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Review of the concept of Cultural Cartography
Abstract
A literature review on the concept of “Cultural Cartography” was made. Different sources were consulted,
including several varied forms of understanding of the concept, as well as fields of knowledge in which it
is approached from. The findings were analyzed and classified in three big groups: (1) Cultural
cartography as understood as the cartographic representation of cultural demonstrations of a specific
territory, (2) Cultural cartography as understood as the relation between culture and elaboration, reading
and interpretation of maps and, (3) Cultural cartography as understood as the importance of the territory
as a variable of analysis in different scopes of social study. It is concluded that cultural cartography is a
graphic (map) or textual (metaphorical map) mechanism of sociological inquiry and interpretation,
referred to a territory.
Key words
Cultural Cartography, Cultural Mapping, Cultural Map, Cartography and culture, Maps and Culture.
Review of the concept of Cultural Cartography
In the development of a doctoral research, related to socio-cultural dynamics referring to
the scope of human geography as a territory, a “Cultural Cartography” was made at the Centro
de Barranquilla (Colombia). It was immediately evident that the term with which the research
was titled, did not have sufficient conceptual precision. For this reason, its review and definition
were necessary and mandatory before beginning the research. This document seeks to answer the
main question: What is Cultural Cartography? And subsequent questions such as: Are there
different meanings of the term “Cultural Cartography”? Are there types or kinds of cultural
cartography?
In such a way, a synthesis of a bibliography review from different sources consulted,
related to the concept of cultural cartography is exposed. Several and diverse ways to understand
this concept were found, as well as other areas of knowledge in which it is approached. This is
seen more in depth in the following, respectively.
Pinder (2005:760) cites Wood (1992), King (1996) and Black (1997), who all express
that in the last few years the terms “cultural maps” and “cultural cartographies” have defined
projects both in a diverse and ambiguous manner, as well as the meaning of map, cartography,
and culture. Commonly, these cultural maps seek to establish localization coordinates in some
way, and present the geographical location of socio-cultural realities in an organized manner.
Another author that engages the discussion of the term cultural cartography is Seemann
(2001), who, from geography, poses a direct reflection about the concept:
Cultural Geography dedicates itself to studies and inquiries that make evident the relation
between space and culture (Rosendahl and Correa, 1999:9). Because it is about a field of
polyvalent and ambiguous inquiries, based on elusive concepts such as “space” and
“culture”, cultural geographers in search of a genuine geographical theory of culture, face
fundamental questions in their task to demonstrate the spatial dimension of culture. How
to link space with culture and vice versa? Must culture be seen as spatial practice? Or
must space be seen as a cultural practice? (Seemann, 2001:61).
This author clarifies that the term “map” has been understood in various ways, and cites
Andrews (1996) who made a strict review of the concept of maps in literature during the period
1649-1996, and found 321 meanings. This thoroughly illustrates the ambiguity of the term.
Andrews (1996) concludes by defining the word map as a symbolized image of the geographical
reality. This image represents facts or selected characteristics that result from the creative effort
and the choice of its author. This is, from the perspective of geography, maps are graphical
representations of a territory or physical space.
With other sciences or disciplines different from geography, the word map has been
modified and understood metaphorically, and therefore its representation assumes a new form
that in many instances is not even graphic; in other words, maps that are not drawn. In this sense,
diverse works developed in sciences such as sociology, anthropology, and communication
among many others, called “Cartography of this or that phenomenon” use the word cartography
as a metaphor to organize knowledge.
To summarize, Seemann (2001, 2010) presents three great meanings or ways to
understand the relation between cartography and culture. First, the cultural aspect of maps;
meaning the map as a socio-cultural construct. Second, the map of cultural elements of a
determined space associated with a community. Third, the map, not graphic but metaphorically
representative of a certain non-geographical scope of analysis.
Having understood this, the following material has been classified into three big groups,
with the purpose of grouping and isolating the ideas or key elements that contribute to this
conceptual construct. These groups are:
First, documents in which cultural cartography is understood as a procedure for the
registration and territorial referencing of a wide spectrum of cultural activities, generally with
intentions of public conduct associated with culture. They will be understood as “Popular and
political references.” The adjective “popular” is used in regards to how much the concept of
culture is widely understood by common people (not geographers, not anthropologists), as a
synonym of artistic or folkloric manifestations. At the same time, the adjective “political” is used
in regards to how generally these types of cultural maps have an end associated with public
policies within the scope of culture. In other words, this group brings together documents where
cultural cartography is understood as the cartographical representation of cultural manifestations
from a specific territory.
Second, documents that derive from geography, where cartography is reflected and
discussed upon conceptually, and the cultural scope in the science of geography is introduced,
approximated, or highlighted. These will be understood as “References from geography.” In
other words, this group brings together documents that talk about the importance of culture in the
development, reading, and interpretation of maps.
Third, documents that stem from other branches of knowledge different from geography,
in which cultural cartography is understood as a tool for the analysis of socio-cultural elements,
which goes through spatial considerations. Many of these documents assume the concept of
maps or cartography to be metaphorical and representational, not necessarily graphic. These
documents will be called “References from other sciences.” In other words, this last group brings
together documents where they highlight the importance of space (territory) as an analysis
variable in diverse scopes of social study. To clarify this, the following brief references of the
different elements found are presented, which highlight the aforementioned review.
