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The past decade has seen a marked rise in research on entrepreneurial accelerators. Efforts to develop a conceptual definition of the accelerator initially lagged behind this surge, but have recently begun to emerge in published articles. We explore this conceptual evolution as a case study of how scholars respond to new entrepreneurial phenomena. By first analyzing 48 academic definitions of the accelerator, we demonstrate an increasing convergence on Cohen and Hochberg's (2014) definition. By then analyzing practitioner understandings of the accelerator phenomenon using textual data from the websites of 73 accelerators, we find that practitioner understandings exhibit similarities to-but also some important differences from-the emerging academic conceptualization. We discuss the significance of this finding in light of the apparent convergence on a single academic definition of the accelerator, which, while conducive to efficient theory generation, might come at the expense of deep insight into the phenomenon. Mindful of this risk, and informed by our research findings, we make the case for a pluralist conceptualization by outlining four ways of viewing what accelerators can be: facilitators of new venture growth, vehicles for personal development, communities of practice, and strategic symbols. In light of the novel and continuously evolving nature of many entrepreneurial phenomena, we conclude by discussing the theoretical benefits of pluralist conceptualizations for the field of entrepreneurship as a whole.
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What is an Accelerator? The Case for a Pluralist Conceptualization
Working Paper @ June 2020
Benjamin W. Walker
ben.walker@vuw.ac.nz
Victoria University of Wellington
New Zealand
Stephen Cummings
Victoria University of Wellington
New Zealand
Rebecca Downes
Victoria University of Wellington
New Zealand
Ruth Fischer-Smith
Land Information New Zealand
Jesse Pirini
Victoria University of Wellington
New Zealand
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ABSTRACT
The past decade has seen a marked rise in research on entrepreneurial accelerators. Efforts to
develop a conceptual definition of the accelerator initially lagged behind this surge, but have
recently begun to emerge in published articles. We explore this conceptual evolution as a case
study of how scholars respond to new entrepreneurial phenomena. By first analyzing 48
academic definitions of the accelerator, we demonstrate an increasing convergence on Cohen
and Hochberg’s (2014) definition. By then analyzing practitioner understandings of the
accelerator phenomenon using textual data from the websites of 73 accelerators, we find that
practitioner understandings exhibit similarities to — but also some important differences from
— the emerging academic conceptualization. We discuss the significance of this finding in
light of the apparent convergence on a single academic definition of the accelerator, which,
while conducive to efficient theory generation, might come at the expense of deep insight into
the phenomenon. Mindful of this risk, and informed by our research findings, we make the
case for a pluralist conceptualization by outlining four ways of viewing what accelerators can
be: facilitators of new venture growth, vehicles for personal development, communities of
practice, and strategic symbols. In light of the novel and continuously evolving nature of
many entrepreneurial phenomena, we conclude by discussing the theoretical benefits of
pluralist conceptualizations for the field of entrepreneurship as a whole.
Keywords:
Incubators and accelerators; Conceptual theory; Critical perspectives on accelerators
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What is an Accelerator? The Case for a Pluralist Conceptualization
Within entrepreneurial ecosystems, the accelerator (sometimes referred to as “seed
accelerator” or “startup accelerator”) is increasingly being adopted as a model for cultivating
ventures. In the United States, the number of active accelerators increased tenfold between
2006 and 2016 (Clifford, 2016), while the database Pitchbook listed almost 900 accelerators
in operation worldwide in 2015 (Widjaja & Tom, 2015). This proliferation has inevitably led
scholars to try and better understand the phenomenon, resulting in the emergence of a
promising new literature on accelerators (e.g., Bliemel, Flores, De Klerk, & Miles, 2019;
Cohen, Bingham, & Hallen, in press; Cohen & Hochberg, 2014; Pauwels, Clarysse, Wright,
& Van Hove, 2016; Walshook, 2013).
Within this burgeoning literature, though, scholars are only just starting to explore the
question of what an accelerator actually is from a conceptual standpoint. This is not to say
that academics have failed to define the accelerator, but rather that existing definitions are
often put forward in an ad-hoc manner (e.g., “For the purposes of this paper, an accelerator is
defined as…”), or with limited consideration of the broader diversity in the structures and
aims of existing accelerators around the world. Thus, while the definitions scholars have
proposed are often appropriate for the specific article they appear in, or study they relate to,
they are arguably less suited to being field-level definitions that guide the collective research
effort and enable comparative research moving forward.
Such an ad hoc approach to conceptualizing the accelerator is certainly
understandable, however, given that the phenomenon itself continues to evolve. The first
major accelerators, such as Y Combinator and Techstars, launched in the mid-2000s with the
primary aim of cultivating successful new companies, in a conventional for-profit sense.
Since then, myriad new accelerators have emerged that vary — sometimes significantly — in
both their aims and approach, including accelerators focused on not-for-profit organisations
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and social enterprises (e.g., Casanovas & Bruno, 2013), and corporate accelerators that aim to
cultivate innovation within existing organisations (e.g., Richter, Jackson, & Schildhauer,
2018).
Many scholars have emphasized the importance of clear and accurate construct
specification (e.g., Johnson, Rosen, Chang, Djurdjevic, & Taing, 2012; Law, Wong, &
Mobley, 1998; Podsakoff, MacKenzie, & Podsakoff, 2016; Suddaby, 2010): it is challenging
(if not impossible) to develop a coherent body of knowledge on a phenomenon when
insufficient attention has been devoted to delineating what the phenomenon actually is. It is
apparent, therefore, that agreement amongst scholars on the meaning of constructs is central
to developing theory. Motivated by these arguments, and our view of the accelerator as a “live
case” where the quest for definition is being played out in real time, we explore the
conceptual evolution of accelerators as a case study of how scholars respond to new
phenomena and converge on definitions, and what the benefits and costs of this process may
be. Consequently, the questions guiding this research were as follows: 1) what are the central
elements of both scholarly and practitioner conceptualizations of the accelerator, 2) which of
these elements are (not) shared across both groups’ conceptualizations, and 3) what are the
implications of the answers to questions 1) and 2) for enhancing theory on accelerators
moving forward?
To explore these questions, we adopted a two-step research approach, which we report
in detail in this paper. In brief, we first assessed the emerging state of the academic
conceptualization of the accelerator by identifying the most common elements of 48 scholarly
definitions, and how these definitions have changed over time in which elements are
emphasized, leading to a recent convergence on one specific definition. Second, to ascertain
the validity of this conceptual evolution and convergence, we compared it with an analysis of
practitioner perspectives on accelerators, based on data collected from the websites of 73
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(self-proclaimed) accelerators from around the world. Through this comparison, we found
that while there are some areas of alignment between how academics and practitioners
understand the accelerator, there are also areas of misalignment, suggesting the need for
further consideration of how we as scholars conceptualize accelerators.
Exploring the diversity of practitioner perspectives on the accelerator also led us to
consider what was being gained and lost as the definitional consensus amongst scholars
increased. The gains are relatively well understood. As we have indicated above, construct
clarity allows communities of scholars to agree on the fundamental nature of the objects they
study, which in-turn facilitates more efficient theoretical development (e.g., Locke, 2012;
Suddaby, 2010). However, in light of the findings of the present research, we also see value in
allowing space for multiple perspectives on phenomena, including the accelerator. While
some see a lack of construct clarity as a problem to be “fixed”, we advocate that variation in
conceptualizations of phenomena (in this case, the accelerator) can sometimes be
advantageous for encouraging innovation in research and developing a richer body of
knowledge on a phenomenon (e.g., Morgan, 2006; Örtenblad, Putnam, & Trehan, 2016) —
particularly when in practice the phenomenon is novel and continuously evolving.
