of small values). This suggests that the bursts are
produced by citation cascades as they would occur in a self-
organized critical system [22]. In fact, power laws were found to
result from human interactions also in other contexts [23–25].
The mechanism underlying citation cascades is the discovery of
new ideas, which colleagues refer to in the references of their
papers. Moreover, according to the rich-gets-richer effect,
successful papers are more often cited, also to raise their own
success. Innovations may even cause scientists to change their
research direction or approach. Apparently, such feedback effects
can create citation cascades, which are ultimately triggered by
landmark papers.
Finally, it is important to check whether the boost factor is able
to distinguish exceptional scientists from average ones. Since any
criteria used to define ‘‘normal scientists’’ may be questioned, we
have assembled a set of scientists taken at random. Scientists were
chosen among those who published at least one paper in the year
2000. We selected 400 names for each of four fields: Medicine,
Physics, Chemistry and Economy. After discarding those with no
citations, we ended up with 1361 scientists. In Fig. 6 we draw on a
bidimensional plane each scientist of our random sample (empty
circles), together with the Nobel Prize Laureates considered (full
circles). The two dimensions are the value of the boost factor and
the average number of citations of a scientist. A cluster analysis
separates the populations in the proportions of 79% to 21%. The
separation is significant but there is an overlap of the two datasets,
mainly because of two reasons. First, by picking a large number of
scientists at random, as we did, there is a finite probability to
choose also outstanding scholars. We have verified that this is the
case. Therefore, some of the empty circles deserve to sit on the
top-right part of the diagram, like many Nobel Prize Laureates.
Figure 1. Illustration of the boosting effect. Typical citation
trajectories of papers, here for Nobel Prize Laureate John Bennett
Fenn, who received the award in chemistry in 2002 for the
development of the electrospray ionization technique used to
analyze biological macromolecules. The original article, entitled
Electrospray ionization for mass spectrometry of large biomolecules,
coauthored by M. Mann, C. K. Meng, S. F. Wong and C. M.
Whitehouse, was published in Science in 1989 and is the most cited
work of Fenn, with currently over 3,000 citations. The diagram reports
the growth in time of the total number of citations received by this
landmark paper (blue solid line) and by six older papers. The diagram
indicates that the number of citations of the landmark paper has
literally exploded in the first years after its appearance. However,
after its publication in 1989, a number of other papers also enjoyed a
much higher citation rate. Thus, a sizeable part of previous scientific
work has reached a big impact after the publication of the landmark
paper. We found that the occurrence of this boosting effect is
characteristic for successful scientific careers.
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0018975.g001
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Figure 3. Dynamics of the boost factor Rw(t)versus traditional citation variables. Each panel displays the time histories of four variables: the boost
factor Rw(t), the average number of citations per paper Sc(t)T, the cumulative number of citations C(t),andtheH-indexearned until year t[21]. The panels refer
to the same Nobel Laureates as displayed in Fig. 2. The classical indices have relativelysmooth profiles, i.e. they are not very sensitive to extreme events in the life of
a scientist like the publication of landmark papers. An advantage of the boost factor is that its peaks allow one to identify scientific breakthroughs earlier.
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0018975.g003
Figure 2. Typical time evolutions of the boost factor. Temporal dependence of Rw(t)for Nobel Laureates [here for (a) Mario R. Capecchi (Medicine,
2007), (b) John C. Mather (Physics, 2006), (c) Roger Y. Tsien (Chemistry, 2008) and (d) Roger B. Myerson (Economics, 2007)]. Sharp peaks indicate citation boosts
in favor of older papers, triggered by the publication and recognition of a landmark paper. Insets: The peaks even persist (though somewhat smaller), if in the
determination of the citation counts cp,t, the landmark paper is skipped (which is defined as the paper that produces the largest reduction in the peak size,
when excluded from the computation of the boost factor). We conclude that the observed citation boosts are mostly due to a collective effect involving several
publications rather than due to the high citation rate of the landmark paper itself.
