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Placing Bets: gambling venues and the distribution of harm

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The liberalisation of gambling in Australia has resulted in the dispersal of 200 000 electronic gaming machines (EGMs) across the country, generating substantial revenues for State governments and the gambling industry as well as causing significant gambling-related harm. While the spatial distribution of EGM venues has been shown to follow a gradient of community disadvantage, little is known about the distinctions between the venues themselves (i.e. pubs, clubs, and casinos), either in terms of the catchments they service or the harm they produce. To this end, we constructed a sexpartite typology of EGM venues in the Northern Territory of Australia derived from venue location and licensing variables. We also conducted a geocoded mail survey (n=7041) of households in three urban centres to describe the composition of markets and problem-gambling outcomes across the six venue categories in the typology. Venues in accessible locations and those with a higher numbers of EGMs, particularly casinos and clubs located near supermarkets, were most closely associated with gambling-related harm, even when differing player socio-demographics were accounted for. We argue that gambling risk is a function of the interaction of geographic accessibility to markets on the one hand and venue effects on the other. An understanding of the geography of EGM gambling may help improve supply-side approaches to regulation, as well as shed insights into contemporary urban processes within Australia's regional settlements.
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Australian Geographer
ISSN: 0004-9182 (Print) 1465-3311 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cage20
Placing Bets: gambling venues and the distribution
of harm
Martin Young , Francis Markham & Bruce Doran
To cite this article: Martin Young , Francis Markham & Bruce Doran (2012) Placing Bets:
gambling venues and the distribution of harm, Australian Geographer, 43:4, 425-444, DOI:
10.1080/00049182.2012.731302
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00049182.2012.731302
Published online: 10 Dec 2012.
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Placing Bets: gambling venues and the
distribution of harm
MARTIN YOUNG, FRANCIS MARKHAM & BRUCE DORAN,
Southern Cross University, Australia; Menzies School of Health Research,
Australia; Fenner School of Environment and Society, Australian National
University, Australia
ABSTRACT
The liberalisation of gambling in Australia has resulted in the dispersal of
200 000 electronic gaming machines (EGMs) across the country, generating substantial
revenues for State governments and the gambling industry as well as causing significant
gambling-related harm. While the spatial distribution of EGM venues has been shown to
follow a gradient of community disadvantage, little is known about the distinctions between
the venues themselves (i.e. pubs, clubs, and casinos), either in terms of the catchments they
service or the harm they produce. To this end, we constructed a sexpartite typology of EGM
venues in the Northern Territory of Australia derived from venue location and licensing
variables. We also conducted a geocoded mail survey (n7041) of households in three
urban centres to describe the composition of markets and problem-gambling outcomes across
the six venue categories in the typology. Venues in accessible locations and those with a
higher numbers of EGMs, particularly casinos and clubs located near supermarkets, were
most closely associated with gambling-related harm, even when differing player socio-
demographics were accounted for. We argue that gambling risk is a function of the
interaction of geographic accessibility to markets on the one hand and venue effects on the
other. An understanding of the geography of EGM gambling may help improve supply-side
approaches to regulation, as well as shed insights into contemporary urban processes within
Australia’s regional settlements.
KEY WORDS
Gambling; electronic gaming machines; spatial distribution; venues;
Northern Territory; gambling-related harm.
The liberalisation of electronic gaming machines (EGMs) or ‘pokies’ over the past
two decades has produced an extensive network of gambling venues that traverses
Australia. In 200809, there were 5683 gambling venues (i.e. hotels, clubs and
casinos) dispersed across nearly every settlement in the country, with the exception
of Western Australia that restricts EGMs to its sole casino (Productivity Commis-
sion 2010). Hotels, or pubs in the vernacular, are relatively small, ubiquitous
venues that are the equivalent in many respects of bars in other countries. Access is
freely available to the public. Clubs, on the other hand, are larger sporting,
Australian Geographer, Vol. 43, No. 4,
pp. 425444, December 2012
ISSN 0004-9182 print/ISSN 1465-3311 online/12/040425-20 #2012 Geographical Society of New South Wales Inc.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00049182.2012.731302
recreation, and returned services venues that technically require a membership to
enter, although visitors may use the club after signing in at the door. Casinos, of
which there are currently 13 in Australia, are gambling-specific venues located in
major cities and regional centres. In 2009 these venues contained 197 820
operational EGMs, with 12 306 EGMs in casinos, 69 592 in hotels and 115 922
in clubs (Productivity Commission 2010). This network of venues produces
massive revenues for the state and industry. During the 200809 financial year total
EGM expenditure (i.e. amount actually lost) in clubs and hotels alone for Australia
was AUS$10.5 billion, equating to AUS$630 per adult (Queensland Government
2011). Over one quarter (AUS$2.9 billion or 28.1 per cent) of this expenditure was
collected as taxation revenue by individual State governments and accounted for
5.8 per cent of aggregated own-State tax revenue
1
(ABS 2010). Not surprisingly, a
parallel concern with the public health impacts of EGM gambling has emerged
(Marshall 2009). In particular, the issue of problem gamblinghas received
widespread national attention since highlighted by a Productivity Commission
report in 1999. More recently, the Commission (2010) has estimated the social cost
of problem gambling to be at least AUS$4.7 billion a year.
A concern with problem gambling, especially its identification, enumeration, and
associated risk factors, has captured the lions share of the research attention devoted
to EGM gambling in Australia (Young 2012). There has been relatively less
attention paid to the geography of EGM gambling, despite the inherently geographic
nature of the phenomenon, involving as it does a set of spatial relationships between
individual gambling venues and the characteristics of supporting populations. For
example, we know that EGM venues are disproportionately located in poorer areas
both in Australia (Marshall & Baker 2000, 2001a, b) and overseas (Gilliland & Ross
2005; Wheeler et al. 2006; Pearce et al. 2008; Robitaille & Herjean 2008). In
addition, spatial and temporal accessibility has been linked to both gambling
participation (Productivity Commission 1999; Marshall et al. 2004; Baker &
Marshall 2005; Marshall 2005; South Australian Centre for Economic Studies
2005; Young et al. 2012) and problem gambling (Storer et al. 2009).
Unfortunately, we know relatively little about the venues themselves. While a
community-basedcategory is commonly deployed in Australia to describe
gambling venues other than casinos (Productivity Commission 2010), in reality,
EGM venues display considerable variation in terms of machine numbers, other
gambling facilities, opening hours, location relative to existing infrastructure, the
proximity of competitors, ownership and control, licensing controls, gatekeeping
practices, recreational facilities, and marketing and promotion capabilities (Marshall
et al. 2004; McMillen & Doran 2006). As a consequence, different venues (i.e. pubs,
clubs and casinos) draw on different markets at different geographic scales (Fisher
2000; Young & Tyler 2008; Doran et al. 2007; Doran & Young 2010; Young et al.
2011). However, while a handful of studies have examined the markets of particular
groups of venues such as casinos (e.g. Fisher 2000) or clubs (e.g. Hing & Breen
2001), comparisons across venue types have rarely been drawn. There exists a
pressing need to relate demand for, and supply of, EGMs as mediated by the
network of gambling venues to more fully understand the incidence of gambling
behaviour and associated harm across a range of geographic contexts (Young & Tyler
2008). From a policy perspective, an understanding of the localised relationships
between venues and markets would allow the development of geographically tailored
harm-minimisation measures targeted at vulnerable subgroups. To this end, we seek
426 M. Young et al.
to develop a typology of gambling venues that is sensitive to geographic context, to
examine the differences in markets between these venue types, and to determine
which are the most risky venues defined by problem-gambling outcomes.