In light of the above considerations, we conclude by discussing the value of
approaching phenomena from multiple conceptual perspectives in the field of
entrepreneurship, where many focal phenomena are both novel and changing rapidly over
short timeframes. To stimulate and provide a guiding framework for such efforts with regard
to accelerators specifically, we conclude by presenting four conceptual lenses through which
accelerators can be conceptualized, defined, and studied. We do so in the belief that this
pluralist approach to conceptualization will, in the long-term, yield a deeper, more nuanced
understanding of accelerators and their role in communities, economies, and society at large.
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PART #1: ACADEMIC CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF THE ACCELERATOR
In light of our desire to progress towards a comprehensive understanding of the accelerator, it
was important to first gain a detailed understanding of how scholars presently conceptualize
the accelerator, and how this conceptualization might have evolved since research on
accelerators began. To this end, we report here the findings of our analysis of 48 published
academic definitions of the accelerator — all of which have been articulated in the past 8
years. Our analysis was both descriptive and developmental in its focus: we sought to a)
identify the most common elements of existing academic definitions of the accelerator, and b)
assess how academic definitions have changed over time in which of these definitional
elements they emphasize.
Research Approach
Given our interest in understanding the key elements of scholarly conceptualizations (and
their evolution over time), our data was qualitative in nature — specifically written definitions
of the accelerator concept appearing in academic articles. Our analytic approach involved a
mix of both quantitative and interpretive content analysis (Patton, 2002), meaning we sought
to uncover common broad patterns in the definitions using both mathematical techniques and
data-informed judgment. We adopted this hybrid approach because it provides a desirable mix
of rigor, in that the use of quantitative techniques assured us of a basic degree of consistency,
and flexibility, in that we were able to exercise judgment where we noticed interesting
patterns across the definitions that were not necessarily captured by quantitative techniques.
Collection of definitions. We collected academic literature on accelerators
(specifically journal articles, conference papers, online pre-prints, and working papers) by
surveying citations in recently published articles on accelerators (e.g., Cohen et al., in press;
Cohen, Fehder, Hochberg, & Murray, 2019; Hallen et al., in press), and conducting searches
using the Web of Science and ProQuest databases. The second author searched the databases
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using the term “accelerator” combined with any of the terms “innovation”, “entrepreneurship”
or “entrepreneur” to limit results to research related to venture acceleration (rather than, for
example, photon acceleration). Results from the database searches were cross-checked against
identical searches on Google Scholar, which allowed us to identify newer work citing seminal
literature. Through this approach, we identified a total of 85 academic papers on accelerators,
all of which were published after 2000.
The second author then sought to identify and collect definitions of accelerators from
each paper. First, the paper was searched for the words “define” and “definition” to identify
any explicit definitions. Where no explicit definition was apparent, the abstract, introduction,
and literature review/theoretical background sections were all inspected for more implicit
definitions. Some research, particularly early work prior to the existence of widely accepted
definitions, provided lengthy descriptions of accelerators rather than a concise definition.
These descriptions would typically outline features, goals, outcomes, and examples of
accelerators, often based on prior research, and would span several sentences or several
paragraphs. While these descriptions outline what the author(s) consider to be an accelerator,
we did not deem them to be definitions for our purposes. In the case of empirical papers, the
method section was also inspected to determine any criteria used to identify accelerators as
part of sample selection. Where no definition was provided but selection criteria (i.e., for
building a sample of accelerators in a study) were described, we recorded these criteria as a
definition. Where both a definition and selection criteria were provided, both were recorded.
Finally, the text of each paper was checked using a search for the word “accelerator” to
ensure that any definitions elsewhere in the text had not been identified. Through this
approach, we identified a total of 48 definitions of the accelerator appearing in academic
literature. Note that these were not necessarily unique definitions – indeed as we show
shortly, many of them were restatements or paraphrased versions of earlier definitions.
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Analysis of definitions. To gain a high-level understanding of the most common
elements of the definitions we collected, we imported the list of definitions into the qualitative
data analysis software NVivo and executed the word count function, limited to the 30 most
common words. After removing irrelevant words from the list (e.g., “the”, “that”, “refers”),
the first author used this initial list of frequently-appearing words as a coding template for
manual analysis of the definitions. The first author read each definition, and recorded which
words appeared in the definition. In the process, the first author also considered whether there
were any potentially significant terms (in terms of understanding the accelerator
phenomenon) that appeared in the definitions but were not represented in the initial list
produced by the word count, and updated the list accordingly. In this way, our research
approach was abductive in nature (Reichertz, 2007): while we used our list of frequently-
appearing words as an initial conceptual guide, we refined and added to this conceptual guide
as needed based on close reading and interpretation of each definition.
Through the process described above, we developed a list of 12 elements that were
common (to varying degrees) across the definitions we collected (see the “definitional
elements” column of Table 1). As the analysis progressed, we also collectively observed that
these definitional elements could be broadly grouped into two meaningful categories –
elements that define the accelerator based on its structure, and elements that define the
accelerator based on what it supposedly offers entrepreneurs and/or their ventures. Finally, we
were also able to assess the relative commonality of each element across all of the 48
definitions, and by taking into account publication year, the extent to which the frequency of
each definitional element had increased/decreased over time. Because of the small number of
definitions published in the early years of research on accelerators (n=1 for 2012, n=3 for
2013), and the relatively slow pace of academic publication generally, we grouped definitions
into two-yearly rather than yearly intervals for our analysis.
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Insert Table 1 here
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Findings
In terms of the relative frequency of each of the definitional elements across the 48 definitions
we collected, our findings are summarised in the right-most column of Table 1, and visually
in Figure 1 below. Of the specific definitional elements we identified, “limited duration”
(74% of definitions), “cohort-based” (70%), “education” (70%), “mentorship/coaching
(60%), and “concluding event” (45%) were the five most common elements across the
definitions. After these five elements, there is a rather steep drop-off, with the remaining 7
elements being relatively equal in frequency, except for “physical space” (11%), which was
the least frequently appearing definitional element by a considerable degree. More broadly, it
is interesting to note that 3 of the 5 most frequently appearing elements (“limited duration”,
“cohort-based”, “concluding event”) concern the structure of accelerators, while the
remaining 2 (“education”, “mentorship/coaching”) concern the supposed offerings of
accelerators. It is also notable that both of the offering elements concern learning or skill
development: from an academic standpoint, it seems that the most common framing of the
function of the accelerator concerns their potential to develop the capabilities of
entrepreneurs, as opposed to the less personal, more direct approach of directly developing
ventures (e.g., via funding or strategic guidance). This point is further supported by the fact
that the element “venture acceleration”, which refers to accelerators’ assisting ventures to
scale and grow (or at least “fail fast”), was one of the least common elements (19%) across
the definitions.
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Insert Figures 1 and 2 here
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Figure 2 helps to situate the above findings in historical context, and demonstrates
some interesting shifts in what academic definitions of the accelerator have emphasized since
2012. Across the definitions published in 2014/2015, for instance, the most common
definitional element was “physical space”, with 80% of definitions claiming that provision of
a workspace to nascent entrepreneurs was a defining feature of the accelerator — something
that was far less common in the 2016/2017 period, with only 13% of definitions making
reference to the physical space criterion. Similarly, “direct investment” by accelerators in
accepted ventures was at one point a fairly common definitional element, with 42% of
definitions in the 2014/2015 period referencing this element. However, the direct investment
criterion has steadily decreased since then, with only 24% of definitions making reference to
direct investment in the 2018/2019 period.