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0018975.g002
Citation Boosts and Nobel Prizes
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The second reason is that we are considering scholars from
different disciplines, which generally have different citation
frequencies. This affects particularly the average number of
citations of a scientist, but also the value of the boost factor. In this
way, the position in the diagram is affected by the specific research
topic, and the distribution of the points in the diagram of Fig. 6 is a
superposition of field-specific distributions. Nevertheless, the two
datasets, though overlapping, are clearly distinct. Adding further
dimensions could considerably improve the result. In this respect,
the boost factor can be used together with other measures to better
specify the performance of scientists.
Discussion
In summary, groundbreaking scientific papers have a
boosting effect on previous publications of their authors,
bringing them to the attention of the scientific community and
establishing their ‘‘authority’’. We have provided the first
quantitative characterization of this phenomenon by introduc-
ing a new variable, the ‘‘boost factor’’, which is sensitive to
sudden changes in the citation rates. The fact that landmark
papers trigger the collective discovery of older papers amplifies
their impact and tends to generate pronounced spikes long
before the paper receives full recognition. The boosting factor
can therefore serve to discover new breakthroughs and talents
more quickly than classical citation indices. It may also help to
assemble good research teams, which have a pivotal role in
modern science [27–29].
The power law behavior observed in the distribution of peak
sizes suggests that science progresses through phase transitions
[30] with citation avalanches on all scales–from small cascades
Figure 5. Cumulative probability distribution of peak heights in the boost factor curves of Nobel Prize Laureates. The four panels
correspond to different choices of the parameters kand w. The power law fits (lines) are performed with the maximum likelihood method [26]. The
exponents for the direct distribution (of which the cumulative distribution is the integral) are: 3:63+0:16 (top left), 2:93+0:16 (bottom left), 1:63+0:05
(top right), 1:41+0:05 (bottomright). The best fits have the following lower cutoffs and values of the Kolmogorov-Smirnov (KS) statistics: 1:06,0:0289 (top
left), 1:15,0:0264 (bottom left), 13:1,0:038 (top right), 24:7,0:0462 (bottom right). The KS values support the power law ansatz for the shape of the curves.
Still, we point out that on the left plots the data span just one decade in the variable, so one has to be careful about the existence of power laws here.
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0018975.g005
Figure 4. Correlation between papers and the local maxima
(‘‘peaks’’) of Rw(t).We first determined the ranks of all papers of an
author based on the total number of citations received until the year
2009 inclusively. We then determined the rank of that particular
publication, which had the greatest contribution to the peak. This was
done by measuring the reduction in the height of the peak, when the
paper was excluded from the calculation of the boost factor (as in the
insets of Fig. 2). The distribution of the ranks of ‘‘landmark papers’’ is
dominated by low values, implying that they are indeed among the top
publications of their authors.
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0018975.g004
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reflecting quasi-continuous scientific progress all the way up to
scientific revolutions, which fundamentally change our perception
of the world. While this provides new evidence for sudden
paradigm shifts [31], our results also give a better idea of why and
how they happen.
It is noteworthy that similar feedback effects may determine
the social influence of politicians, or prices of stocks and
products (and, thereby, the value of companies). In fact, despite
the long history of research on these subjects, such phenomena
are still not fully understood. There is evidence, however, that
the power of a person or the value of a company increase with
the level of attention they enjoy. Consequently, our study of
scientific impact is likely to shed new light on these scientific
puzzles as well.
Materials and Methods
The basic goal is to improve the signal-to-noise ratio in the
citation rates, in order to detect sudden changes in them. An
effective method to reduce the influence of papers with largely
fluctuating citation rates is to weight highly cited papers more.
This can be achieved by raising the number of cites to the power
k, where kw1. Therefore, our formula to compute Rw(t)looks as
follows:
Rw(t)~PpPtzw
t0~tz1(cp,t0)k
PpPt
t0~t{wz1(cp,t0)k:ð1Þ
Here, cp,t0is the number of cites received by paper pin year t0.