The geography of EGM gambling
EGM distribution and socio-economic disadvantage
The most distinctive feature of the geography of EGMs is their concentration in
poorer areas. Studies of the distribution of EGMs in Melbourne and Sydney have
shown socio-economically disadvantaged local government areas (LGAs) to be
more heavily supplied than their better-off counterparts (Marshall & Baker 2000,
2001a, b). This association is produced by a whole raft of urban geographic
processes affecting the operation of markets including government policy (restric-
tions on supply), local political action, ethnic and cultural variations in host areas,
and the historical patterns of development (Marshall & Baker 2001b). For
example, in the case of the recently developed Melbourne market, the spatial
distribution of EGMs was shown to move from a relatively random initial
distribution towards increasing concentration in disadvantaged areas over time
(Marshall & Baker 2002). The link between gambling supply and low-income areas
has been similarly documented in New Zealand (Wheeler et al. 2006) and Canada
(Gilliland & Ross 2005; Wilson et al. 2006; Robitaille & Herjean 2008).
Overprovision in poorer areas is socially problematic because the density of EGMs
has been linked to increased gambling participation and expenditure (Marshall 1999,
2005; Productivity Commission 1999; South Australian Centre for Economic
Studies 2005). People who live closer to EGM venues are more likely to participate
in gambling and spend more time and money within a venue (Marshall et al. 2004).
Moreover, the residential distance to gambling venues has been inversely correlated
with problem gambling in studies from Australia (Young et al. 2012), the USA (Welte
et al. 2004), Canada (Rush et al. 2007), and New Zealand (Pearce et al. 2008).
Gambling outcomes and temporal accessibility
In comparison to spatial accessibility, our knowledge of the effects of temporal
accessibility on gambling outcomes is relatively meagre. The key geographic work
was a study by Baker and Marshall (2005). These authors applied a time-economic
assignment model, originally developed by Baker (1994) in a retail trip context, to
gambling behaviour. Their goal was to simulate how individual gamblers apportion
time to gambling trips given certain parameters (i.e. opening hours, trip distance,
individual time for the week gambling, and socio-economic status). The model was
parameterised using Marshalls (2005) study of EGM gambling in northern NSW,
drawing in particular on a demand-side typology of averageand involved
gamblers. The time spent on gambling sessions and the frequency of gambling
acted as proxies for gambling behaviour, with involved gamblers more likely to
gamble in regular blocks than the more random interactions characteristic of
average gamblers. Importantly, the model predicted that an increase in venue
opening hours had the potential to increase the opportunity for involved gambling
and, by inference, the level of gambling-related harm. The implication of this study
is that a change in temporal accessibility can change the patterns of gambling harm
independently of spatial and social variables.
Placing Bets 427
Venue-specific influences on gambling behaviour
In the context of problem gambling and venue type, the limited evidence to date,
derived largely from prevalence surveys, is inconsistent. Venue patronage and
gambling harm vary across jurisdiction and by venue type. Drawing primarily on
the 2009 Victorian prevalence survey, the Commission (2010) argued that if harm
was conceived more broadly than just problem gambling (which did not significantly
vary across venue type in Victoria) then the highest risk venues were pubs and clubs
rather than casinos. In a similar vein, an exploratory study using a convenience
sample in New Zealand found that EGM use was a stronger predictor of problem
gambling in pubs and clubs compared to casinos, after controlling for demographic
factors and gambling activities (Clarke et al. 2010). However, due to the diversity
within the pubs and clubs category it is not entirely clear what these comparisons may
mean. To provide a more meaningful categorisation of EGM venues than the
community-venuevs casino binary, and to link this categorisation to gambling
outcomes, we argue for the empirical development of an EGM venue typology.
The case for an empirical typology of EGM venues
A classic example of a venue typology is represented by the ethnographic work of
Cavan (1966) in the context of bars in the USA. Cavan identified four groups of
bars including convenience bars*accessible outlets in places of mass congregation
(e.g. downtown, sports stadiums, etc.); nightspot bars*entertainment-focused
venues; marketplace bars*pickup bars and other transactional bars (e.g. for drugs,
sex, gambling, and stolen goods); and home territory bars*dominated by one group
of regulars with a common characteristic (e.g. residential location, ethnicity, sexual
orientation, etc.). Research in this vein is valuable because not only does it make
clear that groups of similar venues are associated with distinctive social outcomes
but it also implies that regulation could usefully be adapted to these venue types.
This supply-side approach has yet to be fully developed in the context of gambling
venues, although there are several examples of efforts in this direction. In the US
casino context, Eadington (1998) argues for three distinct types: destination resort
casinos, urban casinos, and spatially dispersed, convenience-gambling venues. At a
smaller spatial scale, Posey (1998) conducted a functional classification of video
lottery terminal (VLT) venues in South Carolina. Ancillary establishments were
primarily non-recreational (e.g. gasoline stations and convenience stores),
comparative establishments were oriented towards the provision of other recrea-
tional services (e.g. movie theatres and bowling alleys), while dedicated establish-
ments, whose principal function was the provision of gaming machines, were also
identified. More recently, Young and Tyler (2008) have proposed a conceptual
typology of venues that position gambling venue types within two-dimensional
space of (a) accessibility, defined as the ease, in the sense of both time and distance,
with which venues may be visited, and (b) level of involvement in, or engagement
with, the host community. This typology produced four categories of venues
including (a) casino resorts, (b) urban casinos, (c) sporting clubs and neighbour-
hood pubs, and (d) shopping mall parlours and gaming arcades. Finally, an
empirically based supply-side typology was developed by Young et al. (2009) in the
context of the Northern Territory. Three general spatial patterns of EGM
expenditure were identified, namely suburban gambling complexes,city-centre
428 M. Young et al.
gambling agglomerations, and opportunistic gambling nodes. While these typologies
provide a useful starting point for teasing out some of the diversity among venues,
the link to gambling harm remains elusive.
The implicit argument of these supply-side typologies is that we need a more
nuanced understanding of the range of gambling venues if we are to develop
strategies for effective regulation. In Australia, the regulation of EGM venues is the
remit of the State government, and this has led to inconsistent regimes across the
country and over time (Productivity Commission 1999, 2010). While there is
regulatory variation across the States, within States there is little heterogeneity in
licensing practices between venues. All jurisdictions differentiate between hotels,
clubs, and casinos. However, no distinction is drawn between venues within these
three broad classes. Given the diversity of venues and the harm that they produce, a
one-size-fits-all policy response is too inflexible to minimise the adverse effects of
EGMs. We need better ways to target gambling problems among certain at-risk
groups in the context of particular venue configurations. Therefore, in this paper we
specifically seek to measure the relationship between venue type, associated
markets, and gambling outcomes. Specifically, we ask:
(1) How may EGM gambling venues be categorised?
(2) In what ways do EGM markets differ by venue type?
(3) How does gambling behaviour vary by venue type?
(4) Are some venues riskier than others, even when differences between their
markets are adjusted for?
Method
Study area
The Northern Territory (NT) of Australia is sparsely settled, with 63 per cent of its
2010 estimated residential population of 229 711 concentrated in the three largest
settlements of Darwin-Palmerston (107 430 persons), Alice Springs (27 987
persons) and Katherine (10 104 persons) (ABS 2011). The NT is notable for its
large Indigenous population: 28 per cent of residents identified as Indigenous in the
2006 census compared with 2 per cent for the rest of the country. However, this
proportion is reduced to 13 per cent for the three largest NT towns (ABS 2007).
The geography of poverty, as measured by the ABS Index of Relative Socio-
economic Disadvantage (IRSD: Australian Bureau of Statistics 2008) follows a
similar distribution. Thirty per cent of areas in the NT are classified in the most
disadvantaged decile of areas nationally. Most of these poorer areas (60 per cent)
are located outside the three largest towns.
Unlike much of the rest of Australia, where EGMs are located in economically
disadvantaged areas (Productivity Commission 1999; Marshall & Baker 2001b),
gambling opportunities in the NT are concentrated in the relatively large, more
affluent population centres. In June 2010, 88 per cent of EGMs (n1798) in the
NT were located in or around Darwin, Katherine or Alice Springs (see Figure 1),
dispersed across 64 licensed gambling venues. These venues consisted of casinos in
both Darwin and Alice Springs (833 EGMs), 26 clubs (612 EGMs) and 36 hotels
(353 EGMs). Clubs, such as sporting or returned servicepersons clubs, are
Placing Bets 429
not-for-profit entities restricted by a cap of 45 EGMs. Hotels or pubs are private
businesses capped at 10 EGMs each.
