Nation and the Writing of History in China and Britain, 1880–1930

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Nation and the Writing of History in
China and Britain, 1880– 1930
Nation and the Writing of History in China and Britain explores, through
a comparative approach, the reception of the nationalist worldview and its
effects on the practice of history in China and Britain.
This book proposes that nationalism, rather than a political doctrine,
is a way of making sense of the world which results from the combination
of a set of denite assumptions. The work analyzes how each one of these
premises was accepted and negotiated by literati, intellectuals, historians,
and other scholars in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The
results of this research showcase how the reception of the new nationalist
worldview crucially affected images of the past, the present, and the future
in both societies and decisively framed cultural, social, and political debate.
In addition, they likewise evidence the fundamental role that historical
narratives play in the crystallization of national identities.
This book is perfect for readers interested in China and Britain during
this time period, but also to anyone attracted to new ways of conceiving
nationalism and its role in our world.
Asier H. Aguirresarobe is a historian afliated to the University of the
Basque Country. His research interests include nationalism, historiography,
and the creation of identity. He has explored these in works like “Is National
Identity in Crisis?” (2022), “Concealing Empire” (2021), or “National
Frameworks” (2020).

Routledge Approaches to History
42 Historical Experience
Essays on the Phenomenology of History
David Carr
43 Humanism: Foundations, Diversities, Developments
Jörn Rüsen
44 National History and New Nationalism in the Twenty- First Century
A Global Comparison
Edited by Niels F. May and Thomas Maissen
45 Family History and Historians in Australia and New Zealand
Related Histories
Edited by Malcolm Allbrook and Sophie Scott- Brown
46 Writing Russia
The Discursive Construction of AnOther Nation
Melissa- Ellen Dowling
47 How to Write About the Holocaust
The Postmodern Theory of History in Praxis
Theodor Pelekanidis
48 The Politics of Time in China and Japan
Back to the Future
Viren Murthy
49 Nation and the Writing of History in China and Britain, 1880– 1930
Asier H. Aguirresarobe
For more information about this series, please visit: www.routle dge.com/
Routle dge- App roac hes- to- Hist ory/ book- ser ies/ RSHIST HRY

Nation and the Writing of
History in China and Britain,
1880– 1930
Asier H. Aguirresarobe

First published 2023
by Routledge
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and by Routledge
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Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2023 Asier H. Aguirresarobe
The right of Asier H. Aguirresarobe to be identied as author of this work
has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
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Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data
A catalog record for this title has been requested
ISBN: 978- 1- 032- 20840- 4 (hbk)
ISBN: 978- 1- 032- 20855- 8 (pbk)
ISBN: 978- 1- 003- 26555- 9 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/ 9781003265559
Typeset in Sabon
by Newgen Publishing UK

Contents
Acknowledgments vi
Note about Translation vii
Introduction 1
1 The Mirror of the Nation: the Importance of National
Histories 10
2 History in China and Britain during the Nineteenth
Century 38
3 The Age of Disorder: the Breakup of Whig History and
Classical Historiography 65
4 The Echo of the Popular Mind: the Nation as
a Collective 100
5 Nations United: the Evolving Politics of National
Belonging 127
6 The Quest for National Continuity 164
Conclusions 188
Bibliography 200
Index 216

