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Enhancing the relevance of physical activity research by engaging Aboriginal Peoples in the research process

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Abstract

The purpose of this research was to identify relevant and respectful research topics and questions that address the physical activity of urban Aboriginal youth. A community-based research partnership was developed among three members of a Canadian university and two members of an Aboriginal organization. As a result of this partnership, six community consultations with 10–15 Aboriginal youth and stakeholders took place over three months. Consultations were recorded and transcribed, and a thematic analysis was conducted. Community consultations supported the identification of physical activity research topics and questions that need more attention. Using the words of the participants, findings are represented in five themes: (1) "motivator as the parent," (2) "it's still word of mouth," (3) "incorporate culture," (4) "it's all about the money," and (5) "you're treated a little bit different." In addition, notions of "sport," "community," and "culture" are notable threads that span the five themes. The findings led to the development of an overarching research question for a recently awarded national research grant. This research is a practical example of how Aboriginal peoples can and should be involved in the identification of relevant physical activity research questions.
© Pimatisiwin: A Journal of Aboriginal and Indigenous Community Health 11(2) 2013 293
Abstract
The purpose of this research was to identify relevant and
respectful research topics and questions that address
the physical activity of urban Aboriginal youth. A
community-based research partnership was developed
among three members of a Canadian university and two
members of an Aboriginal organization. As a result of this
partnership, six community consultations with 10–15
Aboriginal youth and stakeholders took place over three
months. Consultations were recorded and transcribed,
and a thematic analysis was conducted. Community
consultations supported the identification of physical
activity research topics and questions that need more
attention. Using the words of the participants, findings
are represented in five themes: (1) “motivator as the
parent,” (2) “it’s still word of mouth,” (3) “incorporate
culture,” (4) “it’s all about the money,” and (5) “you’re
treated a little bit different.” In addition, notions of
“sport,” “community,” and “culture” are notable threads
that span the five themes. The findings led to the
development of an overarching research question for a
recently awarded national research grant. This research
is a practical example of how Aboriginal peoples can
and should be involved in the identification of relevant
physical activity research questions.
Keywords: Aboriginal, youth, physical activity, sport,
culture, community consultations, qualitative, Canada
Introduction
The health benefits of physical activity are well es-
tablished, and research has documented the effect-
iveness of regular physical activity in the prevention
of several chronic diseases, including diabetes and
obesity (Warburton et al., 2006). Physical activity is
often promoted in an effort to address health, and it
is promising to know that Aboriginal1 youth under-
stand the importance of regular physical activity to
reduce the risk of chronic diseases such as obesity
and diabetes (Perry and Hoffman, 2010). Despite
the known health benefits of physical activity, recent
research has suggested that only an average of 7%
of young people in Canada meet the recommended
level of 60 minutes of moderate-to-vigorous physic-
al activity per day (Colley et al., 2011). Few published
studies have exclusively focused on the physical ac-
tivity rates of young Aboriginal peoples in Canada.
Of the studies that have included Aboriginal youth,
the First Nations Information Governance Centre
(FNIGC, 2012) reported that less than half of First
Nations youth are considered active. Similarly, a
recent systematic review of the physical activity of
Native American peoples in Canada and the United
States found inactive levels of physical activity were
reported by more than one-third of children and
youth (Foulds et al., 2013). It is critical to focus on
the physical activity of Aboriginal youth, since many
are not active enough to receive health benefits.
1 “Aboriginal peoples” is an encompassing term that includes those
individuals who identify as First Nations, Inuit, or Métis (Statistics
Canada, 2008).
Enhancing the Relevance of
Physical Activity Research by
Engaging Aboriginal Peoples in the
Research Process
Tara-Leigh F. McHugh
Bethan C. Kingsley
Angela M. Coppola
Acknowledgements. Our deepest gratitude is offered to our two com-
munity partners who played an equal role in the success of this research.
We would also like to thank all of the participants for sharing their
knowledge and contributing to the physical activity literature. This re-
search was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council.