Data
EGM supply configuration. We selected five EGM venue-level variables that have
previously been implicated in gambling outcomes. These included licence type
(Productivity Commission 2010), number of EGMs (Storer et al. 2009), proximity
F
IGURE
1. Main urban centres in the Northern Territory.
430 M. Young et al.
to a centre of community congregation such as a supermarket (Marshall 2005;
Doran et al. 2007), distance from the central business district (Young et al. 2009),
and venue density (Young et al. 2009). For each of the EGM venues in Darwin,
Alice Springs and Katherine we recorded:
(1) Venue type (i.e. casino, club or hotel).
(2) Number of EGMs: based on the NT Department of Justice licensing database.
(3) Proximity to a supermarket: indicated by the presence of a supermarket within
750 m of the gambling venue. Geocoded supermarket locations were recorded
from the websites of duopoly operators Coles and Woolworths. We calculated
distance from each EGM venue to the nearest supermarket on the road
network.
(4) Distance to CBD: operationalised by distance to the nearest General Post
Office (GPO) as a proxy measure. We obtained GPO locations from the
Australia Post website and calculated the log transformed distance to the
nearest GPO for each venue on the road network
(5) Venue density: measured using a kernel density estimator, adopting smoothing
parameters from previous research in the same geographic area (bandwidth
1000 m, cell size 50 m: Young et al. 2009).
EGM markets and gambling outcomes. We investigated EGM-venue markets and
gambling outcomes using a mail survey. Between April and August 2010 we mailed
questionnaires to all 46 263 addresses in Darwin, Katherine and Alice Springs to
which Australia Post would deliver unsolicited mail and which were zoned as
residential. We extracted addresses from the Geocoded National Address File
(G-NAF), an authoritative, geocoded address database produced by PSMA
(PSMA Australia 2010). We selected an additional 2300 addresses for hand
delivery in Alice Springs and Darwins peri-urban fringe where Australia Post does
not deliver, using a spatially stratified cluster sample design.
The survey instrument elicited information about: age, sex, household structure,
education, income, the most frequently visited EGM venue in the last month,
EGM gambling participation and duration during last visit, and the Problem
Gambling Severity Index (PGSI) for the past 12 months. Residential distance to
gambling venue was calculated as the distance along the road network between the
respondents geocoded address and the location of their most frequently visited
gambling venue. We used the PGSI as our measure of gambling-related harm as it is
a clinically validated nine-item scale routinely used in Australia and overseas to
estimate problem-gambling risk in the general population (Ferris & Wynne 2001;
Neal et al. 2005). Responses to the PGSI range on an ordinal scale from 0 to 27 that
categorised respondents as being at no risk (PGSI 0), low risk (PGSI 12),
moderate risk (PGSI 37) or high risk (PGSI 8) of being a problem gambler
(Ferris & Wynne 2001).
Analysis
Typology derivation. We performed cluster analysis on the EGM supply configura-
tion variables to create a typology of EGM venues based on their spatial and
regulatory characteristics. We used agglomerative hierarchical clustering and
standardised interval measures, adopting Gowers method for creating a dissimilarity
Placing Bets 431
matrix for mixed data and Wards method for cluster formation. The number of
clusters was determined by selecting the clustering output with the greatest average
silhouette width (Rousseeuw 1987).
Market characterisation. We investigated differences in the socio-demographic
markets and gambling outcomes across venue types through the creation of
contingency tables. We allocated each survey respondent to a single venue cluster
based upon the venue they nominated as their most frequently visited in the last
month. In order to account for non-response bias, we conducted post-stratification
of survey responses, stratifying by age bracket (1530, 3045, 4560 and 65),
gender and survey region (Darwin urban, Darwin peri-urban, Katherine, Alice
Springs urban, and Alice Springs peri-urban).
Multivariate analysis of problem-gambling risk. We conducted a multivariate analysis
to investigate the association between venues type and gambling-related harm while
controlling for the socio-demographic characteristics of their markets*risk factors
in their own right. We employed negative binomial regression to investigate the
independent predictors of the PGSI. We investigated interactions between venue
type and the socio-demographic variables using the likelihood ratio test but none
were found to be significant. Because age and gender are adjusted for in the
multivariate analysis, weighting was unnecessary. We excluded cases with missing
data list-wise.
Results
Venue typology
The cluster analysis produced a typology with six classifications (average silhouette
width 0.71; see Table 1). The first cluster contained only two venues, SKYCITY
Casino in Darwin and Lasseters Hotel Casino in Alice Springs. This casino cluster
was differentiated from other venues by licensing arrangements and consequently
hosts many more EGMs per venue. While these casinos also offer table games, TAB
(off-course totalisator betting) and Keno (state-wide instant electronic lottery),
EGMs dominate, with EGM gambling expenditure accounting for 79 per cent of
casino gaming expenditure in NT in 200607.
2
The second cluster contained seven
clubs, six of which had reached their cap of 45 EGMs. We labelled these venues
supermarket-attached clubs due to their location proximate to supermarkets. The
third cluster contained the remaining 19 clubs. While this category included some
service clubs located in isolated areas, the cluster was typified by sports clubs
located on or at facilities such as golf courses. Because these venues were largely
located away from shopping centres and CBDs we labelled them peripheral clubs.
While these venues typically had fewer machines than other clubs (median
16 EGMs per venue), this category masks some diversity in that several larger
suburban clubs located some distance away from supermarkets were included. The
fourth cluster contained 10 hotels in the CBD of Darwin. These agglomerated pubs
are centred on Mitchell Street and oriented towards the night-time economy. All
these venues had reached their cap of 10 EGMs and were geographically
concentrated (median 7.5 venues per km
2
). The fifth cluster of venues consisted
of nine pubs located proximate to centres of community congregation. Labelled
432 M. Young et al.
T
ABLE
1. Venue cluster profiles
Casino
Supermarket-attached
club Peripheral club
Agglomerated
pub
Supermarket-attached
pub Peripheral pub
(n2) (n7) (n19) (n10) (n9) (n17)
Licence type Casino Club Club Hotel Hotel Hotel
Number of EGMs
a
417 (289544) 45 (1345) 16 (345) 10 (1010) 10 (1010) 10 (410)
Venues per square km
a
1.1 (1.01.1) 2.3 (1.07.8) 1.1 (1.02.1) 7.5 (5.68.7) 2.5 (1.03.3) 1.0 (1.04.6)
Distance to supermarket (km)
a
2.3 (2.02.6) 0.3 (0.20.7) 1.5 (0.8433.9) 0.4 (0.10.6) 0.4 (0.00.7) 4.0 (0.8133.8)
Distance to GPO (km)
a
2.4 (2.22.7) 12.8 (0.320.7) 4.2 (1.1434.2) 0.6 (0.10.8) 13.7 (0.037.8) 11.4 (1.0134.0)
Notes:
All clusters contained only a single licence type.
a
Median value with range in parentheses.
Placing Bets 433
supermarket-attached pubs, all these venues had reached their EGM cap of
10 machines. Typically these venues are bars featuring EGMs, TAB and Keno
facilities, integrated into a suburban shopping complex. The final venue cluster
identified 17 peripheral pubs located in diverse locations away from urban shopping
complexes and the CBDs. These venues were generally situated to capture passing
trade, either on high traffic routes as with roadhouses or at destinations such as
airports and beaches.
Variations in markets
We received 7041 completed questionnaires (an overall response rate of 14.5 per
cent). Significant differences in the socio-demographic characteristics of visitors
were identified across the six venue types (see Table 2). Compared to the sample
frame, those whose preferred venue was a casino were more likely to be female, and
less likely to be educated at a technical college. The clientele of supermarket-attached
clubs was older than the sample frame and more working class, with a greater
proportion of visitors having a technical education and a smaller proportion having
a university education. Peripheral club users were also older than the sample frame,
but were also more likely to be male and less likely to live in shared accommodation.