What factor(s) are driving the changes in definitional emphasis charted in Figure 2?
Based on further analysis of citations appearing in the definitions, it seems the primary reason
for this shift in definitional emphasis is that the literature has in the past few years converged
around Cohen and Hochberg’s definition of the accelerator: “a fixed-term, cohort-based
program, including mentorship and educational components, that culminates in a public pitch
event or demo-day” (2014: 4). This inference is supported by the fact that of the 48
definitions we collected, 13 (27%) directly cite Cohen and Hochberg (2014), easily making it
the single most cited definition across the definitions we collected. Interestingly, this
definition appears in an unpublished pre-print – not a peer-reviewed journal article.
Part #1 Summary
Our findings show that since the emergence of the first accelerators over a decade ago,
academic definitions of the accelerator have varied in which aspects of the phenomenon are
emphasized, but since 2017, have begun to converge around Cohen and Hochberg’s (2014)
definition. A crucial follow-up question, though, is to what extent does this particular
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conceptualization align with the structures and offerings of real-world accelerators: is it
appropriate to view accelerators as fundamentally defined by their cohort-based, limited
duration structure, and as primarily focused on offering education and mentorship to aspiring
entrepreneurs? In Part #2 of our study, we sought to explore these questions by analysing the
online claims of real-world accelerators.
PART #2: PRACTITIONER CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF THE ACCELERATOR
After assessing how scholars have conceptualized the accelerator, we sought to uncover
current understandings of the phenomenon amongst those who actually establish and operate
them, with the ultimate aim of identifying the similarities and differences between the two
groups’ perspectives. We achieved this by analysing textual data collected from 73
accelerators across 8 countries. Below, we further detail our research approach, and then
report our findings with reference to relevant patterns we observed in our analysis of
academic definitions.
Research Approach
Sample. In an effort to build a (roughly) globally representative sample of accelerators, we
identified 10 of the most prominent accelerators headquartered in each of the following 8
countries — Finland, Ireland, Israel, Kenya, New Zealand, Singapore, USA, and the UK. To
identify which 10 accelerators to include from each country, we first adopted an exploratory
approach, consulting various “top accelerator”-style articles related to each country. We then
experimented with different Google search terms (e.g., “accelerator Israel”, “start-up
accelerator Israel”) to identify which search term consistently produced the most coherent list
of results across the 8 countries. By “coherent” list, we mean that the first 10 accelerators
returned by the search term seemed to correspond reasonably closely with what the “top
accelerator”-style articles we consulted noted as the most prominent accelerators in the
country in question. We concluded that searching for “accelerator program” + “country
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name” generally yielded the most coherent list of accelerator websites in each country. Thus,
we completed this search for each of the 8 countries listed above, leading us to identify a total
of 80 accelerator websites from which we intended to collect data. During the data collection
process, 7 of these websites (2 from Finland, 3 from Singapore, 1 from Israel, and 1 from
Kenya) went offline and became inaccessible, presumably because the associated accelerator
stopped running. Because we had incomplete data for these 7 websites, we omitted them from
our sample, leaving us with a final sample of 73 accelerator websites. Table 2 lists the name
and country of each accelerator included in our final sample.
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Insert Table 2 here
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Data collection. As each accelerator website had a substantial amount of potentially relevant
data, we needed to identify a means of structuring our data collection – at least in the initial
stages. To this end, we used the list of definitional elements that emerged from our analysis of
academic definitions (see Table 1) to focus our data collection. Thus, the second author (or in
some cases, a research assistant) read each section of each website in an effort to profile it
according to our initial list of definitional elements. As an example, the following statement
from the Frequently Asked Questions section of one accelerator website was coded as
reflecting the “concluding event” criterion:
“Q. Will there be a demo day?
A. Yes. At the end of the program you will present your company to a selected
audience of investors, corporate partners and press.”
We only recorded whether or not each website made a claim reflecting each of the
definitional elements at least once (i.e., we did not record repeated references, and thus, the
extent to which each website seemingly emphasized each definitional element). In addition, as
with our analysis of the academic definitions, we adopted an abductive approach, treating our
initial framework as open to revision in light of new and surprising data. Thus, as the process
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of profiling each website unfolded, we noted any interesting pieces of data from the websites
that reflected an aspect of accelerators that did not appear in the academic definitional
elements list, and revised the list accordingly where a particular element emerged prominently
across the websites.
It is important to acknowledge at this stage that the material contained on accelerators’
websites is often promotional in content and language. Thus, the data we collected potentially
paints an overly positive picture of how accelerators operate and what they deliver. It is also
important to point out that the website data represents the views of those who establish and
operate accelerators, not necessarily the entrepreneurs who participate in them, or other
accelerator stakeholders (e.g., investors, policymakers). At the same time, we note that
through our efforts in Part #1, we found that the structure and offerings of accelerators
emerged as the two high-level mediums through which scholars tend to define accelerators.
Websites provide a wealth of information about both the structure and offerings of
accelerators, and therefore represent a data source that was both appropriate to our research
aims and straightforward to access. Nevertheless, the aforementioned idiosyncrasies of our
data should be borne in mind when interpreting our findings.
Data analysis. Through the approach described above, we were able to assess how
frequently each of the defining elements of accelerators identified in Part #1 (i.e., across
academic definitions) appeared across the sample of accelerator websites – both in absolute
terms and as a percentage of the 73 websites we analyzed. Importantly, we were also able to
identify aspects of accelerators that were commonly claimed by accelerators on their
websites, but not present in the academic definitions we reviewed in Part #1. In this way, we
were able to compare and contrast which aspects of accelerators were emphasized in
practitioner perspectives (using accelerator website data as a proxy) vis-à-vis academic
conceptualizations (using written definitions as a proxy), and also which aspects of
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accelerators had been overlooked in academic definitions but commonly noted by accelerators
on their websites.
Part #2 Findings
Since we used the list of elements that emerged from our analysis of academic definitions to
guide what data we collected from accelerator websites, we present our findings in two main
sections – the first concerning accelerators’ claims about structure, and the second concerning
claims about offerings. Within each section, we also discuss similarities to and differences
from those elements that were present (and indeed most prevalent) in academic definitions of
the accelerator. Our findings are summarised numerically in Table 3 and visually in Figure 3.
For ease of comparison, in Figures 4 and 5 we display the relative frequency of structural
elements and offerings, respectively, across accelerator websites vs. academic definitions of
the accelerator.
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Insert Table 3, and Figures 3, 4, and 5 here
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Structure of accelerators. Our findings regarding accelerators’ claims about their structure
suggest areas of both commonality and divergence from those structural elements emphasized
in academic definitions. In terms of commonalities, 91% of the accelerators whose websites
we consulted described themselves as limited duration programmes, while 87% described
themselves as cohort-based programmes. Recall that 70% and 74% of academic definitions
listed limited duration and cohort-based as defining features of the accelerator, respectively –
a consensus that certainly appears justified given the high volume of accelerators in our
sample that claimed such features.