Acknowledgments
I owe a huge debt of gratitude to many people for their help with writing
this book. To my editor, Louise Ingham. To Professor Ludger Mees for his
guidance, support, and tempering voice. To the members of the Department
of Modern History of the University of the Basque Country UPV/ EHU,
especially Santiago de Pablo, Jesús Casquete, and Antonio Rivera. To
Dr. Jennifer Todd, for her generous advice. Also to the staff of the University
of Edinburgh and, more than to any other, to Dr. James Kennedy, whose
interest in my work has gone well beyond what it deserves. Also to Álvar,
Adrián, Koldo, and Niall for their help and support during years that have
been hard for many of us. Likewise, I would like to appreciate the funding
by the European Union-NextGeneration EU, the Ministry of Universities of
Spain and the University of the Basque Country as part of the Margarita
Salas scholarship.
On a more personal level, I am grateful to my parents, Arantxa and
Manolo, and to my two brothers, Oscar and Robert. Also to my friends, for
not questioning too much the decision of embarking on this project. And to
some of them especially – Edgar, Eneko, Igor, Helene – for nding the time
to take me out and force me to socialize. To Maddi for her endless doses of
dog memes, and to Naroa for being a constant presence in the last stages of
the writing of this book, even if it is one that she will probably never read.
There are many more, of course, that should appear in these pages. I sin-
cerely apologize for their absence, and hope that I can thank them in person
when the time comes.
Thank you all. Gracias a todos. Eskerrik asko denoi.

Note about Translation
Chinese names have been romanized according to the Pinyin system.
Therefore, I have opted for transcribing terms like Beijing or Liang Qichao
rather than other possible alternatives such as Peking or Liang Ch’i- ch’ao.
The only exceptions have been names that have a customary and well-
known English counterpart, such as Confucius instead of Kongzi or Sun
Yat- sen rather than Sun Yixian.
newgenprepdf

DOI: 10.4324/9781003265559-1
Introduction
Yangzhou was so busy at that time in the morning that few took note of the
capricious shades of color with which the rays of the sun tinged the surface
of the water. The city, situated north of the Yangzi River, was famous all
across China for its wealthy salt merchants, who “vied with one another in
extravagance”.1 The expenses of their celebrations, aimed at dazzling their
fellow citizens, were equally renowned for being particularly well suited
to scandalize their contemporaries. Every occasion seemed an appropriate
opportunity to improve one’s standing in the city. This continuous rivalry
had been extended to the patronage of artists and scholars, transforming
Yangzhou into a buoyant center of education. It is true that the new circuits
of international trade, which were more and more concentrated in the sea-
shore, were increasingly displacing the city as a commercial powerhouse.
But, all in all, in the 22nd year of the reign of emperor Daoguang of the
Qing dynasty, or 1842 according to the Western calendar, Yangzhou could
be considered a prosperous town.
It was in one of its many houses, alien to the hustle and noise outside,
that the state ofcial Wei Yuan completed one of its most important pieces
of scholarship. Some would say that he was just in time. Not for nothing,
months earlier and some hundred miles to the south, in Nanjing, an event
had taken place that had made Wei’s task much more urgent. The pale- faced
barbarians, with their armored boats and their cannons, had forced the Qing
emperor to sue for terms. When these were nally signed and revealed to the
world, it was clear that any talk of fair settlement was out of the picture. One
point after another, the empire had been obliged to accept a series of draco-
nian – even humiliating – agreements. The most striking fact, however, was
not the defeat of the dynasty. After all, as Wei Yuan and any learned person
with a notion of history knew well, no power was always victorious. Yet,
in the past, when a conquering people had threatened the Middle Kingdom
(zhongguo 中國) they were usually nomads from the vast steppes of Inner
Asia, ooding over the settled cities of China like a furious tide. No one
recalled the last time a power had threatened China from the sea. And yet
that was exactly what had happened. Finding an accurate explanation had
been Wei Yuan’s self- appointed task.