In contrast, pubs attracted a younger market, one that is segregated by income.
Visitors to agglomerated pubs were the youngest of all venue types and of higher
income than the sample frame, less likely to be living with children, and more likely
to be living in shared accommodation. In contrast, while those who preferred to
visit a supermarket-attached pub were also younger than the sample frame, they
earned a lower income. While again younger than the sample frame, visitors to
peripheral pubs earned higher incomes, were more likely to be male and live in
shared accommodation.
Gambling outcomes
Gambling behaviour varied significantly by venue type (see Table 3). The
proportion of visitors who played EGMs was significantly higher for casinos
(40.4 per cent) and supermarket-attached clubs (26.5 per cent) compared to 14 per
cent for all venues combined. Conversely, a lower proportion of supermarket-
attached and agglomerated pub-goers gambled on EGMs compared to the whole
sample. Mean EGM gambling session duration was highest for the casinos (130.3
minutes), followed by clubs (over 1 hour for both types), and lower again for the
pubs. Visitors travelled further on average to visit the casinos (10.2 km) than other
venues. The distances travelled to venues that were near supermarkets were
significantly lower (4.5 km for supermarket-attached pubs and 4.7 km for
supermarket-attached clubs) compared to visits to all venues (7.3 km).
In terms of gambling-related harm, the cross-tabulation identified two venue
types with a higher proportion of problem-gambling patrons than the sample frame.
The casino was most associated with problem gambling, with 6.7 per cent of those
who prefer to visit casinos at high risk of problem gambling*more than double the
estimated rate in the sample frame (2.8 per cent). Supermarket-attached clubs were
also associated with high rates of gambling-related harm, with 10.1 per cent of
434 M. Young et al.
T
ABLE
2. Socio-demographics by venue type
Casino % (c.i.)
Supermarket-
attached club %
(c.i.)
Peripheral
club % (c.i.)
Agglomerated
pub% (c.i.)
Supermarket-
attached
pub % (c.i.)
Peripheral pub %
(c.i.)
Sample frame %
(c.i.)
n1069 n999 n1331 n449 n447 n683 n7041
N16 530 N14 133 N19 874 N11 107 N8799 N14 819 N112 541
Age bracket
1529 34.4 (30.138.9) 27.3 (22.732.3) 25.0 (21.3
29.0) 60.8 (55.8
65.5) 41.5 (35.0
48.1) 43.8 (39.0
48.8) 31.9 (31.931.9)
3044 31.2 (28.134.5) 27.4 (24.3
30.7) 30.8 (28.133.6) 26.2 (22.4
30.3) 35.0 (30.140.2) 31.0 (27.434.8) 30.9 (30.930.9)
4559 23.1 (20.725.7) 26.9 (24.129.8) 28.2 (25.8
30.6) 11.1 (9.1
13.6) 17.6 (14.5
21.1) 19.5 (17.0
22.4) 24.4 (24.424.4)
6011.4 (9.913.0) 18.5 (16.4
20.7) 16.1 (14.5
17.8) 1.9 (1.3
3.0) 5.9 (4.4
7.9) 5.7 (4.5
7.2) 12.8 (12.812.8)
Sex
Female 52.9 (49.0
56.8) 47.0 (43.051.0) 44.9 (41.8
48.2) 52.7 (46.858.6) 51.0 (44.857.1) 41.9 (37.5
46.4) 48.5 (48.548.5)
Male 47.1 (43.2
51.1) 53.0 (49.057.0) 55.1 (51.9
58.2) 47.3 (41.453.2) 49.0 (42.955.2) 58.1 (53.6
62.5) 51.5 (51.551.5)
Education
Primary 1.6 (0.55.2) 1.5 (0.92.7) 1.3 (0.82.1) 0.7 (0.22.1) 1.0 (0.52.2) 0.8 (0.4 1.9) 1.3 (1.01.7)
Secondary 34.2 (30.438.3) 36.7 (32.640.9) 32.8 (29.536.3) 27.3 (22.233.1) 37.6 (31.743.8) 34.0 (29.339.0) 31.7 (30.233.2)
Technical 15.1 (12.5
18.2) 24.7 (21.3
28.4) 21.5 (18.624.6) 18.7 (14.423.9) 21.0 (15.927.1) 19.7 (16.024.0) 19.9 (18.621.2)
University 49.0 (44.9 53.2) 37.1 (33.1
41.3) 44.4 (41.047.9) 53.3 (47.359.3) 40.4 (34.446.7) 45.5 (40.550.6) 47.1 (45.648.7)
Income bracket
B$149 7.8 (5.610.9) 7.0 (5.29.3) 6.9 (5.48.7) 3.3 (1.9
5.4) 10.8 (6.717.0) 3.6 (2.4
5.4) 6.8 (6.07.7)
$150$599 17.1 (14.420.2) 19.8 (16.923.0) 15.4 (13.217.9) 13.2 (9.817.7) 20.9 (16.226.6) 14.0 (10.917.8) 17.8 (16.719.0)
$600$1599 59.8 (55.763.7) 58.0 (53.862.1) 57.7 (54.3 61.2) 66.3 (60.6
71.6) 57.2 (50.863.4) 66.3 (61.5
70.8) 58.9 (57.460.4)
$1600 15.3 (12.818.3) 15.3 (12.318.8) 20.0 (17.3 22.9) 17.2 (13.222.1) 11.0 (8.0
15.0) 16.1 (12.820.0) 16.4 (15.317.6)
Household structure
Couple
without
children
35.5 (31.639.6) 35.2 (31.139.4) 34.9 (31.638.4) 39.2 (33.545.4) 27.9 (22.833.7) 32.9 (28.337.9) 33.4 (31.934.9)
Couple with
children
33.4 (29.637.4) 29.7 (26.233.4) 35.7 (32.539.1) 11.7 (9.1
15.0) 37.2 (31.543.3) 25.9 (22.130.2) 31.3 (30.032.7)
Placing Bets 435
T
ABLE
2(Continued )
Casino % (c.i.)
Supermarket-
attached club %
(c.i.)
Peripheral
club % (c.i.)
Agglomerated
pub% (c.i.)
Supermarket-
attached
pub % (c.i.)
Peripheral pub %
(c.i.)
Sample frame %
(c.i.)
n1069 n999 n1331 n449 n447 n683 n7041
N16 530 N14 133 N19 874 N11 107 N8799 N14 819 N112 541
Group 14.2 (11.118.0) 11.7 (8.715.6) 10.5 (8.1
13.5) 27.5 (22.2
33.6) 16.5 (11.722.9) 21.7 (17.2
26.9) 14.8 (13.516.2)
Single parent 4.0 (2.95.6) 5.2 (4.06.7) 3.7 (2.84.8) 3.0 (1.94.5) 4.8 (3.27.1) 4.5 (3.26.4) 4.6 (4.15.1)
Single
person
12.9 (10.815.3) 18.3 (15.521.5) 15.2 (13.017.8) 18.5 (14.523.4) 13.6 (9.419.2) 14.9 (12.018.3) 15.9 (14.917.0)
Notes:
nunweighted sample size, Nweighted sample size, c.i.95% confidence interval. Category estimates where the c.i. does not overlap the sample
frames c.i. are indicated in bold.
436 M. Young et al.
T
ABLE
3. Gambling outcomes by venue type
Casino % (c.i.)
Supermarket-
attached club %
(c.i.)
Peripheral club
% (c.i.)
Agglomerated
pub% (c.i.)
Supermarket-
attached pub %
(c.i.)
Peripheral pub %
(c.i.)