In terms of areas of divergence, we found that 80% of the accelerators whose websites
we assessed noted some kind of significant concluding event (e.g., graduation, “demo day”,
pitch evening) as an aspect of their programme – a contrast with the fact that only 45% of
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academic definitions included the concluding event criterion. Similarly, we observed that
85% of the accelerator websites we assessed described the accelerator as having some kind of
competitive application process – an intriguing finding in light of the fact that only 19% of
academic definitions made reference to an application process as a defining feature of
accelerators. These findings suggest that, from a scholarly standpoint, it may be appropriate to
give more consideration to the concluding event and application process criteria as defining
features of the accelerator. Finally, we observed that 75% of the accelerators in our sample
described themselves as having an exclusively team-based model (as opposed to a non-
exclusive model that allowed teams, duos, or single founders to participate), a contrast with
the fact that only 19% of the academic definitions made reference to the team-based nature of
accelerators as a defining feature.
We also inductively identified 4 categories of structural elements that did not emerge
from our analysis of academic definitions, but which were apparent across at least 20% of the
accelerator websites we assessed. The first of these we termed customizability, which
captured those claims by accelerators that they would adapt the nature of their program to suit
accepted ventures’ specific needs. 20% of the accelerator websites we assessed made
customizability claims, the following excerpt from the HATCH accelerator (Ireland) website
being illustrative of such claims:
“HATCH is a mentor-driven 15-week program and is tailored to meet the
requirements of the teams selected for each cohort.”
The second structural element we developed we termed time demands: 68% of the
accelerators whose websites we assessed claimed to offer a full-time programme, 15%
claimed to offer a part-time programme, and the remaining 17% provided no clear
information about the time demands of their programme. The third structural element we
developed we termed in-person, which captured whether or not the accelerator required
ventures to be physically present on their premises for a substantial portion of the programme.
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71% of the accelerator websites we assessed stated an in-person requirement. The fourth
structural element we termed fee-based, which captured statements on websites indicating that
the accelerator’s business model relied on charging ventures a financial fee for participation
in the programme. 21% of the accelerator websites we assessed explicitly stated they were
fee-based.
Offerings of accelerators. As with the structural elements, when it came to the
offerings of accelerators, we also found areas of commonality and divergence between the
claims of accelerators on their websites and academic definitions. At a broad level, we found
that all of the 6 offering categories identified across the academic definitions in Part #1 also
appeared across websites (though not necessarily to equivalent degrees), and we also
inductively identified 6 new offering categories that were prevalent (to varying degrees)
across the accelerator websites but which did not emerge from our analysis of academic
definitions.
Beginning with the offering categories that emerged from our analysis of academic
definitions, we found that claims about education were virtually as frequent across accelerator
websites (72%) relative to academic definitions (70%). This finding suggests that the
emphasis on education as a defining offering of accelerators in the academic literature is
indeed justified. Similarly, we found that claims regarding mentorship/coaching were very
common across accelerator websites (81%), even more so than across academic definitions
(60%) — a finding that suggests scholars’ emphasis on mentorship/coaching as a defining
offering of accelerators is also justified. In terms of areas of divergence, certainly the most
notable concerned networking: 96% of accelerator websites made at least one claim regarding
provision of networking opportunities to ventures and/or entrepreneurs, compared with only
21% of academic definitions that included networking as a defining feature of the accelerator.
In addition, we observed much diversity in what types of networking accelerators claimed to
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offer entrepreneurs: some claimed to offer access to experts or industry partners (e.g.,
suppliers, manufacturers), while others claimed to offer access to investors, alumni of the
accelerator itself, or international partners who could assist with overseas expansion. Such
findings indicate that real-world accelerators view access to other people, groups, or
organizations as a central offering, suggesting that the academic conceptualization of the
accelerator would do well to give greater weight to the networking criterion. Finally, we also
found that mentions of providing funding opportunities and physical space for entrepreneurs
to work in were more common across accelerator websites (57% and 52%, respectively)
versus academic definitions (21% and 11%, respectively).
We also inductively developed 6 new categories of offering claims that we noticed
were prevalent (to varying degrees) across accelerator websites, but which did not emerge
from our analysis of academic definitions. The first of these categories, market confirmation,
which appeared across 40% of the websites, we created to capture those claims by
accelerators that they could assist ventures in confirming there is a market for their product, or
that ventures were targeting the correct market/sector with their business model. The second
new category of offering claims, exposure, which appeared across 51% of the websites, we
created to capture those claims by accelerators that they could connect ventures with potential
customers for their product, and/or more generally increased awareness of the product
amongst the target market. The third new category of offering claims, non-financial
resources, which appeared across 41% of the websites, captured those claims by accelerators
that they could offer ventures access to non-financial resources (e.g., technology, R&D
laboratories, or Amazon Web Service credits). The fourth new category of offering claims,
business model development, appeared across 39% of the websites and captured accelerators’
claims to directly assist ventures with developing and/or refining their business model/plan.
The fifth new category of offering claims, product design/development, appeared across 25%
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of the accelerator websites and captured claims by accelerators to assist ventures with
designing and/or developing their products
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. The final new category of offering claims, which
was noticeably less technical and business-oriented than the others we developed, we termed
moral support, which captured those claims by accelerators to be enthusiastic and emotionally
supportive of ventures and/or entrepreneurs. These claims seemed to indicate that the
accelerator would be personally and emotionally invested in the venture's success (beyond
just financial outcomes). The following excerpt from the xEdu (Finland) accelerator website
is prototypical of such moral support claims, which we identified across 17% of the websites:
If you get accepted to xEdu acceleration program it means that we believe in your
success. We believe that your EdTech product can reach the stars and our first
mission is to show you the way there. Let these planets of our expertise be your
guideline that will bring you to international success.
Part #2 Summary
We explored practitioner conceptualizations of the accelerator by categorising the online
claims of 73 accelerators across 8 countries into 21 elements, and assessing the frequency of
each of these elements across accelerator websites. Consistent with the findings of our
analysis of academic definitions in Part #1, we found that practitioners also largely view
accelerators as having a limited duration, cohort-based structure. We also found that, like
academics, practitioners view education and mentorship as primary offerings of accelerators.
We also found differences — in terms of those elements most commonly emphasized
— between scholarly and practitioner conceptualizations: practitioners as a collective seem to
place significantly more emphasis than academics on networking, physical space, and funding
opportunities as outcomes of accelerators, and concluding events, application processes, and a
team-based model as features of accelerators’ structure.
1
We use the term “product” in its broadest sense here to refer to the central output of ventures (e.g., mobile
application, social service or initiative, physical good)
19
Perhaps the most interesting finding arising from Part #2 of our study, however, is the
fact that we inductively identified 6 new types of offering claims (moral support, product
design/development, business model refinement, market confirmation, non-financial
resources, exposure), beyond those 6 that emerged from our analysis of academic definitions.
This finding suggests that — at least from the perspective of those responsible for
establishing and operating accelerators — accelerators may deliver a greater range of
outcomes than presently captured by the academic conceptualization of the accelerator. It also
raises the question of whether attempting to specify all of the specific offerings of accelerators
in a definition is desirable, let alone possible: it may be more parsimonious to define the aims
of accelerators in more abstract terms (i.e., to facilitate the development of ventures and/or the
entrepreneurs who found them).
DISCUSSION: AN ARGUMENT FOR A PLURALIST CONCEPTUALIZATION OF
THE ACCELERATOR
We undertook a two-part case study aimed at understanding and comparing academic and
practitioner perspectives on the accelerator phenomenon. We did so as a means of considering
how we might best define this rapidly-emerging phenomenon. Part #1 of our study analysed
the evolution of academic conceptualizations (as represented in published definitions) of
accelerators over time. Part #2 analysed practitioner conceptualizations of accelerators based
on data collected from the websites of various accelerators around the world, with the aim of
comparing and contrasting this practitioner perspective with the academic conceptualization
canvassed in Part #1. The findings of our studies indicate that academic definitions and
practitioner perspectives on the accelerator have shared areas of emphasis, but also differ in
substantial ways. This raises a question that guides our discussion in this section: how exactly
should scholars interested in studying accelerators proceed, in terms of how we conceptualize
the phenomenon?