2 Introduction
The Illustrated Treatise on the Sea Kingdoms (Haiguo Tuzhi 海國圖
志) tried to brief a court that had always been more preoccupied with the
protection of its northern heartlands on the current circumstances of the
Nanyang (南洋).2 After all, so widespread was the disinterest in maritime
affairs, Wei lamented, that when the news arrived of the barbarians’ estab-
lishment in Singapore, there was no one who knew where that place even
was. Despite China’s centuries- old tradition of sophisticated scholarship,
the all- encompassing ofcial histories also failed to provide a useful guide,
for they “stated that France [was] located near Malacca”.3 These series of
omissions and contradictory claims had pushed Wei to study and correct
these misunderstandings. His research had only conrmed his preoccupa-
tions. The West – the homeland of these barbarians – was a part, even if a
distant one, he reported, of the maritime peripheries that surrounded China.
In recent decades, due in no small part to the Qing dynasty’s neglect, their
forces had started to control the trade in the Nanyang with their superior
navy, expanding and establishing their hubs across it as pearls of a collar.
And yet, there was little that was new in the behavior of these pirates.
Wei Yuan himself noticed that, if the empire readdressed its own maritime
security and paid close attention to the Nanyang, these kingdoms of the
‘Great Western Ocean’ would once again accept China’s power, as would the
rest of Southeast Asia. Was it not true, after all, that Heaven had bestowed
its favor upon the Middle Kingdom for more than four thousand years? Had
not the great sage Confucius compiled the rituals and moral teachings of
antiquity? Had he not taught how to rule All- under- Heaven with kindness
and justice? Even in Wei’s own time, the Qing emperor, in distant Beijing,
still remained the pivotal point of contact with the divine, “the intermediate
between Heaven and Man”.4 As such, everyone expected him to guide the
whole world towards order and enlightenment. Despite the military victories
or economic success of those barbarians beyond the sea, China remained the
exclusive center of culture and civilization of the world. Here, to those who
like Wei Yuan strived to strengthen the empire, was a precious reassurance
that justied their intents.
Unsurprisingly, those barbarians who had defeated the Qing had an
almost opposite perception. The British did not comply with the Sinocentric
perspective of the likes of Wei Yuan. According to their own standards, it
was their island, a far off land in the northwestern coast of Eurasia, which
enjoyed a preponderant position as Mistress of the Seas. So much so in fact
that three decades later they would propose an imaginary line crossing it as
the denite division between east and west. Considering this pride on their
own native roots, it is not striking to note, then, that the British scorned
the claim of the Great Qing to the status of Middle Kingdom and that of
its emperor as a supernatural being. Believers in a crucied God, they knew
that there existed a fundamental cleavage between the affairs of heaven and
earth. Those who thought otherwise were mistaken, held tight by the chains

Introduction 3
of superstition. No individual, not even the self- proclaimed Son of Heaven,
could in the end be anything more than a man.
This does not mean, however, that the British themselves were wholly alien
to such a veneration for empire. Only 150 years before, the most popular
histories of England, the greatest kingdom of the British archipelago, still
dealt mainly with the facts of kings and queens, who were believed to pro-
vide perfect examples of virtues such as “Fortitude and Clemency”.5 The
idea that selected monarchs could decisively gather the favor of the divine
and intercede in front of the Almighty for their subjects had proven a hard
one to dispel. After all, for almost a millennium, England had stood as
a fragment of a larger community – Christendom – which, albeit effect-
ively divided among distinct kingdoms and principalities, still accepted
their nominal subjecthood to an imperial crown. For centuries, the heirs
of David, Constantine, and Charlemagne had arrogated for themselves the
right to rule as Christian emperors, as the Lord’s anointed deputies on earth,
and as ‘Lords of the World’ (dominus mundi). The Corpus Iuris Civilis, the
most important legal text of the Middle Ages, condently asserted that the
emperor was “lawful overlord and supreme monarch of Europe [and that]
every king was inferior to him”.6 Against these claims, The Fathers of the
Church replicated by stressing that any terrestrial power, whatever its ambi-
tion and earthly might, offered but the palest glimpse of the truly divine,
Heavenly City. And yet, despite their efforts, many in Europe still believed
that an emperor possessed miraculous powers and a direct connection with
the celestial.7
The breakup of this large encompassing entity that was Christendom in
the sixteenth century did not entirely dissipate the fragrance of imperial
authority. Everywhere across the continent, powerful monarchs started to
claim their right to the sacred endowments previously regarded as unique to
emperors. As the institution of the emperorship decayed, with even its nom-
inal supremacy plummeting, the Church rose in authority. And yet, not even
the power of the Pope could withstand that of kings. The latter, as internal
disputes ravaged the cloth of Christendom, dared to envision a future in
which it was them, and not a bishop from distant Rome, that held the most
direct connection with God.
That was exactly what the kings of England had done. First, in 1533, its
Parliament proclaimed that the realm of England was an “empire”, and that
its king, therefore, had “the dignity and royal estate of the imperial crown
of the same”.8 A year later, the supernatural powers attached to the gure of
the monarch were enlarged even further when he became “the only supreme
head in earth of the Church of England”.9 Thus fused within the royal body
earthly and divine power merged in a combination as no one had beheld
during the Middle Ages. One commentator, writing only a few decades later,
emphasized how the prince represented now “the life, the head, and the
authoritie of all thinges that be done in the realme of England”.10 Sacral