Sample frame %
(c.i.)
n1069 n999 n1331 n449 n447 n683 n7041
N16 530 N14 133 N19 874 N11 107 N8799 N14 819 N112 541
Played
EGMs
40.2 (36.1
44.4) 22.4 (18.7
26.5) 14.7 (12.117.6) 6.2 (3.3
10.5) 7.2 (4.6
10.8) 10.8 (7.614.7) 14.1 (12.915.3)
EGM
session
(mean
minutes)
130.3 (111.3
149.4) 63.9 (53.5
74.3) 62.4 (53.0
71.8) 37.7 (21.7
53.6) 58.7 (34.582.9) 54.3 (37.6
71.0) 88.2 (78.697.9)
Distance
travelled
to venue
(mean km)
10.2 (9.4
11.0) 4.7 (4.2
5.1) 6.8 (5.68.0) 8.6 (7.7 9.6) 4.5 (3.9
5.1) 8.0 (6.99.2) 7.3 (6.97.7)
PGSI
Non-
problem
71.5 (67.4
75.3) 76.4 (72.1
80.2) 84.5 (81.487.2) 83.2 (77.987.4) 79.3 (72.784.6) 82.8 (78.786.3) 83.1 (81.784.4)
Low risk 13.0 (10.3
16.1) 9.9 (7.612.7) 8.7 (6.711.3) 12.7 (9.017.8) 11.0 (7.4 16.1) 8.6 (6.311.7) 8.9 (7.99.9)
Moderate
risk
8.8 (6.8
11.4) 10.1 (7.1
14.0) 4.5 (3.36.2) 2.7 (1.2 5.7) 5.9 (3.410.1) 6.1 (4.09.4) 5.3 (4.56.1)
High risk 6.7 (4.4
10.1) 3.6 (2.25.9) 2.2 (1.14.4) 1.4 (0.73.1) 3.8 (1.410.1) 2.4 (1.24.6) 2.8 (2.1 3.6)
Notes:
nunweighted sample size, Nweighted sample size, c.i.confidence interval. Category estimates where the c.i. does not overlap the sample frames
c.i. are indicated in bold. Estimates are percentages, unless indicated otherwise in row labels.
Placing Bets 437
those who preferred to visit a supermarket-attached club at moderate risk of
problem gambling compared to 5.3 per cent in the sample frame.
The multivariate analysis (see Table 4) revealed that, after adjusting for the
effects of socio-demographic characteristics across venue types, casinos were most
strongly associated with gambling harm. The average estimated PGSI of casino-
goers was 3.6 times that of agglomerated pub-goers (the base category). Super-
market-attached club-goers were also at increased risk, with an average estimated
PGSI 2.2 times that of agglomerated pub-goers. There was also a significant
association between PGSI and peripheral clubs, with mean PGSI 1.5 times that of
patrons of agglomerated pubs. Other significant risk factors identified were
consistent with previous studies in that males, younger people, less well-educated
people, lower-income people and those not living with a partner had a higher PGSI
score.
T
ABLE
4. Risk factors for gambling-related harm among those who visited a venue
PGSI ratio (c.i.)
Constant 0.0 (0.00.1)
***
Venue type
Agglomerated pub 1.0 (ref. group)
Casino 3.6 (2.4, 5.3)
***
Supermarket-attached club 2.2 (1.43.3)
***
Peripheral club 1.5 (1.02.2)
*
Supermarket-attached pub 1.2 (0.72.0)
Peripheral pub 1.3 (0.82.0)
Age
651.0 (ref. group)
4564 2.0 (1.42.9)
***
3044 2.5 (1.73.6)
***
B30 2.5 (1.63.9)
***
Gender
Female 1.0 (ref. group)
Male 2.2 (1.82.8)
***
Education
University 1.0 (ref. group)
Technical 1.2 (0.91.6)
Secondary 1.7 (1.42.2)
***
Primary 2.2 (1.15.2)
Income
$16001.0 (ref. group)
$600$1599 2.0 (1.52.7)
***
$150$599 2.1 (1.53.0)
***
B$149 1.6 (1.02.5)
Household structure
Couple without children 1.0 (ref. group)
Couple with children 1.0 (0.81.4)
Group 2.6 (1.93.7)
***
Single parent 1.9 (1.33.0)
**
Single person 1.5 (1.12.0)
**
Notes:
NagelkerkesR
2
0.13, n4789. c.i.95% confidence interval.
*
pB0.05,
**
pB0.01,
***
pB0.001. PGSI ratio is obtained by exponentiating the coefficient estimates from a
negative binomial multiple regression.
438 M. Young et al.
Discussion
Constructed using licence type, number of EGMs, venue density, and distance
from a supermarket and CBD, our typology produced six clusters: one for casinos,
two for clubs, and three for pubs. In the context of clubs, the typology drew a
distinction between those near centres of community congregation (such as
supermarkets and CBD) and those located in the urban periphery. The super-
market-attached clubs contained, on average, twice the number of EGMs, and were
located in areas of double the venue density, compared to the peripheral clubs. The
typology produced three categories of pubs. Two mirrored the peripheral vs
supermarket-attached distinction drawn between the clubs, while a third, an
agglomerated pub category, was also created. This category comprised the cluster
of venues in the Darwin CBD.
Our analysis revealed that these venues types were associated with different levels
of gambling harm. Larger venues (i.e. regional casinos and clubs adjacent to
shopping centres) were riskieror, put another way, their clientele comprised a
higher proportion of problem gamblers compared to other venues. Indeed, 15.5 per
cent of casino patrons and 13.7 per cent of supermarket-attached club-goers were
moderate- or high-risk gamblers (PGSI 3) compared to 8.1 per cent across all
venues. Venue proximity to areas of community congregation also proved to be
significantly associated with gambling harm. The clientele of supermarket-attached
clubs (14.7 per cent PGSI 3) and pubs (9.7 per cent PGSI 3) comprised more
problem gamblers than their peripheral counterparts (clubs 7.7 per cent PGSI 3
and pubs 8.5 per cent PGSI 3 ).
There appear to be two forces at play here: accessibility and venue size. In terms
of accessibility, the location of EGM venues in or near local shopping centres means
that more people are likely to interact with them than other venue types (Doran &
Young 2010). In a time-geographic perspective, EGM venues are accessible when
they fall within a gamblers potential path area, the region reachable by a gambler
over the course of the day when constrained by their existing travel behaviour
(Golledge & Stimson 1997). Thus, it is likely that gambling venues proximate to
locations visited by many gamblers such as supermarkets and other centres of
community congregation have a greater spatio-temporal accessibility than would
otherwise be the case (e.g. Doran et al. 2007; Marshall 2005). Our finding that the
mean distance travelled to supermarket-attached venues is significantly lower than
for other venue types supports this argument. The accessibility effect is similarly
reflected in the higher levels of problem gambling within supermarket-attached
pubs compared with peripheral ones. Geographically accessibility may be plausibly
linked to gambling harm through a simple exposure model (cf. Young & Tyler
2008).
As a counterpoint, while the highly risky casinos in both Darwin and Alice
Springs are relatively accessible to the majority of town residents, they are not as
geographically accessible as the supermarket-attached clubs. What appears to be
more influential here is venue size. In the case of the casinos, we argue that the
reason for the high number of problem gamblers relates to the specific
characteristics of the venue itself. Casinos are gambling-specific venues and attract
proportionately more EGM gamblers (40.2 per cent of visitors) than pubs (6.2
10.8 per cent) and clubs (14.722.4 per cent) simply by virtue of the gambling
opportunities available. Our data show that casino visitors travel further than
Placing Bets 439
visitors to other venues, with a mean casino trip length of 10.2 km compared to 7.3
km for all venues. The gambling attractiveness of the casinos is further indicated by
the fact that the mean EGM session time is 130 minutes, twice that of any of the
other venues. This more involvedgambling behaviour (Baker & Marshall 2005)
clearly translates into higher levels of problem gambling, with casino-goers 3.6
times as likely to be problem gamblers than visitors to the base venue category (i.e.
agglomerated pubs: see Table 4). The size effect is also evident for the supermarket-
attached clubs (six of the seven had reached their maximum allocation of 45
EGMs). Almost a quarter of visitors to supermarket-attached clubs (22.4 per cent)
played EGMs on their last visit (compared to 14 per cent for the sample), and they
were also over twice as likely be problem gamblers compared to the base category
(see Table 4). These are clearly venue effects because the market characteristics (i.e.
age, sex, education, income, education, household structure) were adjusted for in
the analysis.