1. Popular and Political References
Nettl (1960) analyzes how some works have been made –territorially referenced- about
the distribution of the musical phenomenon in the world, from an anthropological perspective.
Two main ideas can be inferred: First, musical cartography can be understood in a similar
manner with cultural cartography in line with the registration of artistic manifestations. And
second, there are various criteria for the classification or approach to musical cartography, which
can also be applied in the development of a cultural cartography, not so much in its definition,
but in its taxonomical logic.
Cheng (1998) builds an “architectural narrative” of the artistic, multi-cultural expressions
of the city of Los Angeles, understanding cultural cartography in the sense of a registry or
organized collection of artistic and folkloric representations. This author also highlights that
cultural cartography encompasses the characteristics of a city in terms of ethnic diversity, and
categories of collective identity references.
Aceves (2004) made an extensive document called cartography of Mexico’s cultural
resources. He points out as the document’s nature suggests:
It is indeed true that collecting information and making it compatible in fields as diverse
as the cultural and natural patrimony, tourism, social development, the infrastructure of
communications and transport, and other layers of information included in the project,
constitutes in itself a new experience destined to multiple uses and applications (…) We
are convinced that it will be useful for the planning of cultural development, but that
other sectors of the country’s development will benefit from the geo-referenced
information (…) Also, Cartography will be an abundant source of derived products that
will have as their raw material cultural information, but will go to reinforce the touristic
sector, arts and crafts production, cultural industries, creative people, and generally those
that know the cultural factor is involved in all chores of a society (Aceves, 2004:9).
Padilla (2004) develops one of the document’s chapters on cartography of Mexico’s cultural
resources. Noting that the meaning detected in this work was similar to the one of cultural
cartographies from other regions or countries, rather, from a popular and political point of view,
it can be observed that Padilla (2004) makes an effort to express a wider reach for this initiative;
a reach of anthropological order, from which it can be highlighted that said cartography does not
only recognize cultural value in the material elements or manifests, but also tries to identify
traditions, processes, ways of being and doing things of a community.
Moreno (2004:169) sheds light on the case of the Cultural Cartography of Chile, as a
successful initiative. He expresses that the Chilean cultural information system is solid and that
its latest version contains data that allows others to know more about the identity of populations
and their cultural needs.
Serbia & Bosisio (2006) make reference to the cultural map of Argentina, which was
conceived with the goal of making the design of public politics and investments in the cultural
scope possible. In this work, different elements of the local, regional, and national planes are
registered from the perspective of local actors, observers, and interested parties.
Chile’s cultural cartography defines cultural cartography as: “A system of territorial
information, of voluntary inscription, and the systematization of secondary sources of cadastral
information, for which the purpose is to add dimension and characterize the artistic-cultural
agents of the country.” The main objective of this Chilean project is the creation of a national
cultural directory, geo-referenced, that can give exposure to artists, aficionados, groups,
institutions, collective manifestations, and the cultural patrimony. Another author, Bayardo
(2009), understands cultural cartography in this same way.
Guanche (2006) presents the case of Cuba’s cultural cartography and the protection of its
living patrimony. Regarding the anthropological registry, the procedure of Cuba’s cultural
cartography is assimilated into the Mexican project, and seeks to highlight the cultural aspects
detected, focusing on the consolidation and recognition of the Cuban cultural patrimony.
Following this, Rodriguez (2009), also Cuban, would engage the concept from the same
perspective.
Cordero (2007:54) explains Panama’s cultural cartography. She is part of a group of
academics that assumes cultural cartography as a breakdown of each region in different scopes of
study, viz of the socio-economic system, daily life at home, beliefs, typical diets, recreation,
literature, music, dance, oral traditions, fashion, popular medicine, agriculture, hunting, fishing,
commerce, transport, and arts and crafts.
It can be said, that this type of initiatives named Cultural Cartographies of a “country”,
pursue similar objectives. This is done within the parameters of registering and exposing with
territorial reference, all the different manifestations of art, culture, places, theaters, sceneries, and
big peculiarities associated with the cultural subject from popular and political acceptance, as
well as to add depth to traditions and other manifestations of anthropological meaning.
In Forero et. al. (2007a, 2007b), Cultural cartography is observed as a registration or
mapping of specific representations of the topic of culture, understanding culture as expression
and representation. Forero and her team make a cultural map of the Bogota’s festivities system.
They reviewed sources such as libraries, newspaper libraries, public and private archives,
cultural centers’ archives, archives from Communal Action Groups, parishes, and neighborhood
and City Halls’ archives. Also, oral testimonies and the internet.
Huang (2007) makes a critical reflection about the literary text “A Fool’s Love” by
Junichiro Tanizaki, where he poses a contrast between the western modern woman, and the
traditional Japanese woman, in terms of customs, traditions, and ways to see life. In this analysis,
Huang understands cultural cartography as a descriptive inventory of some of the elements that
represent western culture.
Rolnik (2008) develops a critique of the recent inventory politics which in the scope of
art, exposes how the distance of global centers of economic and political power (the case of
Latin America) gives ease to said archival intentions. In this text, this author assumes the concept
of cultural cartography as an inventory or registry in the strictness of artistic manifestations, and
adds importance to the political factor in the history of intentions to archive the aforementioned
material which is representative of the culture.