294 © Pimatisiwin: A Journal of Aboriginal and Indigenous Community Health 11(2) 2013
There is relatively little research or published
knowledge regarding the factors that influence
the physical activity of Aboriginal youth (Willows,
2005). Some studies (e.g., Coble and Rhodes, 2006)
have documented the barriers to physical activity,
but Mason and Koehli (2012) described the need
for more research that highlights the perspectives
of Aboriginal youth. Grounded in the words of par-
ticipants, their research provided a rich understand-
ing of the various physical activity constraints (e.g.,
racism, transportation, facilities) experienced by
Aboriginal youth in Edmonton and Morley, Alberta.
The voices of Aboriginal youth were also highlighted
in a recent study by McHugh (2011), which shed
light on some of the benefits (e.g., builds bonds) and
constraints (e.g., financial burden) of being physic-
ally active. By providing opportunities for Aboriginal
youth to share their diverse and rich experiences, re-
searchers are gaining a better understanding of the
complexities surrounding their physical activity par-
ticipation and experiences. A history of colonization
in Canada has had a negative impact on the health
of Aboriginal peoples through various social deter-
minants of health (Loppie Reading and Wien, 2009),
and the detrimental impact of colonization has like-
ly affected the physical activity of Aboriginal youth.
The health challenges and broader inequity issues
experienced by Aboriginal peoples are justification
for the development of culturally relevant physical
activity programming driven by locally identified
needs (Giles, 2007).
Various researchers (e.g., McHugh and Kowalski,
2011; Sutherland et al., 2007) have described the im-
portance of working with Aboriginal communities
to develop culturally relevant programs. McHugh
and Kowalski (2011) engaged Aboriginal youth from
a Saskatoon school community in participatory ac-
tion research to address body image through a var-
iety of initiatives, including physical activity pro-
grams. Similarly, in their work with a remote First
Nation community, Sutherland et al. (2007) high-
lighted the importance of gathering community
input for health promotion programming. Although
it is promising to see that Aboriginal peoples are
being more actively engaged in physical activity re-
search, there is still a need for more physical activ-
ity research that is driven by the needs and wants
of Aboriginal youth. The voices and experiences of
Aboriginal peoples, and Aboriginal youth in particu-
lar, are noticeably absent in the vast physical activity
research literature. For research to be relevant and
respectful, it is critical to include Aboriginal peoples
throughout the entire research process, including
the identification of research topics and questions.
The purpose of this research was to engage
Aboriginal youth and stakeholders in a development
project focused on identifying relevant and respect-
ful research topics and questions that address the
physical activity of urban Aboriginal youth. More
specifically, a unique funding opportunity from a
national research agency supported the critical pro-
cesses of: (a) creating a community-based research
partnership, and (b) conducting community consul-
tations to identify physical activity research topics
and questions that are relevant to urban Aboriginal
youth.
Collaborative Methods
Various Aboriginal scholars (e.g., Battiste, 2002;
Smith, 1999) have written about the importance of
including Aboriginal peoples in the research process.
Edwards et al. (2008) highlighted the value of in-
cluding community experience and expertise when
engaging in research with Aboriginal peoples. The
critical need to include Aboriginal peoples in the re-
search process has also been established by Castellano
(2004) who argued that Aboriginal peoples have
the right to participate as partners in research that
generates knowledge affecting Aboriginal peoples.
Aboriginal youth have also voiced the critical need
for their inclusion in research. A report by the Royal
Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP, 1996)
stated that Aboriginal youth want to be part of the
development of solutions for the various challenges
experienced by their communities. Thus, Aboriginal
youth should be actively involved in addressing im-
portant health challenges, such as those associated
with physical inactivity.
Community-based participatory research in-
volves participants in all aspects of the research pro-
cess (Daley et al., 2010). Nevertheless, participants
are often not included in the identification of re-
search topics; participants more often become in-
Enhancing the Relevance of Physical Activity Research by Engaging Aboriginal peoples in the Research Process 295
volved in the research during the data collection. It
has been argued by Battiste and Henderson (2000)
that researchers need to be more responsive and re-
sponsible to the knowledge of the participants by
having their direct input in the development of re-
search projects.