The sum over pincludes all papers published before the year t;w
is the time window selected to compute the boosting effect. For
k~1we recover the original definition of Rw(t)(see main text).
For the analysis presented in the paper we have used k~4and
w~5, but our conclusions are not very sensitive to the choice of
smaller values of kand w.
Acknowledgments
We acknowledge the use of ISI Web of Science data of Thomson Reuters
for our citation analysis.
Author Contributions
Conceived and designed the experiments: AM YHE DH SL SF. Performed
the experiments: AM YHE SL. Analyzed the data: AM YHE SL. Wrote
the paper: SF DH.
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Figure 6. Two-dimensional representation of our collection of
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This study delves into the dynamics of popularity as a crucial aspect of population dynamics, drawing from ecology and social science literature. The focus is on constructing an accurate model for understanding the spread of novelty, memes, and influences within human society, particularly through online platforms such as YouTube, Twitter, and Amazon. Traditional models, based on logistic and similar nonlinear differential equations, have shown limitations in long-term prediction accuracy, partially due to unexplained deviations. Recent research suggests the significance of long-term memory effects on popularity, characterized by a power-law response function, a phenomenon particularly evident in the realm of online mass media. Our research analyzes the Billboard Hot 100 chart, a comprehensive dataset of music popularity spanning several decades, to examine these dynamics. By integrating logistic growth with a power-law decaying long-term memory model, we demonstrate that the trajectory of popularity rankings is predominantly influenced by initial popularity levels and the strength of memory effects. Our findings reveal the pivotal role of long-term memory and the extent of initial popularity in shaping popularity dynamics over time. The study underscores the impact of mass media evolution and the differential effects of spreading mechanisms and accumulated popularity on these dynamics, particularly when long-term memory is a factor. This work contributes to a deeper understanding of the mechanisms driving popularity and its long-term trends in the digital age.
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Dr. S. R. Ranganathan, an Indian librarian and educator who is known as the 'Father of Library Science in India', is also widely known throughout the rest of the world due to his worldwide contribution to library science. Earlier it was difficult to find citations to prominent old research works. New computer technology helps find these types of articles more easily and it also finds sleeping beauties in several disciplines. Here the term 'Sleeping beauty' is used to define a research article life (year) that has been relatively uncited for several years and then suddenly attracts a lot of attention. The present paper describes four sleeping beauties that are found from Ranganathan’s contributions (books only) in library science, such as; Colon Classification (1933), Prolegomena to Library Classification (1937), Philosophy of Library Classification (1951) and Reference Service (1961). Above mentioned four sleeping beauties are detected using three main criteria; depth of sleep, length of sleep, and awakening intensity given by Van Raan (2015) to detect the sleeping beauties.
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Exploring the temporal research features of Nobel laureates’ papers based on the semantic measurement indexes is helpful to understand the successful mode of scientists. For the public dataset of Nobel laureates in Physics, this study analyzes the semantic relationship between the Prize-winning papers and the other papers published by Nobel laureates in three different periods, which are the period before the laureate published the Prize-winning papers (T1), the period from publishing the Prize-winning papers to the award time (T2), and the period after winning the award (T3). We obtain the top k papers that are semantically close to the Prize-winning papers by the BERT model and use four indexes based on semantic characteristics to analyze the temporal research features of Nobel laureates’ papers. The laureates generally pay attention to the Prize-winning research at the mid-term of the T1 period, who spend an average of 1.55 times as much as the T2 period for further study in the Prize-winning field, and most of them continue for about 15 years on the Prize-winning research. In addition, we find that a few laureates published the paper semantically closest to the Prize-winning paper when they are as the Ph.D. Candidates.