2. References from Geography
Thrower (1966) who can be considered as the creator of the term “Cultural cartography”
(according to Seemann, 2010:57), examined the effects of cadastral surveys in Ohio’s northwest,
and its impact in the territory. He maintains that the geographic systematic study of the
territory’s subdivisions must consider the visual aspects as well as those that are invisible
(human patterns, rules, customs, etc.) According to Thrower (1966), this approximation to the
rural geography based on the maps, can and should be considered as cultural cartography.
Seemann (2010:71) cites other authors like Sambrook (1981) who also used the term
“cultural cartography” in his study “Historical lineaments in the Straits of Mackinac” in lake
Huron, and the anthropologists Kluckhohn (1949) who used the term “cultural map” to compare
a culture and its traditions in an abstract manner, generalizing principles and patterns of
cartographic representation.
Rundstrom (1987) elaborates in his doctoral thesis, what he categorizes as a humanistic
study in cultural cartography based on a structural analysis of historical maps of Eskimos in
Canada’s central area (1894-1924). He interprets the results in light of certain elements of the
physical and human geography of the arctic, with the purpose of giving meaning to the maps. It
can be said that for Rundstrom (1987, 1990, 2009) cultural cartography is understood as the
study of the influence of culture in the interpretation of maps; in other words, the meaning of
cartography. In his own words, “cultural cartography is the study of maps as cultural artifacts”
(Rundstrom, 1990:155).
Taylor (1995:10) would cite Rundstrom, indicating that cultural cartography interprets
maps and the process of mapping, in terms of the specific meaning that objectives and practices
have for the individuals. Inversely, the ways in which people individually or in a group grant
symbolic meaning to the cartography they produce. Thus, in the frame of Rundstrom’s (1989)
research of Eskimo maps, key aspects such as the way to interpret frontiers between terrestrial
and aquatic zones, the starting point of rivers, geo-morphological characteristics, travel methods,
and the usefulness of maps for hunting activities and mimicry, all constitute examples of those
cultural elements belonging to their Eskimo community. This lets them see cartography in an
“Eskimo way” and the differences with the white society.
Later, Rundstrom (2009:315) himself draws up a document about counter-mapping, a
cartographic modality that also takes into account cultural elements for the development of maps.
However, he clarifies that in this type of cartographic process, the cultural component of a region
is favored or considered more active in comparison with traditional cartography. Also, in this
way of making maps are found several sub-types, which can be considered as synonyms with
certain theoretical or methodological variations: Ethno-cartography, community mapping,
alternative cartography, backwards mapping, counter-hegemonic mapping, and participatory
public mapping among others. He adds that there are other modalities, still synonyms of each
other, but involve wider spectrums of action: Bio-regional mapping, critic cartography,
subversive cartography, and re-mapping.
Harley (1989) advocates the creation of an epistemology of the cartographic sciences that
sustains the advancement of technological media in the making of maps. This author considers
geographic science as a complex system of signs, which can be manipulated by groups in power
(political, religious, economic, etc). This way, maps cease to be considered mainly as registries
of landscapes or objects, and are then understood as the graphic or visual result of a socially
constructed world. In this order of ideas, maps can also distort reality.
Edney (1996), after reviewing the theoretical aspects of the history of cartography,
highlights the cultural aspect of the academics, of the cartographers themselves, and the users of
letters as an element of high influence in the making and interpretation of maps. He points out
that cartographic history has been dominated by an empiricism that treats the nature of maps as if
it was self-evident, negating the presence of any theory. In contrast, he proposes that the theories
are underlying in the very roots of any empirical study, even though he may not be conscious of
it. Edney (1996:189) coincides with Wood (1992), King (1996), Black (1997), and Pinder, et.al.
(2005) in the sense that a map is a representation and not a reality. He points out that a map is a
representation of knowledge; a construct influenced by cultural semiotic codes.
Jacob (1996) makes a critic review of the history of cartography from a cultural
perspective. In his work, he claims the importance of culture as a variable to consider in the
making, reading, and interpretation of maps as tools of science. He maintains that the cultural
context of a map can be compared to a kind of a pattern of concentric circles that surround the
map. In this logic, the analysis from an immediate circle (the one of the making of the map) to
other circles (outer ones) of economic, social, political, intellectual, and artistic order (Jacob,
1996:193). He says the main task of the history of cartography is to interpret maps according to
the categories of the culture upon which these maps are made and used (Jacob, 1996:196).
Turnbull (1996:7) poses the importance of the matter of culture relative to the making
and interpretation of maps. He explains that maps have a double connotation: On one hand, they
create and reflect social spaces, while on the other, they are modes of representation of physical
space. Maps connect disparate entities, events, locations, and phenomenon that allows the
observance of patterns that otherwise would not be visible. A map exposes the social order and
the natural order, but this order is also created; therefore, maps reflect the meaning of sense for
groups, individuals, and their social world. Turnbull (1996:1) says that maps are also ideological
instruments in the sense that they project a particular reading of the material world, where social
relations prevail reflected in the description of physical space. In this logic, some meanings are
dominant, while other meanings are the result of the push against the dominant order. In short,
cultural maps are “maps of meanings.”