Engaging Aboriginal peoples in the research
process from the very beginning, including the de-
velopment of the research topic and question, will
also enhance the likelihood that the research is eth-
ical. As suggested by Battiste (2002), the single most
important ethical principle of Aboriginal research is
that Aboriginal peoples should have control of their
own knowledge. Since customary approaches to re-
search typically distance Aboriginal peoples from
the construction and legitimization of knowledge,
Bishop (2005) noted that Aboriginal peoples have
many concerns about who is in control of the re-
search and who will benefit from it. Battiste stressed
that the only way to ensure that Aboriginal peoples
are in control of research is to involve them through-
out the whole research process. The methodological
approach utilized in this research (i.e., community-
based participatory research) ensured that partici-
pants were involved throughout the entire research
process.
Community-based Partnership and
Consultations
A research partnership was developed among three
women from a Canadian university (researcher,
graduate student, and research assistant) and two
women from an Aboriginal organization (manager,
staff member) within one of the Edmonton School
Divisions.2 The research assistant and one staff
member self-identified as Aboriginal people and the
other three partners identified as non-Aboriginal
people. All members of the partnership have experi-
ence engaging in research with Aboriginal peoples.
They understand and adhere to the various ethical
guidelines and principles for engaging in research
with Aboriginal peoples such as those outlined in
Chapter 9 of the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical
Conduct for Research Involving Humans (Canadian
2 The two women from the Aboriginal organization were active part-
ners throughout all phases of this research project. However, in an
effort to support their anonymity, the name of their organization is
not revealed.
Institutes of Health Research, Natural Sciences
and Engineering Research Council of Canada, and
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
Canada, 2010).
Our previous research experience with
Aboriginal peoples (McHugh and Kowalski, 2011)
has shed light on the critical role of community
partnerships in the overall success of research pro-
jects. Fletcher (2003), in his work with Aboriginal
communities, argues that the most critical phase of
research is the initial contact and relationship build-
ing. Thus, the development of a research partnership
was a critical first step in this development project.
All five members of the research partnership met
two times per month for three months to establish
a research partnership. Each meeting lasted approxi-
mately 1 hour and the discussion focused on shar-
ing guiding research perspectives, values, and over-
arching goals for the project.
As a result of the strong research partnership that
developed, one of the members from the Aboriginal
organization agreed to become the known sponsor
for the research. A known sponsor is someone who
has a legitimate relationship with the group of inter-
est (Patton, 2002), which in this case was Aboriginal
youth and stakeholders interested in the physical
activity of Aboriginal youth (e.g., family members,
school staff). The known sponsor recruited partici-
pants within Edmonton, organized consultation lo-
cations, and co-facilitated consultations.
Upon receiving ethical approval from our uni-
versity research ethics board, six community con-
sultations took place over three months. All con-
sultations were audio-recorded and transcribed ver-
batim. Various researchers (e.g., Daley et al., 2010;
Fleming et al., 2006; McIntyre et al., 2001; Shea et
al., 2011) have demonstrated the strength of using
focus groups and talking circles in research with
Aboriginal peoples. Despite their uniqueness, focus
groups and talking circles both support participants
in sharing their knowledge and experience in group
settings. Within this project, the partnership used
the term “community consultation” to describe the
group setting for sharing knowledge and experience
because consultation has been identified as a critical
feature of research with Aboriginal peoples (Smith,
2005).