4 Introduction
monarchy, rather than being erased, was strikingly vindicated by the new
situation.
Subsequent rulers of England went on to explore the limits and actual
implications of such a sacral status. Some, like Mary Tudor, who reigned
during the mid- sixteenth century, seem to have felt rather uncomfortable
with the arrogation of powers previously considered exclusive to the papacy.
Others, like the Stuart kings, rushed to defend their claim to a wholly dis-
tinct and divine position. The rst of them to rule England, “a foreigner
devoid of respect for English traditions”11 according to the verdict of an
early twentieth- century historian, felt as condent as to instruct Parliament
about the unparalleled powers of a monarch. Kings, in his words, were not
“only God’s lieutenants upon earth, and sit upon God’s throne, but even by
God himself they are called gods”.12 It was for this reason that disobedience
to a monarch’s rule, rather than a mere act of rebellion, meant in fact an
attack against God’s own will.
This sacralization of kings and queens went hand in hand with a gen-
eral obsession with deciphering the plans of Providence. In the atmos-
phere of the day, religious discourses exerted the most profound inuence
over people’s minds. This, in combination with the multiplication of
printing presses and the emphasis put on literacy by the newly established
Protestant Churches produced an explosive effect on the availability of
these texts and their readership. In Britain, it was the Bible that offered the
ultimate source for authority and criticism. So great was its impact, in fact,
that a group of Puritans decided to leave England in search of the shores
of the Western Hemisphere inspired by the example of the Chosen People
of God and their Exodus from Egypt. Considering such an audience, it is
hardly surprising that, excluding the Bible, the most popular book of the
age was an account of Christian martyrdom.13 The conclusion was clear.
No matter what they called themselves – patriots, subjects, citizens – in the
end it was a sense of Christian belonging that framed the identity of Early
Modern England.
What to us seems a curious communion between a corpus of privileged
texts and divine rulership would have looked somewhat familiar to Chinese
literati such as Wei Yuan. Not for nothing, Chinese society had for cen-
turies classied the social and cultural status of its members according to
their knowledge of a series of documents best known as the ‘classics’ and
which allegedly contained the teachings of ancient sages.14 Most scholars
considered, in fact, that embedded within these works rested nothing less
than the key for understanding Heaven’s immutable designs for human-
kind. It was precisely for this reason that most educated people in China,
thoroughly steeped in the teachings of the sages, assumed that those
most familiar with their contents were also the most adequate to manage
publicaffairs.
This was the theoretical foundation behind the system of examinations
that selected imperial ofcials. It needed long years to learn how to compose