20
First, we would start from the point that the definition of accelerators proffered by
Cohen and Hochberg (2014), and which scholars are increasingly subscribing to (see Part #1
findings), is by no means a poor definition. Indeed several elements of this definition (i.e.,
limited duration, cohort-based, education, mentorship/coaching) are central elements shared
with the practitioner perspectives in Part #2 of our study. Yet given that we also identified
other elements of the practitioner perspective not represented in Cohen and Hochberg’s
(2014) definition, or even the academic literature on accelerators at large, there remains work
to do if our aim is to develop a truly comprehensive conceptualization of the accelerator.
Perhaps the most obvious option at this point would be to seek to develop a “new-and-
improved” definition of the accelerator — one that encapsulates the key elements of both
academic and practitioner perspectives reflected in our findings. As mentioned at the outset of
this article, consensus amongst scholars on definitions of phenomena has frequently been
noted as central to theoretical progress in scientific fields of inquiry (Locke, 2012; Suddaby,
2010). In the case of emergent phenomena like the accelerator, however, there are two
considerations that we argue makes convergence on a single, all-encompassing definition a
potentially undesirable aim in terms of theoretical comprehensiveness.
First, given the vast array of structural elements and offerings of accelerators that
emerged in our study of accelerator websites (see Part #2 findings), it seems reasonable to
conclude that practitioners — or at least those who establish and operate accelerators — are
presently answering the questions of what exactly accelerators are and do in a host of
different ways. Thus, it seems unlikely that any one definition of the accelerator would be
able to parsimoniously account for all or even most of such variation. Second, it must be
remembered that accelerators are ultimately socially constructed phenomena, which
inevitably change over time as a result of broader structural changes in values, culture,
politics, and society (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Charmaz, 2014). Thus, even if one were
21
able to develop a single definition of the accelerator that neatly captured all of the variation in
conceptualizations that presently exists amongst both scholars and practitioners, there is no
guarantee that this definition would be appropriate into the future. Indeed based on what we
have personally observed in the past three years of researching accelerators, we suspect that
the variety of perspectives on what accelerators actually are amongst practitioners will only
grow in response to new social, cultural, and commercial issues that arise.
Thus, if we accept, ontologically, that accelerators are socially constructed phenomena
that can be conceptualized in a variety of ways, then it follows, epistemologically and
methodologically, that the definitions and research approaches scholars adopt to study them
should also vary (Kuhn, 1962; Foucault, 1970). Such onto-epistemological considerations
have exercised the more mature fields of management research (e.g., organizational behavior,
organizational theory) for some time (e.g., Calás & Smircich, 1999; Gioia & Pitre, 1990), and
we believe there is theoretical value to be gained from taking such considerations seriously in
the field of entrepreneurship generally, and also in the specific “live case” of the accelerator,
where the phenomenon is emerging at the same time as scholars seek to define it.
Even considering a few simple models of ontology and epistemology can be
insightful. A popular model like Burrell and Morgan’s Sociological Paradigms in
Organizational Analysis (1979), for example, is instructive in highlighting the potential
cost(s) of convergence on a single comprehensive definition. If we view a phenomenon from
a functionalist standpoint (i.e., one which resembles the conventional positivist approach of
the natural sciences), then a single, widely-accepted definition will be understood as a
necessary condition for theoretical progress. Closing off alternatives is therefore an essential
part of progressing toward a true understanding of the object in question. But, if we value
growth, change and innovation in research; if we believe that capturing reality and all of its
complexity is more important than scientific ‘efficiency’; or if we believe it is too early to
22
“close the gate” on defining what exactly an object is or must be, and that there is much to be
gained by letting innovation in practice and in our understanding unfold; then we must
recognize that a comprehensive unitary definition of a phenomenon is not necessarily a means
to our desired ends, at least when the phenomenon itself is still taking shape.
Mindful of the above arguments and of the findings we have reported in this
manuscript, we argue that at this early stage, rather than developing and promoting consensus
on a single definition of the accelerator, the quality and comprehensiveness of theorizing
might be better facilitated by encouraging researchers to approach the accelerator from
multiple conceptual perspectives: each of which makes different assumptions about the
fundamental purpose of the object under study (e.g., Morgan, 2006; Örtenblad et al., 2016).
As Gioia and Pitre observe, there is often value in framing conceptualization and theory
building in management studies “not as a search for the truth, but as more of a search for
comprehensiveness stemming from different worldviews” (1990: 587, emphasis in original).
Motivated by this view, and informed by our findings regarding the central elements
of academic definitions and practitioner understandings of the accelerator, we seek here to
spark a conversation about how a pluralist conceptualization of the accelerator (i.e., a
research agenda informed not by one but multiple definitions) could work. We do so by
outlining four perspectives on what accelerators can be, each of which encapsulates some, but
importantly not all, of the elements surfaced by our analysis of academic and practitioner
conceptualizations of the accelerator (we show the elements we believe are associated with
each perspective at the head of each description). The four perspectives each view
accelerators as: facilitators of new venture growth; vehicles for personal development;
communities of practice; and strategic symbols.
In outlining each of these perspectives, we also identify specific research directions
related to each that scholars might consider pursuing in order to deepen understanding of
23
accelerators. Note that we do not view these four perspectives as mutually exclusive (we
encourage simultaneous consideration of all these perspectives in future research), nor we do
we claim these perspectives to be the only ways accelerators can be understood (we encourage
scholars to consider what other perspectives could enrich scholarly understanding of
accelerators).
Accelerators as Facilitators of New Venture Growth
This lens views accelerators as having the following elements: Product design; Business
model refinement; Market confirmation; Non-financial resources; Exposure; Funding
opportunities; Limited duration; Networking
In light of our review of academic definitions (see Part #1 findings), certainly the most
prominent way in which accelerators tend to be presently (though often implicitly) understood
by scholars is as facilitators of new venture growth (e.g., Cohen, 2013; Cohen & Hochberg,
2014; Hallen et al., in press; Hochberg, 2016). Consequently, the key performance outcome
of an accelerator from this point of view should be the development of successful new
ventures. Interestingly, though, explicit academic definitions of the accelerator rarely make
reference to this implied purpose, tending instead to focus on the more specific aspects of
accelerators’ structure (e.g., cohort-based, time-bound), and the precise ways in which
accelerators promote new venture growth (e.g., provision of training, mentoring, and funding
opportunities). Of course, some might justifiably argue that simply defining accelerators as
“facilitators of new venture growth” is much too broad, and that further elements need to be
included to distinguish accelerators from other programmes or organisations that share this
purpose (e.g., incubators, angel investors, entrepreneurial mentoring programmes). This is a
valid point, and as mentioned at the outset of this paper, we not dispute the argument that
clear and precise definitions are certainly important for building a body knowledge on a
phenomenon (Locke, 20112; Suddaby, 2010).