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This study explores the interdisciplinary dynamics and characteristics of major original scientific achievements. Based on the perspective of knowledge integration, it combines bibliometric and social network analysis to investigate key publications of Nobel-winning research in natural science and their reference data. The data cover 585 laureates in Chemistry, Physics, and Physiology or Medicine awarded between 1901 and 2020, as well as 835 key publications published between 1887 and 2012 and their 10,894 citation publications. The main findings are as follows: First, interdisciplinary knowledge integration is an essential feature of original scientific breakthroughs, although influential achievements typically result from a novel combination of a larger amount of distant knowledge but in fewer disciplines. Second, the development of various disciplines in natural science has followed different dynamics of interdisciplinary processes for more than 100 years. Chemistry and Physics have experienced a dynamic shift from centralization to decentralization in terms of the concentrated degree of integrated disciplines, while Physiology or Medicine has shown a more generally concentrated trend. Third, Nobel-winning research presents a trend of a greater degree of knowledge interconnection, and the migration of combined research methods, tools, and basic disciplines contributes to the increasingly intense structure of knowledge combination. Bridging disciplines that facilitate knowledge exchange have shifted in the knowledge network across three time periods (the 1900s–1940s, 1950s–1970s, and 1980s and beyond).
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The advent of large-scale datasets that trace the workings of science has encouraged researchers from many different disciplinary backgrounds to turn scientific methods into science itself, cultivating a rapidly expanding 'science of science'. This Review considers this growing, multidisciplinary literature through the lens of data, measurement and empirical methods. We discuss the purposes, strengths and limitations of major empirical approaches, seeking to increase understanding of the field's diverse methodologies and expand researchers' toolkits. Overall, new empirical developments provide enormous capacity to test traditional beliefs and conceptual frameworks about science, discover factors associated with scientific productivity, predict scientific outcomes and design policies that facilitate scientific progress.
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The subject of collective attention is central to an information age where millions of people are inundated with daily messages. It is thus of interest to understand how attention to novel items propagates and eventually fades among large populations. We have analyzed the dynamics of collective attention among one million users of an interactive website devoted to thousands of novel news stories. The observations can be described by a dynamical model characterized by a single novelty factor. Our measurements indicate that novelty within groups decays with a stretched-exponential law, suggesting the existence of a natural time scale over which attention fades.
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In an era when letters were the main means of exchanging scientific ideas and results, Charles Darwin (1809-82) and Albert Einstein (1879-1955) were notably prolific correspondents. But did their patterns of communication differ from those associated with the instant-access e-mail of modern times? Here we show that, although the means have changed, the communication dynamics have not: Darwin's and Einstein's patterns of correspondence and today's electronic exchanges follow the same scaling laws. However, the response times of their surface-mail communication is described by a different scaling exponent from e-mail communication, providing evidence for a new class of phenomena in human dynamics.
Book
This book is written for members of the scholarly research community, and for persons involved in research evaluation and research policy. More specifically, it is directed towards the following four main groups of readers: – All scientists and scholars who have been or will be subjected to a quantitative assessment of research performance using citation analysis. – Research policy makers and managers who wish to become conversant with the basic features of citation analysis, and about its potentialities and limitations. – Members of peer review committees and other evaluators, who consider the use of citation analysis as a tool in their assessments. – Practitioners and students in the field of quantitative science and technology studies, informetrics, and library and information science. Citation analysis involves the construction and application of a series of indicators of the ‘impact’, ‘influence’ or ‘quality’ of scholarly work, derived from citation data, i.e. data on references cited in footnotes or bibliographies of scholarly research publications. Such indicators are applied both in the study of scholarly communication and in the assessment of research performance. The term ‘scholarly’ comprises all domains of science and scholarship, including not only those fields that are normally denoted as science – the natural and life sciences, mathematical and technical sciences – but also social sciences and humanities.
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The reward and communication systems of science are considered.
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Scitation is the online home of leading journals and conference proceedings from AIP Publishing and AIP Member Societies
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Scitation is the online home of leading journals and conference proceedings from AIP Publishing and AIP Member Societies