Introduction 5
a series of complex commentaries about the classical texts, and only
once they had attained success could candidates receive ofcial posts and
revenues through imperial appointment and depending on the type of exam-
ination: local, provincial, or at empire level. From this system, local elites
obtained a series of benets, most importantly “conrmation of their beliefs,
social status, political power, [and] landed wealth”.15 The Qing dynasty, on
the other hand, utilized it to bolster its own legitimacy as the rightful rulers
of China, the bulwark of traditional teaching, and as the sole patron of
the whole examination process. Given that the ultimate task of the whole
imperial state and of emperors themselves was to keep human society in
harmony and agreement with the divine, this painstaking selection of a bur-
eaucracy versed in managing affairs in agreement with cosmic forces was
especially crucial. After all, what clearest indicator of the empire’s accordance
to the Mandate of Heaven (tianming 天命) than the moral standing of a vir-
tuous ruler and his court?
However, although this image of a world order mediated through
sacralized sovereigns had remained more or less intact in China up to the
time of Wei Yuan, something very different had taken place in Britain. In
1649, the son of the king of England who had proclaimed the godly status
of monarchs was publicly executed on the wake of a bloody civil war. The
restoration of the Stuart dynasty, when it came after a period of republican
experimentation, proved incapable of dispelling the revolutionary creed
espoused by its opponents: that it was the people as a whole, via the action
of its representatives, which held an authority superior even to that of a
divinely appointed king. Despite their struggle against this novel notion, the
last Stuart monarch was deposed in 1688 and in the wake of such a revo-
lutionary event no one doubted that it had been Parliament, and not God,
that had toppled him and elected his successor. As a supporter of the new
regime explained, political succession was no longer “to be governed by
proximity of blood, but by weighing what is most expedient for the benet
of the community”.16
In the light of these abrupt changes, British intellectuals labored to elu-
cidate what had happened. Those in the winning camp, who for years had
opposed the absolutist tendencies of the Stuart monarchs, had become
accustomed to rejecting the authority of any individual who considered him-
self the repository of quasi- divine powers, be it a king or a pope. But, did
this mean that God had not designated monarchs to carry on His plans for
humanity? Were not sovereigns the tools for His will to be done “in earth,
as it is in heaven”17? The entire framework through which the people of
Britain had erstwhile interpreted world affairs seemed to be on the brink of
extinction.
Faced with such a threat, a completely different view of the world had
started to take shape. According to it, it was the people, through Parliament,
who had toppled the king and vindicated its own natural rights. This allowed
the reevaluation of the events of 1688. Previously denounced as a revolution

6 Introduction
against God’s deputies on earth, some intellectuals now insisted on saying
that it represented, in fact, the correction of an unhappy state of affairs that
those kings and queens of England had brought upon themselves when they
had tried to strip bare the liberties of the country. Some authors went as far
as to claim that this struggle between king and people was the most funda-
mental constant throughout the history of England, and that “the revolution
[was] an ancient and certain part of our constitution”.18 And, so, nation and
king had parted ways.
Seventy years after Wei Yuan nished his Treatise the Great Qing was
no more. Although the dynasty had claimed that it would reign over its
subjects (chenmin 臣民) for “ages eternal”,19 this had proven to be just
another one of its colossal miscalculations. Yet, after their fall, something
never before seen in China had ensued. Rather than a new dynasty, the
revolutionaries who had deposed the Qing established instead a repub-
lican regime. Its constitution, published on March 10, 1912, boastfully
declared that “the sovereignty of the Chinese Republic [was] vested in the
people” and described this group, made out of equal citizens (renmin 人
民), as the ultimate source of political power.20 The text made not a single
mention to Heaven, or to its Mandate, or to the teaching of the sages.
The change was so great, in fact, that to many, and not least to the revo-
lutionaries themselves, it must have seemed as if the world had turned
upside down. The legitimate mandate to rule, rather than a supernatural
prerogative bestowed upon the mighty, had turned out to be the complete
opposite: a command that grew upwards from the common and subjected
like the branches of a tree.
The years that immediately preceded and followed the fall of the Qing,
and particularly the period from 1890 to the revolution of 1911, bore
witness to a fundamental transformation in the way in which many in China
perceived not only politics, but the world itself. For a whole generation of
students, scholars, and ofcials, ideas that for centuries had provided the
axis of morality and social intercourse had stopped making sense. Any abso-
lute belief in the superior status of the empire, as Wei Yuan and his fellow
literati had espoused, was now almost gone. A new mental framework had
swept the old convictions, and not even the supernatural authority of an
emperor seemed powerful enough to sustain its attack. Of course, the dyn-
asty had tried to negotiate the new circumstances. The extent of its failure in
doing so was the lack of any mention of the Qing in the new constitution. In
the battle between the old and the new, between empire and nation, it was
not difcult to determine who had been the victor.
But, how had these ideas achieved such an enormous triumph? What was
so novel and so incredibly powerful in them that turned out to be unbeatable
for a system that claimed to have its roots buried deep in the most ancient
of antiquities? It is my deepest belief that we cannot grasp the answer to
these questions if we look solely at what happened in China between 1890
and the early 1910s. It is a much larger subject, both in geographical as in