This raises the question of what makes larger venues so risky. Not only are large
venues able to provide more EGMs, they can also provide a greater range of
machines and more features such as linked jackpots. Indeed, the marginal profits
gained by increasing the number of EGMs allow activities such as marketing and
promotion campaigns, provision of courtesy buses and more ancillary facilities to
be funded. This is consistent with the limited research into gambling venue
preferences that has identified service, security, range of EGMs, membership costs,
social mix, linked jackpots, and specific bonus featuresas attractors (Hing & Haw
2009, 2010). This means that larger venues may be more attractive to dedicated
gamblers. The result is an economy of scale, or unvirtuous cycle, whereby more
EGMs equal more gamblers which equal larger linked jackpots and more revenue
for marketing and promotion, and so on.
One implication of these findings is that policy makers can affect gambling
outcomes by restricting not only spatial and temporal access but also venue size
expressed as number of EGMs. For example, we would expect greater concentra-
tion of problem gamblers in the larger supermarket-attached clubs in the NT if the
EGM cap were raised. Such an increase has already occurred in other jurisdictions
where clubs may host several hundred EGMs. One of the policy options recently
suggested is the notion of destination-style gambling, where gambling products
are centralised in fewer larger venues (Victorian Department of Justice 2008). The
general idea is that this approach would reduce accessibility and allow improved
monitoring of problem gambling within venues. Our current results suggest that
problem-gambling rates would be much higher within these larger venues and that
any reduction in problem gambling at the population level would depend on a
significant reduction of supply outside these venues.
Conclusion
We have demonstrated that gambling markets and outcomes vary between and
within the orthodox venue categories of hotels, clubs and casinos. We have argued
that gambling risk is a function of the interaction of geographic accessibility to
markets on the one hand and venue effects on the other. While our analysis suggests
that venue size is a crude indicator of riskiness, more research needs to be
conducted on what makes a venue risky. In addition, our typology has been devised
using a fairly small range of venues when compared to the national scale. We
440 M. Young et al.
emphasise the need for supply typologies in other jurisdictions where the supply
configuration of EGM venues may vary greatly. For example, many clubs in NSW
and Victoria have far more machines than do casinos in the NT. Indeed, the
distinctions between venue categories are blurring as they merge technologies to
produce spaces of gambling consumption (Austrin & Curtis 2004). If this industry
is to be regulated effectively, governments need a convincing supply-side
conceptual apparatus that is empirically verified. Here geographers have much to
add. For example, we need to know more about the relationship between gambling
venues and the action and activity spaces of particular individuals. The role of
distance is clearly important here, both physical (Young et al. 2012) and cognitive
(e.g. Hawthorne & Kwan 2012). In addition, while we know the time available to
an individual affects gambling outcomes (Baker & Marshall 2005), we know little
about the temporal sequencing of gambling behaviour and the way it fits into daily
spatial patterns. There is a strong case for time-geography studies in gambling that
examine the space-time constraints operating on different gamblers relative to
different venues. Finally, there is also a need for a broader political-economic
project that links gambling as a form of consumption to broader trends in the
evolution in capitalism and associated neoliberal governance at a range of spatial
scales (Young 2011).
Acknowledgements
The research was supported by Australian Research Council Linkages Grant
LP0990584, the Community Benet Fund of the Northern Territory Government
and the Northern Territory Research and Innovation Fund. The authors thank two
anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.
Correspondence: Martin Young, School of Tourism and Hospital Management,
Hogbin Drive, Coffs Harbour, NSW 2450, Australia.
E-mail: martin.young@scu.edu.au
NOTES
[1] Authorscalculation based on Queensland Government (2011) and ABS (2010) data.
New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland and Tasmania report EGM and Keno tax
revenue in aggregate form only. Here we adjusted EGM taxation revenue based on the
Productivity Commissions (2010) assumption that Keno revenue totals 5 per cent of
combined revenues.
[2] This estimate excludes TAB wagering. Authorscalculations, based on gures in
Queensland Government (2011) and NT Department of Justice data, adjusted for
ination into AUS$ 2007.
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... 2 The socio-spatial distribution of electronic gambling machine (EGM) harm Geographers adopting a cultural political economy approach have examined the socio-spatial distribution of casinos and electronic gaming machines (EGMs) in lower income suburbs, which has been exacerbated by credit and resulted in gambling harm. This research focuses on the uneven spatial distribution of EGMs and the association between the density of EGMs and lowincome suburbs, documented in several countries including Australia (Marshall, 1999;Marshall and Baker, 2001;Young et al., 2012), Aotearoa/ New Zealand (Wheeler et al., 2006), Canada (Robitaille and Herjean, 2008), Czech Republic (Fiedor et al., 2017), and the United Kingdom (Macdonald et al., 2018). The identification of this relationship resulted in some states legislating regional EGM capping policies based on the level of social disadvantage. ...
... The literature establishes a link between gambling venues in low-income suburbs and increased gambling participation and associated harms (Young et al., 2012). Venue effects, including proximity and size, are important factors in gambling risks. ...
... Venue effects, including proximity and size, are important factors in gambling risks. Gambling risks increase when venues are located near places that ae part of everyday routines such as supermarkets, shopping or community centres, and with large venues that attract more people who gamble on EGMs than smaller hotels, clubs, or pubs (Baker and Marshall, 2005;Doran and Young, 2010;Young et al., 2012). ...
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This paper reviews the progress of geographical research on the gambling industry and presents a framework to comprehend the role of space in gambling consumption and harm. It covers two themes: the casino’s place in urban governance and the agency of gamblers, and how space impacts gambling consumption and harm. The paper introduces a conceptual framework of orientation, affective atmosphere, and intimacy to better comprehend how gambling practices can increase or decrease risk. Finally, the paper suggests that this framework can help to better understand online sports gambling consumption and harm in the context of market growth.
... However, a reduction of EGM numbers in some venues in Victoria Australia did not lead to a corresponding decrease in EGM expenditure, probably because the EGM reduction was too small to affect accessibility (South Australian Centre for Economic Studies, 2005a). Analyses examining the spatial distribution of EGMs have found residential proximity to EGM venues is independently associated with problem gambling (Young, Markham, & Doran, 2012a, 2012b. Further, in these studies, EGM venues in accessible locations and venues with more EGMs were most closely associated with gambling harm. ...
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Background: Electronic gaming machines (EGMs) are one of the most harmful forms of gambling at an individual level. It is unclear whether restriction of EGM functions and accessibility results in meaningful reductions in population-level gambling harm. Methods: A natural policy experiment using a large (N = 15,000) national dataset weighted to standard population variables was employed to compare estimates of gambling problems between Australian residents in Western Australia (WA), where EGMs are restricted to one venue and have different structural features, to residents in other Australian jurisdictions where EGMs are widely accessible in casinos, hotels and clubs. Accessibility of other gambling forms is similar across jurisdictions. Results: Gambling participation was higher in WA, but EGM participation was approximately half that of the rest of Australia. Aggregate gambling problems and harm were about one-third lower in WA, and self-reported attribution of harm from EGMs by gamblers and affected others was 2.7× and 4× lower, respectively. Mediation analyses found that less frequent EGM use in WA accounted for the vast majority of the discrepancy in gambling problems (indirect path = -0.055, 95% CI -0.071; -0.038). Moderation analyses found that EGMs are the form most strongly associated with problems, and the strength of this relationship did not differ significantly across jurisdictions. Discussion: Lower harm from gambling in WA is attributable to restricted accessibility of EGMs, rather than different structural features. There appears to be little transfer of problems to other gambling forms. These results suggest that restricting the accessibility of EGMs substantially reduces gambling harm.