Michaud, Turner and Roche (2002) focus on the difficulties that appear at the moment of
representing a certain diversity of ethnic minority groups in the north of Vietnam, in bi-
dimensional maps. They say these maps do not include an important diversity of topographical
details, but they recognize that it also would not have possible, given the restrictions in the
current topographical tools at the moment of their making. This implies that the image of said
populations has been partially created from cartographic science, and in time it has become a
standardized representation, with the tendency to highlight the idea that geography determines
aspects such as economy, local development, and certain social and production relations, among
other variables. They recognize the geographic scope influences the development of
communities, but it is not the only variable or the most important, reason for which they discard
these types of visions as geographic determinism. Because of this, they present recent tries to
create more functional maps, topographic and cartographic models.
Herlily and Knapp (2002, 2003) have developed numerous works of participatory
mapping (participatory research mapping – PRM) in different regions of Latin-America. Herlily
(2002) critiques the way in which authorities and geographers in general have traditionally
elaborated maps of regions such as the Panamanian Darien, turning their back to the necessities
and realities of the communities that inhabit them. This author says that the Darien has been the
most inaccurately mapped territory of all Panama, and proposes a more holistic methodology in
which the indigenous people collaborate directly with the researchers (geographers,
anthropologists, and others) in the making of maps. This translates into excellent cartographic
results as consequence of a strict scientific work, while the indigenous people are able to manage
their land and also benefit from a better interpretation of their territories by the white population.
Therefore, for these authors, cultural cartography encompasses a special emphasis on certain
communities’ own cultural aspects at the moment of making or registering maps of their
territory, for which ethnographic science plays a notorious role at the time of collecting and
interpreting information, besides the purely cartographic techniques.
Offen (2003) retakes the concept of social cartography in analogous form to participatory
mapping. This methodology is used to achieve agreements in minority communities (of African
descent, indigenous, etc.) with the purpose of constructing the maps socially, favoring the
relationships between the territory and its imagining from its respective community, in contrast
with a direct cartographic construct. In other words, it is about building the idea of territory not
only as a piece of land, but as a cultural space where relationships, affections, traditions, lives,
etc. are developed.
Johnson et. al. (2005:86) assume cultural cartography as an inclusive method that utilizes
different types of techniques (hand drawn maps, 3D modeling and geographic information
systems) in an effort to empower different local communities around the world. They make
reference to different authors like Brody (1982), Chapin (1998), Corner (1999), Craig and
Elwood (1998), Elwood and Leitner (1998), Flavelle (1995), Fox (1998), Harris et. al. (1995),
Harris and Weiner (1998), Kosek (1998), Nietschmann (1995), Obermeyer (1998), Peluso
(1995), Pickles (1995), Poole (1995), Rundstrom (1998), Sparke (1998), Stone (1998), and
Tobias (2000) whom have all developed this type of work. These projects encompass from
communities in neighborhoods from cities of first world countries, to rural villages in third world
countries, letting said communities be represented in the development of western cartography,
redesigning maps with their own conceptualizations of their respective territories.
Tickell (2004) exposes the way in which the British had to figure out how to define maps
of India during colonial times, taking into account the multiple changes related to the cultural
differences between the British and the Indians and India’s interior, but clinging to the
geographic reality the Indian Territory presented. Geographic accidents were taken as referenced
by the natives, but geographic accidents could change due to climactic factors such as droughts
that modified or eliminated the course of rivers, or rain seasons which generated new slopes and
canals. This made maps need to be represented differently by the British geographers, who
intended high-fidelity in what they observed in situ. Despite this, the natives continued
understanding their territory in the way they had always done, with traditional references, even
when the terrain did not exist anymore, for example, referring to a dried up river. In short, the
British map represented one thing, and the native Indians understood their territory in another
way. Therefore, the British government had to “culturally equate everything cartographic” in the
sense of seeking cultural agreements about what to represent and not represent on maps.
Sletto (2005, 2009, 2012) engages the concept of “participatory mapping” or “indigenous
participatory mapping.” Under this methodology, the author favors the mapping of the
relationships between local knowledge, spatial practices, and the social processes, as well as the
influence of these elements over public politics, and decisions over the territory. For this, Sletto
keeps in mind elements such as testimonies from the population, their practices and customs
(fishing chores and agriculture, routes, customs, etc.), among other evidences.
Molnar (2007:119) understands cultural cartography as maps in which certain factors
have been considered for their making, such as cultural and identity criteria of the residents or
subjects of the registered territories, and of the potential readers or users of the maps, which in
great measure turn out to be the same.
Montoya (2007) assumes maps as cultural products that respond to the logic of
underlying powers that determine them, creating a political image of the territory. This author
engages the concepts of “cognitive map” and “collaborative cartography through dialogue”
understanding them in a similar way to participatory mapping or social cartography, previously
reviewed, in the sense of the social construct of the maps. In other words, he highlights the
importance of the community’s participation in the making of maps, to overcome the logic of
power that has traditionally dominated the cartographic trade.