24
Yet given the fact that the accelerator phenomenon itself continues to evolve, and the
vast range of things accelerators claim to offer ventures and entrepreneurs (see Part #2
findings), we suspect that at this stage, there may be more theoretical utility in adopting a
broader (rather than narrower) conceptualization of the function(s) of accelerators. When
framed broadly as facilitators of new venture growth, scholars are encouraged to study
accelerators in the widest sense possible. Conversely, by committing to a highly specific
definition of the accelerator, we risk producing a body of theory relevant only to a particular
form of accelerator, which fails to capture the nature and consequences of the many other
forms. For instance, 51% of the accelerator websites we surveyed claimed to offer ventures
exposure to customers, yet this feature was not apparent in any of the academic definitions we
collected, which tend towards specificity rather than generality. If a researcher were to adopt
any existing academic definition to guide selection of which accelerator(s) to study, a
substantial portion of potentially relevant cases would be automatically ruled out and
subsequently unaccounted for in the eventual theory they generate.
It is also interesting to note that the vast majority of existing research on accelerators
focuses on those that aim to cultivate growth of for-profit ventures. Indeed when discussing
questions of the value of accelerators, large technology companies such as AirBnB and
Dropbox are frequently noted as accelerator “success stories”. With that said, and while still a
fledgling area of research, scholars have in recent times begun to study accelerators with
alternative missions, including social accelerators focused on cultivating not-for-profit
ventures and social enterprises (e.g., Casanovas & Bruno, 2013; Pandey, Lall, Pandey, &
Ahlawat, 2017). Nevertheless, in light of the various “grand challenges” presently facing
humanity (George, Howard-Grenville, Joshi, & Tihanyi, 2016), it seems worthwhile to
conduct more research on accelerators that aim to grow ventures with social and/or cultural
objectives. Indeed recent times have seen the emergence of accelerators that do not even seek
25
to recruit and grow “ventures” in a traditional sense, but rather projects or initiatives that have
an application within particular organizations or industries. Lightning Lab GovTech, for
instance, is a prominent up-and-coming accelerator in New Zealand that was part of our
sample in Part #2, but does not admit ventures: rather it assembles teams of employees from
various government departments who then attempt to develop “innovation projects” aimed at
solving problems with a governmental/social focus (e.g., domestic violence, data privacy).
We suspect that non-traditional accelerators like GovTech will become more common in the
coming years. Thus, scholars would do well to be open-minded about what they consider to
be accelerators in the first instance, and in-turn, the types of accelerators they study.
Accelerators as Vehicles for Personal Development
This lens views accelerators as having the following elements: Moral support; Non-financial
resources; Education; Mentorship; Customizability; Application process; Cohort;
Concluding event
A second way of understanding accelerators is as vehicles for personal development of
entrepreneurs. Consequently, the key performance outcome of an accelerator from this point
of view is the growth of individual participants (Fischer-Smith, 2019). We use the term
“personal development” in its broadest sense here to refer to enhancement of entrepreneurs’
skills, knowledge, abilities, identities, and general well-being. From this standpoint,
accelerators are seen to exist less to develop ventures, and more to develop the individuals
responsible for launching and operating such ventures. Relative to the venture growth
perspective outlined above, the personal development perspective is significantly less
represented in the emerging accelerator literature. While learning is frequently discussed as a
key outcome of accelerators (e.g., Cohen et al., in press; Hallen et al., in press), such
discussions are typically in reference to learning at the venture-level rather than individual-
level, and are (arguably) more aligned with the venture growth perspective described above.
26
We believe there is scope for significantly more work adopting a personal
development perspective on accelerators. Indeed, from an economic perspective, aiming to
develop entrepreneurs (rather than ventures directly) seems a logical approach. Most of the
entrepreneurs who participate in accelerators tend to be nascent entrepreneurs with limited
experience launching ventures. In light of the wealth of research that attests to the importance
of deliberate practice in developing any given skillset (Ericsson, 2018), it is presumably rare
for entrepreneurs to experience immediate success with their early ventures. This is not to say
that they are and always will be poor entrepreneurs, or even that their venture was a “bad
idea”, but simply that at that particular moment in time, they lacked the requisite skills,
knowledge, and abilities to ensure the success of their venture. By focusing on developing
individual entrepreneurs (and less on the specific venture they bring to the accelerator),
accelerators cultivate the seeds of long-term entrepreneurial activity that might otherwise fail
to grow after an initial failure. Some intriguing questions scholars could consider in this
respect include: what (if any) aspects of entrepreneurs’ psychology can accelerators help to
develop (e.g., entrepreneurial passion; Murnieks, Mosakowski, & Cardon, 2012,
entrepreneurial intentions; Fayolle & Liñán, 2014), and under what conditions? Similarly,
what (if any) skills, knowledge, and abilities can accelerators help entrepreneurs to develop
(e.g., information collection, idea communication), and under what conditions? Finally, at a
more general level, what are the implications of accelerator participation for entrepreneurs’
identities, self-esteem, and subjective well-being (Diener, 2000)?
Accelerators might also help individuals develop by leading them to realise (in a
relatively low-risk environment) that entrepreneurship is not in fact a path they should or even
want to pursue long-term. In today’s cultural climate, “entrepreneur” and “innovator”
identities are associated with a certain degree of social status, which presumably motivates
some individuals to pursue such identities despite lacking the requisite skills, dispositions, or
27
motivation (Murnieks, Klotz, & Shepherd, 2019) for the underlying activities. In the pursuit
of such identities, which can unfold over several years (perhaps even a lifetime), such
individuals and the ventures they launch can consume significant economic and social
resources (e.g., government or investor funding). Accelerators might help to mitigate this
inefficient use of resources by acting as “filtering devices” in entrepreneurial ecosystems,
providing a time-bound, low-stakes context within which individuals can clarify the “possible
selves” (e.g., Markus & Nurius, 1986) they are hopeful (or capable) of attaining in the future.
Acknowledging this and related features of accelerators, however, requires scholars to adopt a
broad understanding of the meaning of “personal development” (i.e., not only development of
entrepreneurial capabilities, but clarification of identities and life paths more generally).
Accelerators as Communities of Practice
This lens views accelerators as having the following elements: Moral support; Exposure;
Physical space; Mentorship; Networking; In-person; Team-based; Concluding event; Cohort-
based
So far, we have introduced two perspectives on the accelerator where the primary unit of
analysis are the venture and the individual, respectively. Here we introduce a third perspective
that takes the collective of individuals who comprise accelerators as the focal unit of analysis,
and therefore promotes exploration of the cultural and social dynamics at play within
accelerators. In short, this third perspective views accelerators as communities of practice
(Brown & Duguid, 1991). Communities of practice are “informal networks bound together by
shared experiences and a passion for a particular joint exercise [and] they are held together by
strong relationships and have a shared value system, memory and knowledge base” (Angwin,
Cummings, & Smith, 2011: 160). Like any other community or social group, communities of
practice have their own cultural values, norms, and rituals that members construct, enact, and
negotiate. As a result, the key performance outcome of an accelerator from this point of view
28
should be related to the growth of the particular community or group the accelerator is
designed to serve, or a particular characteristic or characteristics of the group (e.g.,
cohesiveness, shared values, or identification by individuals with the group).
At present, this community-based perspective is largely non-existent in academic
treatments of accelerators, but interestingly, emerged as a feature of accelerators in our review
of practitioner perspectives, with 17% of accelerator websites including at least one claim to
offer what we termed “moral support” to entrepreneurs. This finding suggests that for those
“on the ground”, accelerators are helpful in providing a source of belonging and connection –
all factors which in-turn likely have important implications for entrepreneurs’ personal
development, and consequently, the quality of their ventures. In this way, the community-
based perspective on accelerators is very much compatible with both the venture growth and
personal development perspectives described earlier.