Introduction 7
chronological terms, and which for this reason we must address in a com-
parative, historical way.
To us, living in a world in which the nation- state is the unopposed hege-
monic mode of political organization, many of the elements that I have
narrated up to this point seem rather ordinary. We have come to regard
empires as fossils of the past and to imagine the tide of popular sovereignty,
once awakened, as an unstoppable force. We nd it difcult to imagine a
world in which legitimacy to rule would come from above and not from
below, and in which the full power of the people was not so much suppressed
as not addressed at all. In fact, we go as far as to conceive populations
around the world as being neatly separated in equally sovereign societies,
of which China and Britain were only two, inescapably destined, in time,
to found their own nation- state. To the extent to which these assumptions
still permeate our views about the world, both in Europe as well as in Asia,
we inhabit the same mental horizon born out of the struggles against Stuart
kingship and that guided Chinese republicans to ground their authority on
the people. We are the offspring of the revolutionary change that made the
Qing disappear, and which, in due turn, would also see the British lose their
empire.
It is my objective in this work to trace this momentous change and its
ontological, moral, and political consequences, and to describe how the
ideas that sustain the nationalist worldview were accepted – or rejected –
by those who rst came into contact with and shaped them. I will expose
how they perceived these changes amid all the challenges and upheavals of
the age, in what way these new concepts affected their convictions about
the past and how they adapted to the new role claimed by the nation, and
the extent to which these modications, in turn, framed their own self-
understanding. In other words, I do not intend to provide a chronological
account of the events during the transition from empire to nation- state.
Rather, I aim at uncovering the logic that made these changes seem desir-
able, morally sound, and even necessary for the increasing number of indi-
viduals that espoused them.
The main thesis of this book is that nationalism is neither a political
ideology, nor an instrument in the hands of the powerful, let alone the mere
recognition of the natural communities of mankind. Of course, there is much
truth in these claims, and it is hard to defend that nationalism does not entail
fundamental implications for the development of political agendas. And yet,
a conception focused solely on these elements cannot exhaust every aspect
of its authentic inuence. This is because nationalism is, rst and foremost,
a way of making sense of the world, an ontological framework shaped by a
limited series of principles and assumptions about reality, and that it is only
in the conditions enabled by this worldview that nations can be imagined,
political projects be devised, or identities appear.
In the present moment, in which there exists a tendency to equate nation-
alism with radical political attitudes, studies such as this are indispensable