... Pokies venues have been the subject of extensive research for more than 20 years. It is now well established that the density and location of pokies venues is associated with increased uptake of gambling and associated gambling harm (34,35). Pokies venues are reported to be attractive to gamblers (especially women, shift-workers, and older people) as they provide a sense of safety, early and late opening hours, and reduced-price meals and drinks (36)(37)(38). ...
Technical Report
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The aim of this project was to identify the range of change strategies used for gambling harm reduction and to create resources on implementing these strategies in real-life situations. The resources for gambling were developed using cocreation with experts with lived experience. Over a two-stage data mining and review process, we developed four sets of resources: 1. For people who gamble on a variety of gambling forms and who want to reduce or stop gambling, or to reduce gambling harm (3 booklets). 2. For families, friends, and other people who are affected by gambling harm because of someone else’s gambling and who want to focus on reducing their own gambling harm (3 booklets). 3. For families, friends, and other people who want to support a person who gambles in reducing their gambling or gambling harm (3 booklets). 4. For people who gamble specifically on EGMs and want to maintain low-risk gambling (1 booklet). The resources reflect a wide range of lived experiences contextualised to New Zealand. They contain detailed practical instructions on implementing change strategies in a variety of gambling-related situations. The resources can be further customised for distinct population groups and/or translated to other languages. The resources are highly engaging in their professionally designed paper-based format but have a potential to be converted in a variety of different modalities.
... Other research has nevertheless argued that arcades may carry other harm-inducing characteristics. The co-consumption of gambling and alcohol and other venue effects may particularly increase the risk of harms in these environments [35]. ...
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Background Electronic gambling machines (EGMs) are amongst the most harmful forms of gambling. The high availability of EGMs is also linked to increased consumption. To reduce the burden of EGMs on public health, policies to reduce their numbers have recently been introduced in Italy and Finland. This study compares the aims and justifications of these legislative changes, as well as their overall impacts on total consumption. Methods The objectives and justifications of policies to reduce the number of EGMs were based on qualitative media analysis. The impacts on total consumption were measured using financial figures provided by gambling providers in Italy and Finland. Results Results show that the reductions in EGM numbers were justified in terms of public health concerns in both countries, but the amplitude of policies varied. In Italy, the reductions were more ambitious than in Finland, and included reductions in the number of gambling locations. The financial data nevertheless indicated that the reductions may not have been significant enough. Conclusions Public health concerns were initially highlighted in the media discussions, but eventually in both countries reduction policies were less ambitious due to industry lobbying and state revenue interests. The reductions therefore do not appear to have been effective in reducing total consumption and the burden on public health.
... However, a reduction of EGM numbers in some venues in Victoria Australia did not lead to a corresponding decrease in EGM expenditure, probably because the EGM reduction was too small to affect accessibility (South Australian Centre for Economic Studies, 2005a). Analyses examining the spatial distribution of EGMs have found residential proximity to EGM venues is independently associated with problem gambling (Young, Markham, & Doran, 2012a, 2012b. Further, in these studies, EGM venues in accessible locations and venues with more EGMs were most closely associated with gambling harm. ...
... In addition, Beckert and Lutter (2009) explain that the lack of leisure opportunities for socially disadvantage people contributes to the expansion of gambling. Finally, it has been reported that an increased availability and accessibility of gambling outlets is related to an increase in related unhealthy behaviors and increased likelihood of problem gambling (Pearce et al., 2008;Rush et al., 2007;Young et al., 2012), with those living in areas of greater deprivation being more likely to experience harm (Orford et al., 2010). As for measuring area-level socio-economic status most previous studies have considered information about the areas' degree of education, age structure of the population, income of households and unemployment rate (Raisamo et al., 2019). ...
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Cities are certainly a key factor in the location of gambling facilities. This paper aims to map the location of gambling outlets in urban areas and to examine potential links between neighborhoods socioeconomic and demographic characteristics and gambling supply, taking into account spatial dependencies of neighboring areas. This correlation is of interest because neighborhood characteristics may attract sellers, and because the presence of gambling sellers may cause changes in neighborhood demographics. Using detailed official data from the city of Madrid for the year 2017, three spatial econometric approaches are considered: spatial autoregressive (SAR) model, spatial error model (SEM) and spatial lag of X (explicative variables) model (SLX). Empirical analysis finds a strong correlation between neighborhoods characteristics and co-location of gambling outlets, highlighting a specific geographic patterning of distribution within more disadvantaged urban areas. This may have interesting implications for gambling stakeholders and for local governments when it comes to the introduction and/or increase of gambling availability.
... EGMs were the preferred form of gambling by women in this study. EGM venues were also highly accessible due to their geographic dispersion throughout suburban Australia and their long opening hours; in many locations, they are the only venues open late at night (Browne et al., 2016;Rintoul et al., 2013;Surgey, 2000;Young et al., 2012). This geographic and temporal accessibility meant it was difficult to escape the temptation of gambling, and made self-exclusion from individual venues ineffective, as reported in previous research (Hing et al., 2014;Hing & Nuske, 2012;Pearce et al., 2008). ...
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Rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) victimization are higher among women with a gambling problem. However, women's experiences of this violence, from a gendered perspective, have not been examined. Based on interviews with 24 women, this study explored how problem gambling contributes to IPV against women across three levels of influence. Findings reveal that problem gambling did not directly cause IPV, but interacts where gendered drivers and reinforcers are present to exacerbate this violence. Reducing violence against women with a gambling problem requires a coordinated, integrated multidisciplinary approach targeting different levels of influence.
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Purpose “Poor, Stressed, Drink (alcohol), and Gambling” is one of the campaigns for poverty eradication in Thailand. This study focuses on informal workers—gamblers—who belong to low-income groups and are not covered by the law as an employer. The main objective was to investigate the factors affecting financial stress among informal laborers and determine the factors that drive informal workers to buy lottery tickets (classified by economic, psychological and social motives). Design/methodology/approach The authors applied binary logistic regression to determine what factors affected financial stress and multinomial logistic regression was applied to examine the factors affecting the motives for buying the lottery. Findings According to the study's results, factors including education, income, gambling intensity, level of financial literacy, saving and knowledge about finance in general influenced both economic and psychological motives negatively. However, gender, status, age, level of risk tolerance, self-evaluated level of acceptable risk and knowledge about compound interest influenced both economic motives and psychological motives positively. It is worth noting that both the self-evaluation of their level of financial literacy and knowledge about inflation resulted in effects moving in different directions, with self-evaluation of their level of financial literacy and knowledge about inflation negatively affecting economic motives, but positively affecting psychological motives. Practical implications The results of this study are expected to help policymakers understand more about this issue since it will illustrate the relationships between financial stress and financial literacy, financial behaviors, financial attitudes and risk tolerance and gambling behaviors. After all, financial stress is a significant problem affecting individuals, their families and the community, and it stems from various complex factors. Therefore, the government and counseling agencies should apply active strategies to mitigate these issues and lessen the resulting financial stress by providing financial literacy projects, as well as financial counseling. Social implications Low financial literacy, especially being inefficient at managing one's finances, unusually comes with unhealthy financial thought patterns, as well as a lack of systematic financial management. Furthermore, the lack of financial literacy can potentially lead to unfavorable circumstances. When one falls into uncontrollable situations, including divorce, becoming unemployed, having health problems, being in toxic relationships, loss of a breadwinner, an unexpected pregnancy, etcetera, they could easily find themselves failing to properly cope with these problems and become stressed. Finally, they are also more at risk to take illicit drugs or begin gambling more frequently. Originality/value One of the key elements that reduces financial stress is a person's finances, which is thought to have a significant role in reducing their betting behaviors. The findings of this study can be used to guide policy making intended to deter those who have never gambled from starting. Gambling is considered a risk-taking activity with a higher value reward in return. Money, enjoyment, socialization and excitement were all popular motives for gambling. These findings were consistent with what has been observed in Thai society related to the factors influencing individual to gamble, in other words, economic, psychological and social motives. The study focused on gamblers who were informal laborers. They are laborers without an employer according to the Thai labor law, do not have any social security from the government and, usually, have low incomes.