Given the absence of research on the sociocultural dimension of accelerators, there is
much scope for future studies of this issue. A crucial first step would be undertaking
exploratory studies that provide candid insights into the nature of social life within
accelerators — both for participating entrepreneurs, and those responsible for operating
accelerators. Qualitative methodologies, and in particular ethnography, are likely to be useful
approaches for achieving such ends given the emphasis of such methods on “thick
description” of phenomena (Charmaz, 2014). Specific questions researchers could pursue
from a community-based perspective include: what culture(s) tend to emerge within
accelerators, and how do such processes unfold? What are the (positive and negative)
implications of different accelerator cultures for the development of ventures and
entrepreneurs? How do different accelerators develop certain “organizational identities” (e.g.,
Albert, Ashforth, & Dutton, 2000), and with what consequences for the ventures and
individuals that participate in them? As an intriguing aside, pursuing these kinds of questions
29
could also yield valuable insights into the development of organizational cultures and
identities generally due to the typically cohort-based approach of accelerators: because
accelerators regularly “shed” most of the individuals that comprise the organization (in the
form of participating entrepreneurs), they constitute ideal settings for understanding how
organizational cultures and identities are sustained in organizations with frequent, large-scale
turnover of members (e.g., volunteer-reliant organizations).
Accelerators as Strategic Symbols
This lens views accelerators as having the following elements: Exposure; Physical space;
Education; Networking; In-person; Team-based; Concluding event; Application process
The final perspective we outline here focuses less on what accelerators achieve in a
substantive sense, and more on what social, cultural, and even political value accelerators’
existence can serve for the various parties associated with them. In this way, we are proposing
a view of accelerators as symbols that are strategically deployed both to and by various
stakeholders. Relative to the other three perspectives outlined to this point, the notion that
accelerators can have strategic value for an organization, participant, or sponsor is certainly
the most nascent, and we are yet to find any substantive treatments of this perspective in the
academic literature. A notable exception, though, can be found in a recent article by Hallen et
al. (in press), in which the authors note the potential for accelerators to serve a signalling
function for ventures, whereby mere participation in an accelerator can be interpreted by
others (e.g., investors and funders, potential customers) as indicative of the venture’s promise.
We would add that in addition to serving a symbolic function for participating
ventures, accelerators can also serve such a function for a host of other individuals (e.g., those
who found and operate accelerators), groups (e.g., entrepreneurial communities), and
organizations (e.g., companies and universities that sponsor accelerators). For example, with
an increasing number of corporate, “in-house”, and university accelerators being established
30
(Richter et al., 2018), a view has emerged that a primary reason such accelerators exist is as a
form of marketing — a tangible way for an organization to signal its strategic intent, and
commitment to ideals of entrepreneurship, innovation, and creativity. One can see how such a
perspective makes sense, particularly after assessing the promotional materials of many
accelerators as we have done in the present research. Accelerators often seem to be “sold” to
entrepreneurs on the basis that participation constitutes a concrete signal of entrepreneurial
intentions (i.e., that entrepreneurs are serious about pursuing their ideas and taking them to
“the next level”), and that the exposure, education and networking arising from participation
will mark entrepreneurs out as “the real deal” relative to those who are filtered out by the
application process. Relatedly, participation in the increasing number of accelerators run
within corporations and governments is often promoted to employees as a way for them to
symbolize their personal commitment to innovation and dynamism — a quality increasingly
central to the “ideal worker” moulds (Reid, 2015) that many organizations promote.
While the symbolic lens on accelerators is not one that has not been explored
substantively in the academic literature, we are confident that future research from this
standpoint would yield insights into accelerators that are both novel and enlightening. As a
starting point, we would encourage scholars to consider research questions that are perhaps
more critical of the deeper motives of those who establish, fund, manage, and indeed
participate in accelerators. In exploring individuals’ motives, scholars are likely to get closer
to uncovering the symbolic functions that accelerators might serve, which are far less
explicitly apparent (though still hinted at) in the carefully manicured public information that
is provided by and about accelerators. Successfully conducting such research, however, is
likely to be methodologically challenging, because it requires researchers to think creatively
about how to access data beyond the default rhetoric or narratives that individuals deploy
when questioned about their motives for involvement with accelerators (e.g., to learn new
31
skills, or promote innovation within their company), and to surface the more authentic — but
perhaps less socially desirable reasons — why accelerators exist and endure (e.g., to be
admired [or envied] in the eyes of colleagues [or competitors]). Beyond this starting point,
future research could also examine how, if at all, the images and reputations of organizations
and individuals change as a result of establishing and/or supporting accelerators.
CONCLUSION
We conclude by describing a case that highlights the significance of our central argument. In
turning the pages of a business magazine, one will likely come across Elon Musk with a
reference to the revolutionary work being done on the development of Tesla’s electric
vehicles. It is largely forgotten today, but the electric vehicle concept is not as new as many
believe. In the first decade of the 20th century, The Electronic Vehicle Company was
America’s largest vehicle manufacturer, and owner and operator of motor vehicles. In the
early years of motorized transport, electric vehicles and steam-driven cars co-existed and
competed with those driven by the internal combustion engine — they were each understood
to be viable modes of automobile. However, as David Kirsch (2000) documents in The
Electric Vehicle and the Burden of History, it was not the lack of performance that, over time,
ruled out alternative, non-combustible definitions of what a motor vehicle could be, but a lack
of influential networks, cultural values, and organizational structures. This is what resulted in
public perception converging on the combustion engine as the “one best way”. By 1912, just a
few short years after its peak, The Electronic Vehicle Company was no more.
The Electronic Vehicle Company case illustrates what we are cautioning against in
this article with regard to convergence on a single definition of accelerator. By quickly
defining a phenomenon in one way, we miss out on what could be learned by maintaining a
pluralist perspective, and observing how the phenomenon evolves in practice. With a longer
runway of open-mindedness on behalf of key decision-makers and the general public, electric
32
vehicles, or perhaps some form of hybrid, may have emerged as a viable alternative means of
transportation one hundred years earlier. Similarly, while it might be a more efficient means
of knowledge production to converge on a single definition of the accelerator at an early
stage, we have argued here that viewing the accelerator through multiple lenses, at least in the
meantime, is likely to promote the discovery of a wider range of theoretical insights.
More generally, the case of how we might define accelerators provides insights into
how academic research on emergent phenomena, which is particularly common in a relatively
young field like entrepreneurship, can sometimes fall victim to a rush to unitary
conceptualizations. While in the case of electric vehicles the isomorphism toward the
combustion engine was more coercive, the case of accelerator research highlights how
normative and mimetic isomorphism in academic fields (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983) can
encourage rapid convergence on unitary conceptualizations of phenomena. Assessing patterns
(and changes) in scholarly definitions of the accelerator against practitioner perspectives, as
we have done in this paper, enables us to see how scholarly norms can lead to a singular
understanding of a phenomenon more rapidly than those in the world we observe and seek to
understand. There is perhaps even a danger that we converge on unitary definitions even as
the phenomena we seek to understand become more pluralistic and complex. Indeed this may
be one important reason why practitioners sometimes see the academics who seek to study the
reality they inhabit as “out of step” with it.
Hence, the case of accelerator research emphasizes that rapid convergence on unitary
conceptualizations can come with costs, and these costs may outweigh the efficiency gains
and professional benefits of such convergence (Eisenhardt, 1989). For this reason, we urge
our fellow scholars to keep their minds open to the objects and practices they study, both with
regard to accelerators and other forms of entrepreneurial activity, and allow a plurality of
perspectives to co-exist for a little longer.