Chanis (2008:8) talks about inter-cultural cartography, in the sense of how it influences
different ways to see the world, or ontological positions between cultural unities, and establishes
a comparison or critic discussion between Chinese cartography practices and western ones,
mainly European. From a methodology perspective, Chanis (2008) follows different maps made
by the same Italian cartographer, Matteo Ricci, and exposes how his way to develop maps
changed in time, as he saw himself influenced by Chinese culture.
Bourette (2009), although he does not state it, understands cultural cartography in the
sense of an inclusive cartography. This is a cartography whose language and symbols are capable
of bringing awareness of local cultural aspects, as well as global. This author advocates a
versatile and universal language for the making of maps. He maintains that cartographic
symbology must give an account of cultural aspects in all scales, and that the system used must
be cultural and trans-cultural. He proposes “a system that makes use of trans-cultural patterns,
and utilizes an arrangement of symbols to represent such patterns” (Bourette, 2009:5), which
would allow the development of a cultural cartography.
Perkins (2009) reflects about the epistemological scope of cartography’s procedure. He
says that despite globalization, the cartographical entities of the United Kingdom publish maps
that have been designed for diverse objectives, in a cultural cartography that compares different
national landscapes. Thus “the national atlases serve as cultural ambassadors of their nations and
make it easier to configure ethnic stereotypes by establishing names for places in official maps”
(Perkins, 2009:10). In other words, Perkins (2009) assumes the concept of cultural cartography
as a comparative cartographic registry between regions.
Jelacic (2010) presents the case of a project dedicated to articulate the accumulated
knowledge of the elderly from the Iñupiaq community of the North Slope region in Alaska,
supported in the scientific community of geographers. This project is materialized through the
creation and maintenance of a webpage (northslope.arcticmapping.org) that registers in a System
of Geographic Information (SIG), diverse information relative to the territory, such as
geomorphic accidents, environmental changes, interpretation of changes and forecasts, among
others. They call this page “Arctic Cultural Cartography.” It can be understood that for the group
of people that developed the Arctic Cultural Cartography project, and for Jelacic (2009) herself,
cultural cartography consists in the process of collecting, interpreting, and systematizing
geographical information (in a SIG for the project), based on the specialized knowledge of the
scientific community, and the expert empirical knowledge of the local people; the elderly in
particular.
Mila-Shaaf (2010) initially engages the reflection about cultural cartography from an
epistemological perspective. She cites Ifekgunigwe (1999:13), who elaborates a study about
communities in the Pacific and maintains that said place of study has many maps, not only
geographical but also political, of the heart, of imagination, cultural, artistic, literary, linguistic,
spiritual, philosophical, of film, mythological, oneiric, and emotional. Mila-Shaaf (2010) says
that these are maps which arise from the local places, maps that are imposed from outside, maps
that reveal rivers, mountains, maps that help to perpetuate fiction and myth about the population.
In this sense, cultural cartography is a process that allows for the making of maps, keeping in
mind these cultural aspects.
Barriendos (2011:13) highlights the contribution from Cosgrove (1988, 2001), who
engages the importance of maps in the sense that they build reality, and their meaning surpasses
the mere gratification of a territory, to represent its underlying ideology. Cosgrove poses the way
in which the European world from colonial times influenced the design of maps, in the sense of
creating an all around vision of the American man, the one called “good savage” of the New
World. This logic operated as a “Eurocentric visual regime, patriarchal and universal”, which
changed the medieval-religious cartographic scope towards a colonial-maritime-new world.
3. References from other sciences
Dostal (1984:340) states that ethnographic cartography is a very useful tool for two
reasons: (1) The moment he writes this document (1984), there are still inaccessible places or
virtually unknown from an ethnographic perspective, and (2) As a result of the exploitation of
crude inputs for the industry (petroleum, gas, and minerals), the different local cultures are
exposed to long-term changes. In this context, the challenge of ethnographers is to register the
indigenous cultures. Thus, ethnographic cartography allows for the registration of cultural
phenomena and facilitates the supply of documentation for decision-making.
Lison (1991) makes an anthropological and ethnographical survey of Galicia, Spain.
From this perspective, cultural cartography is the result of the original physical map modified by
the realities and cultural processes.
Wood (1992), King (1996), and Black (1997) (cited by Pinder 2005:760) say that what
the maps keep quiet about is just as interesting as what they show. This implies a great difficulty
for the compilers or cartographers, in terms penetrating the hidden structures in which people
unfold themselves. King (1996) does not go in depth in the definition of a cultural map, but
engages the epistemological matter, pointing out that there is no such thing as a purely objective
cultural map, one that reproduces pre-existing reality.
Paulston & Liebman (1994) introduce the concept of “social cartography”, in the analysis
of visual, discursive, and narrative elements in the scope of education. They say the process of
mapping social geography is similar to that of cognitive mapping and geographic cartography.
They point out that they, as social cartographers, look for the small and big erosions and
eruptions of social masses, seeking opportunities to map out the changes to analyze and interpret
events. The map reveals the real and perceived social inclusions, and opens the space for social
inclusions that arise from diverse groups of interest (Paulston & Liebman, 1994:231).
Davis & Wali (1994) understand cultural cartography as a cultural territorial forecast or a
descriptive and explanatory body of the indigenous imaginary constructs relative to the territory,
and to nature and cosmologies.