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The normalisation of gambling for young people is a growing public health challenge. Despite initiatives aimed at reducing young people's exposure to unhealthy products, there is still little understanding of how they may be exposed to gambling. Using social exposure theory, this study aimed to explore young people's observations of gambling products and promotions within their everyday environments. In-depth interviews were conducted with 54 young people (n = 25 girls, n = 29 boys, aged 11–17 years) in Australia. Convenience and then snowball and purposive recruitment strategies were used to ensure a range of gambling attitudes and experiences were represented. Data were interpreted using reflexive thematic analysis. Young people described seeing gambling in varied social environments such as their own homes; physical environments in their local communities – including at local shopping centres, post offices, and sporting matches; and through symbolic environments such as marketing in community settings, on traditional and social media platforms, and depictions of gambling in movies and television shows. This exposure contributed to the perception that gambling was a normal activity, often placed alongside non-gambling activities in everyday settings. Comprehensive evidence-based public health strategies are needed to protect young people from exposure to gambling activities and promotions. These should include legislation to restrict the marketing and availability of gambling products, and research-based public education designed to counter normalising messages about gambling.
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This paper examines the debate about possible relationships between problem gambling and accessibility to electronic gaming machines (EGMs), in the context of the Victorian Government's policy that imposed a ‘cap’ on EGMs in disadvantaged communities. Using GIS (Geographical Information Systems), the spatial distribution of social disadvantage in three ‘capped’ localities was compared with the spatial distribution of gaming venues and patterns of concentrated EGM expenditure during 2001–2005, including seasonal trends. Research revealed different relationships between spatial and social categories in the study localities, indicating the need for more systematic local area analysis. This research raises questions about the limitations of conventional methodologies and regulatory strategies based on simple measures such as gaming machine density. We propose improvements to the methodology to better measure the changing level of local supply and demand for machine gaming.
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Although gambling accessibility is generally viewed as a multidimensional construct, few studies have successfully untangled the specific role of spatial accessibility in determining gambling outcomes relative to other forms (i.e. temporal, social and psychological). In this paper, we explore the association between gambling outcomes and the distance travelled from a person's home to their most-frequented gambling venue. To this end, we conducted a geocoded mail survey of 7044 households in the Northern Territory of Australia. We employed a geographic information system to calculate the network distance from each household to all visited electronic gaming machine (EGM) venues (n = 64). Multivariate regression modelling revealed that, when adjusted for individual and neighbourhood-level characteristics, frequency of venue visitation and gambling participation were inversely related to residential distance from venue. There was no additional distance effect for problem gambling. Spatial accessibility of EGMs is an important determinant of gambling risk and should be explicitly considered by regulators.
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I attempt to develop a critical geography of gambling in Australia with particular reference to the proliferation of electronic gaming machines (EGMs), the Australian variant of the Vegas-style ‘slot-machine’, devices that have infiltrated nearly all settlements in the country over the past two decades. As a starting point, I borrow from David Harvey's analysis of the dual logics of power within ‘capitalist imperialism’ to reveal the dialectical relations between the state and capital that have been responsible for the mass-production of local EGM spaces of consumption. I develop the argument that EGM gambling, through its reproduction of bounded spaces, represents a new wave of global capital accumulation where local citizens are reconstituted according to the imperative of global aleatory consumption. The overlay of the postmodern on the logic of capital accumulation amounts to a stunningly efficient form of exploitation where consumption has been reduced to the pure cash nexus. A new set of dependencies has emerged in that the state, social service sector, and gambling industry have become terminally reliant on the most disadvantaged members of society to resolve their internal contradictions. Thus, there exists a continued need for capital and the state to resolve the contradictions between the consumer and citizen, modern and postmodern, leisure and harm, private sector income and public service provision, local markets and global products, individual harm and community benefit. Given this dialectical relationship between state and industry, and the level of dependency its development has engendered, we may expect the continued expansion of EGM gambling spaces as long as capital accumulation is the key goal in the neoliberal economy of Australia.
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The recent proliferation of gambling facilities in Australia, especially poker machines (pokies), has seen rising concern in the simultaneous increase in problem gambling. Accessibility to pokies, in particular spatial availability, was highlighted in a recent Productivity Commission Inquiry as one possible factor resulting in increased problem gambling. This paper takes Adelaide as a case study and identifies immense variation in spatial availability of pokies as well as in expenditure on them. Sectors of the city characterised by less advantaged populations clearly had higher concentrations of machines and greater expenditure. Subsequently it is argued that both spatial availability of machines and levels of socio-economic status are likely to influence the level of expenditure on the machines. This is discussed in relation to gambling in general and the wider factors identified as resulting in increased problems.
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Supply-side explanations of gambling behaviour and associated social outcomes have been generally neglected in gambling research efforts. As a consequence, supply structures and their relationships to problem gambling have been poorly understood, although this has not prevented their somewhat questionable translation into regulatory regimes, notably in machine relocation policies. The simplistic assumption behind these initiatives is that problem gambling can be reduced to a linear effect of association between gambling exposure (or supply) and the distribution of gambling opportunities among disadvantaged populations. However, the assumptions contained in this formulation can be shown to be based on either a faulty logic or uncertain and problematic causal sequences. It is argued that this formulation has omitted an important mediating interaction between gambling venues and the wider markets in which they operate. This paper presents an alternate account of the relationship between socio-spatial processes and social outcomes in which the structure, location and uses of gambling venues assume a central position as a mediating factor between supply and demand. The paper then presents a revised conceptual framework of a regulatory area which addresses the complexity of these relationships. Without such consideration of these effects, it is argued that regulatory efforts will be often based on a confused or over-simplistic social logic, one that is unable to reconcile the social outcomes of processes at different geographic scales.
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Over the last several decades, electronic gaming machines (EGMs) have been steadily introduced into non-casino gambling venues, that is pubs and clubs, in all Australian jurisdictions apart from Western Australia. This spatial dispersal is of immediate policy concern given the documented relationship between EGM participation and gambling-related harm. However, while research has been conducted on the geography of EGM gambling in metropolitan Australia, less is known about the spatial patterns of EGM distribution in remote urban centres. In this paper we present a spatial and temporal examination of EGM expenditure trends in the main urban centres of the Northern Territory on a venue-by-venue basis over a 5-year period (2002–07). Three general spatial patterns of EGM expenditure were identified, namely suburban gambling complexes, city-centre gambling agglomerations, and opportunistic gambling nodes. We explain these patterns in the context of the interplay between existing spatial infrastructure, the accessibility of venues to particular markets, and the overall market distortions produced by regulation. We suggest that the sensitivity of existing harm-minimisation tools, based on a generic capping of EGM numbers by venue type, could be improved by consideration of these spatial processes at the local level.
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This study examined geographic variation in the prevalence of problem gambling in Ontario and the association with various demographic factors and proximity to treatment for problem gambling and gambling venues. Drawing upon multiple sources, secondary data analysis was undertaken based on multivariate statistical methods and techniques of geographic information systems (GIS). Regional variation in prevalence of problem gambling was found in the province. Prevalence of problem gambling was associated with many demographic characteristics, as well as mental disorders, co-occurring substance abuse problems, and physical health status. Geographic access to treatment was not associated with the risk of being a problem gambler. However, proximity to gambling venues was marginally important in predicting risk of problem gambling. Results are interpreted in the context of needs-based planning of treatment and prevention programs for problem gambling.
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Since the rapid proliferation of electronic gaming machines in Australia during the 1990s, it has been recognised that regions of lower socio‐economic status have experienced the greatest allocations of these machines. It has generally been argued that market forces are the main reason for this. This paper, addressing the case study of Melbourne, suggests that legislative, historical and cultural factors, among others, might also underpin and re‐enforce the emergent spatial inequities.