8 Introduction
to evidence the extent to which ideas about the nation, and the particular
positions of the mind necessary for this concept to have any meaning, are
central to our views about reality, history, and change. Instead of a marginal,
peripheral phenomenon identied with extreme right- wing political ideolo-
gies or irredentist claims, these works insist in picturing nationalism as a
“whole complex of beliefs, habits, representations, and practices”, which,
if reiterated enough, naturalize its constituent elements in an almost uncon-
scious way.21 If we are capable of identifying them, of isolating their signi-
cance and the inuence they exercise over our consciousness, we can expect
not only to gain a more complete understanding about our present societies,
but also a better appreciation of the ways in which other worldviews were
produced and reproduced in the past.
Benedict Anderson, one of the towering gures in nationalism studies,
once declared that it had been the magic of nationalism to transform
“fatality into continuity, contingency into meaning […,] to turn chance into
destiny”.22 It is the ultimate ambition of this work to shed light on how
such a transformation took place, almost simultaneously, in two societies
as distant and distinct as the ones analyzed in this study, and how it had
come to be that no state, be it powerful or weak, Western or Asian, imperial
or republican, could help but express its anxieties, its legitimacy, and its
international position in terms which basically stemmed from a nationalist
worldview. In short, it attempts to trace, from a comparative and panoramic
perspective, the arrival of the world of nations.
Notes
1 Li Dou, Chronicle of the Painted Barques of Yangzhou (Yangzhou huafang lu 揚
州畫舫錄, 1795), quoted in Antonia Finnane, “Yangzhou’s ‘Mondernity’: Fashion
and Consumption in the Early Nineteenth Century”, Positions 11, 2 (2003): 400.
2 The South Seas, a name that referred to the southern coast of China and to the
lands and archipelagos of Southeast Asia.
3 Wei Yuan, Illustrated Treatise on the Sea Kingdoms (Haiguo Tuzhi 海國圖志,
1847), quoted in Jane Kate Leonard, Wei Yuan and China’s Rediscovery of the
Maritime World (Cambridge, MA – London: Harvard University Press, 1984),
100– 101.
4 Shogo Suzuki, “The Agency of Subordinate Polities: Western Hegemony in the East
Asian Mirror” in Everyday Politics of the World Economy, eds. John M. Hobson
and Leonard Seabrooke (Cambridge – New York: Cambridge University Press,
2007), 181– 182.
5 Richard Baker, A Chronicle of the Kings of England From the Time of the
Romans’ Government unto the Death of King James (London: George Sawbridge
and Thomas Williams, 1670), Preface.
6 Walter Ullman, “The Development of the Medieval Idea of Sovereignty”, The
English Historical Review (1949): 3.
7 Richard C. McCoy, Alterations of State: Sacred Kingship in the English
Reformation (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), X.

Introduction 9
8 Act in Restraint of Appeals (1532).
9 Act of Supremacy (1534).
10 Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum (1583), quoted in McCoy, Alterations
of State, 18.
11 Vincent A. Smith and Robert Balmain Mowat, The Oxford History of England
for Schools in India (London: Oxford University Press, 1924), 170.
12 James VI, A Speech to the Lords and Commons of the Parliament at White- Hall
(1610).
13 The book was John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs (1554). As Liah Greenfeld explains,
“[t] he status of Foxe’s book, the inuence it was allowed to exert on the minds of
sixteenth- and seventeenth- century Englishmen, was far above that of any other
work of the age, and comparable only to that of the Bible”. See Liah Greenfeld,
Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA – London: Harvard
University Press, 1992), 61.
14 As most scholars understood them in late Qing times, these included the
so- called ‘Four Books and Five Classics’ (sishu wujing 四書五經). The Five
Classics were the Yijing (Classic of Changes 易經), the Shijing (Classic of Songs
詩經), the Shujing (Classic of Documents 書經), and the Chunqiu (Spring and
Autumn Annals春秋). The Four Books were the Lunyu (Analects of Confucius
論語), the Mengzi (Book of Mencius 孟子), the Daxue (Great Learning 大學),
and the Zhongyong (Doctrine of the Mean 中庸).
15 Benjamin A. Elman, A Cultural History of Civil Examinations in Late
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16 Robert Ferguson, Late Recourse to Arms (1689), quoted in McCoy, Alterations
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17 Matthew. 6.10.
18 John Oldmixon, Critical History of England (1726), quoted in M. G. Sullivan,
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19 Chuzo Ichiko, “Political and Institutional Reform, 1901– 11” in The Cambridge
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20 “The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China”, American Journal of
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21 Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism (London: SAGE, 1995), 6.
22 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reections on the Origins and
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