Smith (1999) proposes a new way to make the supposed cultural maps in the field of
medicine, specifically the ones related to disabilities and other medical pathologies from a purely
cartographic perspective, called “cartography of disabilities in development.” He says that maps
create realities, but do not give a deep and truthful account if the people registered in them
consider themselves disabled or not, or if the maps benefit them. He questions the bad
application of what he calls an empirical metaphor of cultural cartography, since said
cartography does not benefit the supposed beneficiaries registered there. He proposes to
elaborate new cultural maps that seek to be polysemic, that research meanings and not finished
facts.
Gieryn (1999) made a map of credibility of science, whose frontiers were traced based on
what is and what is not science. The general idea of Gieryn’s (1999) map is to show a kind of
hierarchical structure, using the metaphor of a mountain, at the top of which are located sources
of more reliable scientific information, such as the department of public health, the institutes of
medicine, and universities. After, as the descent is made by the mountainside, there is access to
the scope of soft sciences like history, philosophy, and the arts. In the valley reside elements
such as religion, faith, anecdotic evidences, mysticism, healing, and quackery. Thus, Gieryn’s
(1999) cultural map, more than an exercise of cultural cartography, is a metaphorical graphic,
seemingly made with the purpose of guiding the reader with the understanding of the hierarchical
location of knowledge, where maximum objectivity is three dimensionally located at top central
part of the map, while maximum subjectivity lies in the lowest peripheral part.
Several authors guided themselves by this model of cultural cartography from Gieryn
(1999), and have applied it to different scopes of analysis: Kerr (2009) prepares a project in the
area of medicine, about autism. Leith (2009:49) develops a document related to the study and
knowledge of climatic factors on behalf of the scientific community and farmers, for the case of
agriculture in Australia. Diggle (2010) makes his doctoral thesis about the subject of pesticide
residue and its regulatory frame in the United Kingdom. Kaplan & Radin (2010:29) expose
epistemological discussions about nanotechnology. Mikes (2010) researches the definition of
frontiers in managing of financial risk, understanding the perception of the “risk” variable as a
scope of cultural character. Blanco (2001) makes a reflection about a case known as the “Sokal
matter” in the frame of social studies in science.
Tirado (2000) understands cultural cartography in urban terms, related to the registry of
cultural particularities of different neighborhoods. This author says this type of mapping
transforms the economic, racial, and ethnic scope. Mapping different people in their respective
spaces is the basis of segregation, points the author.
Acosta (2002) works on a piece about the cultural and political dimensions in the social
analysis, and exposes Venezuela’s situation in this context. Acosta (2002:278) makes a brief
mention of the concept of cultural cartography, in the sense of a territorial registry of cultural
variables which favor the economic development of certain communities in comparison with
others.
Hubik (2002) refers to “cultural and social cartography” mentioning that cultural and
social cartography is above all, a method. It is a method of the social constructionism. Hubik
(2002) criticizes the traditional method of social research for the determination and construction
of what is a region, and the establishing of politics for regional development. This author
maintains that the way to study, determine, or understand a region cannot simply dispose itself
unilaterally from public politics, and instead should be built scientifically from without as well as
from within the respective community.
Poole (2003:12) defines the concept of cultural cartography in two senses: (1) literal and
(2) metaphoric, stating that cultural mapping seeks to go beyond what is strictly cartographic,
and engages other areas. He proposes the expression “auditing” that can be understood as an
intervention or audit with the purpose of covering the complete spectrum of activities to research
and analyze diverse areas, including cartography. There also exists, since the beginning of the
1970s, the term “tenure mapping” that can be assumed as an occupational mapping, whose
nature has been oriented to registering the historical presence of indigenous communities in their
lands. In short, for Poole (2003), there is no practical difference between cultural maps and
occupational maps, because the purpose of these is to illustrate, with a certain geographic
precision, the historical and cultural links between the indigenous population and their ancestral
territories.
Ongaro (2004) works on a piece in the narrative and literary areas. This author considers
cultural cartographies as a collection of said structures (narrative, literary, linguistic). He points
out that cultural cartographies “represent reality”, meaning they get close, but are not actual
reality.
Figueroa (2005) sees cultural cartography as an inventory cultural particularities of a
determined urban context. For his particular case, Figueroa (2005) engages the topic of graffiti
understood as a dissident graphic representation. Thus, according to the author, graffiti is one
more element of urban cultural cartography.
Isea (2007), from the scope of literary analysis, understands cultural cartography in a
similar way. To be precise, he understands that certain cultural elements are all part of a wide
cultural cartography. In his case, Isea (2007:65) says the Venezuelan post-foundational narrative
map makes part of the great Latin American cultural cartography.
Pinder et. al. (2005), from the sociological perspective of medicine, say that the maps
hesitate between fiction and facts; and they are not mirrors of nature, they point out. Maps must
be considered as powerful rhetoric tools that impose their own guidelines as far as spaces and
events go, instead of eternal, universal, and objective.
Pavia (2005, 2009) defines cultural cartography as the art of making visible what is
invisible. It consists of the mapping of constructions of sense shared by social actors in daily
situations. “Next to the venerable map, integrated in a new telling of itineraries, the cultural
cartographer collects and bundles fragments of the humanized world: Memories, images,
portraits, texts, imaginaries”, he points out (Pavia, 2009:3).