33
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TABLE 1
Key Elements of Academic Definitions of the Accelerator
Definitional
Element
Description
Frequency as %
of All
Definitions
(n=48)
Cohort-based
Accelerators admit ventures in
cohorts or “batches”
70%
Limited duration
Accelerators’ offerings to
ventures are for a set period of
time
74%
Concluding event
Accelerators conclude with a
pitch event, “demo day”, or
some other form of “graduation”
45%
Application process
Ventures must formally apply to
an accelerator in order to be
accepted into one
19%
Team-based
Accelerators admit
entrepreneurial teams,
not individual
entrepreneurs
19%
Venture acceleration
Accelerators “speed up” the
start-up process
19%
Funding
opportunities
Accelerators are vehicles
through which ventures can
access funding
21%
Direct investment
Accelerators take an equity
stake in the ventures they accept
28%
Education
Accelerators provide education
and/or training to entrepreneurs
70%
Mentorship/coaching
Accelerators provide mentorship
and/or coaching to entrepreneurs
60%
Networking
Accelerators provide
entrepreneurs with opportunities
to meet and build relationships
with others
21%
Physical space
Accelerators provide ventures
with a physical space to operate
in
11%
37
TABLE 2
Accelerator websites included in sample by country
COUNTRY
ACCELERATOR NAME
New Zealand
(10)
1. Mahuki
6. Kōkiri
2. Lightning Lab GovTech
7. The Meteoroid Program
3. Lightning Lab FinTech
8. New Zealand Health Innovation Hub
4. Sprout
9. Flux
5. Venture Up
10. Vodafone Xone
Finland
(8)
11. xEdu
15. Stora Enso Accelerator Programme
12. Kiuas Accelerator
16. Maritime Accelerator
13. Slush Global Impact Accelerator
17. Founder Institute
14. LevelUp
18. Turbiini Accelerator 10 Week Sprint
Program
Ireland
(10)
19. Hatch
24. FoodWorks
20. International Security Accelerator
25. Ignite
21. The Pearce Lyons Accelerator
26. LaunchBox
22. UStart DCU Student Accelerator
27. BioExel
23. NDRC
28. Propeller
Israel
(9)
29. The Barclays Accelerator
34. SigmaLabs Accelerator
30. TheHive by Gvahim
35. MindCET
31. Oracle Global Startup Ecosystem
36. MassChallenge Israel
32. IBM Alpha Zone Accelerator
37. Vive X
33. Bavaria Israel Partnership
Accelerator
Singapore
(7)
38. GE Accelerator Program
42. ImpacTech
39. Rakuten Accelerator
43. Tribe Accelerator
40. Startup Autobahn Singapore
44. Shell IdeaRefinery
41. CyLon
Kenya
(9)
45. GrowthAfrica Business Scaleup
Acceleration Programme
50. E4Impact Accelerator
46. Kenya Shelter Tech Accelerator
Programme
51. Sinapis Entrepreneur Academy
47. ygap Kenya
52. Traction Camp
48. Make-IT In Africa
53. Global African Agribusiness
Accelerator Platform
49. Google Launchpad
UK
(10)
54. Ignite North East Accelerator
Programme
59. Wayra UK
55. Barclays London Accelerator
60. DigitalHealth.London Accelerator
56. TechStars London
61. Climate-KIC Accelerator
57. Mass Challenge UK
62. Oracle Global Startup Ecosystem
Program
58. Startupbootcamp
63. Cyber Accelerator
USA
(10)
64. TechStars
69. Y Combinator
65. International Accelerator
70. Founder Institute
66. Plus And Play
71. Sprint Accelerator
67. 500 Startups
72. German Accelerator
68. Wells Fargo Startup Accelerator
73. SOSV
38
TABLE 3
Frequency of definitional elements across accelerator websites
Definitional
Category
Definitional Element
Frequency as % of
All Websites (n=73)
Frequency
Across Websites
(%) – Frequency
Across Academic
Definitions (%)
Structure of
Accelerators
Limited duration
91%
17%
Cohort-based
87%
17%
Application process
85%
66%
Concluding event
80%
35%
Team-based
75%
56%
In-person
71%
N/A
Time demands (% full-
time)
68%
N/A
Fee-based
21%
N/A
Customizability
20%
N/A
Offerings of
Accelerators
Networking
96%
75%
Mentorship/coaching
81%
21%
Education
72%
2%
Funding opportunities
57%
36%
Physical space
52%
41%
Direct investment
21%
-7%
Exposure
51%
N/A
Non-financial resources
41%
N/A
Market confirmation
40%
N/A
Business model
refinement
39%
N/A
Product
design/development
25%
N/A
Moral support
17%
N/A
Blue text indicates new elements that were not carried over from Part #,1 but emerged
inductively from our analysis of accelerator websites in Part #2.
39
FIGURE 1
Frequency of definitional elements across academic accelerator definitions (n=48)
Light blue bar = Structural element of accelerator
Dark blue bar = Offering of accelerator
FIGURE 2
Frequency of definitional elements across academic accelerator definitions by
publication year
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
Limited duration
Cohort-based
Education
Mentorship/coaching
Concluding event
Direct investment
Funding opportunities
Networking
Application process
Team-based
Venture acceleration
Physical space
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
2012, 2013 (n=4) 2014, 2015 (n=12) 2016, 2017 (n=15) 2018, 2019 (n=17)
Cohort-based Limited duration
Concluding event Application process
Team-based Venture acceleration
Funding opportunities Direct investment
Education/training/learning Networking
Physical space Mentorship/coaching
40
FIGURE 3
Relative frequency of definitional elements across accelerator websites
(n=73)
Light gold bar = New offering that emerged from Part #2 of study
Dark gold bar = Offering carried over from Part #1 of study
Light blue bar = New structural element that emerged from Part #2 of study
Dark blue bar = Structural element carried over from Part #1 of study
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Limited duration
Cohort-based
Application process
Concluding event
Team-based
In-person
Time demands (% full-time)
Fee-based
Customizability
Networking
Mentorship/coaching
Education
Funding opportunities
Physical space
Direct investment
Exposure
Non-financial resources
Market confirmation
Business model refinement
Product design/development
Moral support
41
FIGURE 4
Relative frequency of structural elements across academic accelerator websites (n=73)
vs. academic definitions (n=48)
FIGURE 5
Relative frequency of offerings across academic accelerator websites (n=73)
vs. academic definitions (n=48)
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Application process
Team-based
Concluding event
Limited duration
Cohort-based
Accelerator websites Academic definitions
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Networking
Physical space
Funding opportunities
Mentorship/coaching
Direct investment
Education
Accelerator websites Academic definitions
... There is neither practical nor academic guidance on how to structure the post-acceleration phase of CA programs. The majority of publications on CA is of descriptive and qualitative nature, thus the phenomenon itself is not yet fully understood and fundamental theory definition is lacking (Nesner et al., 2020;Walker et al., 2020). While the research on CA is still in its early stages (Seitz et al., 2019), the importance of outcome utilization is already a fundamental aspect of other research areas. ...
... Due to the relative newness of the topic a lot of publications are either conceptual descriptions focused on program typologies and offered services, or qualitative case studies (Hochberg, 2016;Vandeweghe & Fu, 2018). While some publications show the impact of accelerators on participating parties (Jackson et al., 2015) it is required that research is broadened since the phenomenon is (a) not yet fully understood and (b) still evolving (Walker et al., 2020). ...
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Thesis
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