Straw (2007) understands cultural cartography as an ethnographic, cultural research that
allows the tracking of the movement of specific cultural artifacts, especially commodities,
through the spaces and national lives.
Calero et. al. (2006) make a cultural cartography of the field of television in Cali,
Colombia (1987-2003). They develop a characterization of the historical facts, and the
specialized agents that made the construction and consolidation of the media and television fields
possible in the city of Cali. They say cartography (cultural), as a methodological proposition is
founded in the study of historic context in which the production of the speech is placed.
De Toro (2006) makes reference to the different types of cultural cartographies. He
understands it as inventories or referenced descriptive processes to cultural particularities
associated with a specific subject. Pinedo (2009) analyzes the work of De Toro, assuming the
concept of cultural cartography in the same sense.
Schippers (2006:11) understands cultural cartography in the sense of a registry of the
diversity and ethnical particularities of a specific territory, generally a country, and he puts it in
contrast with political cartography, due to the forming of different regions based on these
criteria. In other words, political regions do not necessarily coincide with cultural regions, and
the representation of cultural regions is the one he understands as cultural cartography.
Verges (2006) assumes the concept in a similar way, and emphasizes over the economic
activities, such as agriculture, especially in regions where the economy depends on it. Meaning,
the main economic activity of a specific region (generally rural) configures its cultural
cartography above traditional or political cartography.
Bowles (2007) works on a piece about the uses, customs, and ways to consume cinema in
the rural locality of Cobargo in Australia. This is a cultural cartography of film in said region. He
says that each location or place in cultural terms, represents its own information, particular ways,
social and political histories. Namely, the cultural cartography of film that Bowles develops does
not only keep in mind the location of film projection places, but a whole cultural fusion of
meanings that are configured in the same.
Annick (2007) understands cultural cartography as a territorial registry of the cultural
particularities in different countries of Latin America. In the Brazilian yearbook of Hispanic
studies (2006), the concept is understood in identical form, meaning a territorialized analysis of
certain cultural elements. Arizpe (2006), in a review of international debates surrounding the
cultural and immaterial patrimony, assumes the concept in the same sense.
Choate (2007) makes an in-depth review of Italy’s historic politics as classical country
that provides immigrants to the rest of the world. He makes reference to cultural cartography,
understanding it as a territorial referencing of the Italian diaspora on the whole world, keeping in
mind not only its obvious origin, but the way in which they have kept their customs and ways of
life in different regions, as well as the process of adaptation.
Correa (2007, 2009, 2011) develops three documents with similar themes. In all three of
them, it can be interpreted that Correa understands cultural cartography as a territorially
referenced diagnosis; in this case, with the subject of fashion and design, linking cultural
practices and consumption in Argentina.
Huq (2007:42) understands the concept of cultural cartography as an ethnic inventory,
meaning, from a demographic perspective, describing the evolution and transformation of ethnic
communities that make up the suburbs of London.
Mata (2007) elaborates a document related to the sciences of economy and politics. From
his text it can be gathered that he understands the term cultural cartography as an inventory or
registry of cultural elements that characterize a specific school of economic thought (radical,
conventional, etc.).
Stenou (2007) highlights the importance of understanding the inherent diversity in culture
as a pre-requisite to understand cultural diversity in a global scale. He also highlights the
importance of cultural resource maps (cultural cartographies) of specific communities not
generating dividing lines between the different communities.
Zimmerman (2007:59) employs the term social and cultural cartography, and understands
it as a registry or inventory of specific cultural elements (massive media in his case study), that
generate meanings and identity in a specific population (students in his analysis case).
Gupta & Ferguson (2008) explore how the renewed interest for the theorizing of the
space in particular anthropology schools is manifested in being concepts. This review compels
the authors to rethink basic analytical concepts of anthropology as a culture and cultural
difference. This piece allows the idea to be extracted, that cultural cartography super imposes
itself to the political and territorial designs established by sociological tradition of the State-
nation as a conceptual category.
Lobato & Quintero (2008) say that maps usually provide various perspectives of reading.
Firstly, maps offer a vision of the whole, generally simplified. By using maps as tools of travel or
exploration, the reader is allowed to contrast the real experience of the terrain with its graphical,
conceptual, and abstract representation. Thus, maps are the result of a permanent contrast
between living experience and mental conceptions, and because of this, besides representing
reality, maps attempt to reveal and intervene in their sense.
Moras (2008) exposes the different tendencies associated with the research of cultural
phenomena in a marketing logic. This author criticizes the traditional methodological
approximation stating that these types of studies have as a starting point a determined concept of
culture, and in this sense it would be necessary to secure the term, given that in its amplitude, it
can refer to services and classical manifestations; or extend itself to manifestations of popular
and traditional culture, or also include spaces and scenarios of meetings and socialization.
Callahan (2009) makes a critique review of the “cartography of the national humiliation
of China”, understood in the sense that its cartographic history reflects the variations of its
territory in function of the definition of the limits with its neighbors or disputed territories and of
the conflicts with invading empires. This author engages the subject of the humiliation, or the
affected national pride and its constitution in an element of analysis in the spatial context and
cartographic representation. This in itself is a type of cultural cartography.
Olafsdottir & Pescosolido (2009) define cultural cartography as concept derived from
sociology, useful to describe how individuals discriminate between available sources for the
treatment of illnesses. Their idea of cultural cartography aims to detect and analyze the ways in
which patients evaluate the definition of their pathologies, from a social perspective, the level of
the diseases’ severity, and the way in which they approach the health system looking for help.
Murphy (2009:3) works on a piece about race and ethnicity in Brazilian music and jazz.
In his document, he does not directly mention the concept of cultural cartography, but cites Dent
(2009:167) whom, for the point of his case, understands cultural cartography in the descriptive,
anthropological, and interpretive sense of the communities in respect to the subject of music.
Rivera, et. al. (2009) elaborate a cultural cartography of Mexican baseball. This is a
review, a comprehensive description of the evolution and development of Mexican baseball and
specifically its protagonists: the baseball players and the fans. What they do is keep in mind from
the methodological point of view, the geographic matter, meaning the key territories where the
development of said sport discipline occurred.
Radakovich (2010) engages the concept from an economic and commerce standpoint
referring to the Uruguayan case, in which for the last few years, the patterns of cultural
consumption have been notoriously modified. This change is associated with the descent in the
people’s acquisitive capacity and the way in which current social and economic conditions are
given. Said patterns of cultural consumption would be the ones to compose the cultural
cartography of the middle class in Uruguay.
Raina (2010) assures that historically, anthropologists have gotten close to the study of
the Jesuit missions in India, in diverse ways. Raina (2010:121) cites Upanov, who in one of his
documents, employs the term cultural cartography to map the meeting between the Jesuit
missionaries with their converts and their local partners. For Upanov, cultural cartography
consists of the cartographic registration of said missions.
Leefe (2011), defines cultural cartography as a strategic discipline that shows the way in
which meaning is configured. She says that cultural cartography explores the cultural
intersection of attitudes, beliefs, and rituals. It also reveals the motivations of society, and
provides new perspectives relative to marks, tendencies, categories, and the cultural environment
in general.
4. Conclusion
Trying to resolve the questions that originally guided this work (What is cultural
cartography? Are there different accepted versions of the term “Cultural Cartography”? Are there
different types of cultural cartography?); in principle, as it is evident, there is no consensus in
respect to the concept of cultural cartography, given that it has been engaged from different
accepted versions or areas of knowledge, and with different objectives. The findings were
categorized in three main groups: (1) Cultural cartography understood as the cartographical
representation of the cultural manifestations of a specific territory, (2) Cultural cartography
understood as the relation between culture and the making, reading, and interpretation of maps,
and (3) Cultural cartography understood as the relation between the territory as a variable for
analysis in different areas of social study, It was also observed that even the words that
constituted this concept, “culture” and “cartography”, are in themselves diffused, or wide in their
interpretation. Table 1 summarizes the accepted versions and the reviewed authors.
Table 1. Concept of Cultural Cartography: Synthesis of reviewed perspectives and authors
Perspectives
Authors
Multiple
Black (1997), King (1996), Seemann (2001, 2010) and Wood (1992).
Popular and
political
Aceves (2004), Cheng (1998), Cordero (2007), Forero et. al. (2007a, 2007b), Guanche
(2006), Huang (2007), Moreno (2004), Nettl (1960), Padilla (2004), Rodríguez (2009), Rolnik
(2008) and Serbia & Bosisio (2006).
From
geography
Bourette (2009), Chanis (2008), Cosgrove (1988, 2001), Edney (1996), Harley (1989, 1990,
2005), Herlihy & Knapp (2002, 2003), Jacob (1996), Jelacic (2010), Kluckhohn (1949),
Michaud, et. al. (2002), Mila-Schaaf (2010), Molnar (2007), Montoya (2007), Offen (2003),
Perkins (2009), Rundstrom (1987, 1990, 2009), Sambrook (1981), Sletto (2005, 2009, 2012),
Taylor (1995), Thrower (1966), Tickell (2004) and Turnbull (1996).
From other
sciences
Acosta (2002), Annick (2007), Blanco (2001), Bowles (2007), Calero et. al. (2006), Callahan
(2009), Choate (2007), Correa (2007, 2009, 2011), Davis & Wali (1994), De Toro (2006),
Diggle (2010), Dostal (1984), Figueroa (2005), Gieryn (1999), Gupta & Ferguson (2008),
Hubik (2002), Huq (2007), Isea (2007), Kaplan & Radin (2010), Kerr (2009), Leefe (2011),
Leith (2009), Lison (1991), Lobato & Quintero (2008), Mata (2007), Mikes (2010), Moras
(2008), Murphy (2009), Olafsdottir & Pescosolido (2009), Ongaro (2004), Palacios (2004),
Paulston & Liebman (1994), Pavía (2005, 2009), Pinder, et. al (2005), Pinedo (2009), Poole
(2003), Radakovich (2010), Raina (2010), Rivera, et. al. (2009), Schippers (2006), Smith
(1999), Stenou (2007), Straw (2007), Tirado (2000), Verges (2006) and Zimmerman (2007).
Source: Self elaboration
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