296 © Pimatisiwin: A Journal of Aboriginal and Indigenous Community Health 11(2) 2013
Each consultation consisted of 10–15 partici-
pants, which included Aboriginal youth (14–18
years old), family members, and school staff mem-
bers who live in Edmonton. Each participant took
part in one consultation, and a total of 68 people
participated. An Elder associated with the school
district also engaged in a consultation to share his
knowledge with respect to the project purpose. The
known sponsor and either the graduate student
or research assistant co-facilitated each consulta-
tion. Participants were informed of the study pur-
pose and were asked questions (e.g., What type of
physical activity research would be meaningful for
Aboriginal youth? What don’t we understand about
the physical activity of Aboriginal youth?) to iden-
tify physical activity research topics and questions
relevant to Aboriginal youth. The encompassing na-
ture of the term “physical activity” is documented
in physical activity research focusing on the unique
perspectives of Aboriginal youth (e.g., Mason and
Koehli, 2012; McHugh, 2011). Such research sup-
ports the contention that Aboriginal peoples may
not make a distinction between the terms sport, re-
creation, and physical activity (Canadian Heritage,
2005). Since the intent of this research was to iden-
tify relevant physical activity research questions, the
research partnership wanted to provide participants
with an opportunity to speak about physical activity
as it is understood and defined by them. Therefore,
participants were not provided with a specific defin-
ition of the term “physical activity” prior to the con-
sultations. Each consultation lasted approximately 1
hour and, as recommended by Creswell (1998), took
place at a location and time that was convenient to
participants. Thus, each consultation took place at
either a local school or community centre.
Data Analysis
Members of the partnership analyzed community
consultation data using the general 6-step quali-
tative data analysis process outlined by Creswell
(2007). Step 1 involved organizing and preparing all
of the community consultation transcripts. The in-
tent of step 2 was to read the transcripts and gain a
general sense of the participants’ experiences. Step
3 was the detailed analysis, which involved coding,
or the process of organizing material into chunks,
segmenting text into categories, and then labeling
categories or themes with a term (Rossman and
Rallis, 1998). Step 4 was the development of theme
descriptions based on the words of the participants.
Members of the partnership decided in step 5 how
the themes would be represented, which in this case
was a narrative passage that outlines five themes.
Step 6 was interpretation of the data. These inter-
pretations are presented in the discussion.
Findings were verified using various strategies
outlined by Creswell (1998) and Morse et al. (2002).
Specifically, sampling was appropriate (Morse et
al., 2002) in that participants with relevant know-
ledge participated in the study. Triangulation of
sources developed a deeper understanding (Creswell,
1998). Participants with different viewpoints (i.e.,
Aboriginal youth and stakeholders) were included
to develop a deeper understanding of the import-
ant physical activity research topics and questions.
Because the processes of data collection and analy-
sis are interrelated and inform one another, data
was collected and analyzed concurrently (Morse et al.,
2002). Research themes were presented to a group
of interested participants for member-checking or
verifying findings (Creswell, 1998). Participants were
given the option to add, alter, or delete themes,
and through this process the themes were refined.
A particularly positive aspect of member-checking
with Aboriginal peoples is the recognition that par-
ticipants are the “knowers” of their contexts and
environments and must be included in the reflec-
tion and reconstruction of their experiences and
knowledge (Smith, 1999). Bishop (2005) described
how research from a Eurocentric standpoint has
generally misrepresented or silenced the experien-
ces and knowledge of Aboriginal peoples. Member-
checking was a critical component of ensuring that
participants’ knowledge was accurately represented.
Finally, thick, rich description was utilized by shar-
ing the knowledge of the participants through direct
quotations (Creswell, 1998).
Findings
Community consultations supported the identifi-
cation of physical activity research topics and ques-
Enhancing the Relevance of Physical Activity Research by Engaging Aboriginal peoples in the Research Process 297
tions that were perceived as needing more attention.
In an effort to clearly and succinctly highlight the
knowledge shared by the participants, members of
the partnership agreed that a thematic represen-
tation of identified research topics and questions
was most appropriate. Although the findings of the
consultations are represented as somewhat distinct
themes, it is important to note that the themes
are interrelated. The five themes, supported by the
words of the participants, are: (1) “motivator as the
parent,” (2) “it’s still word of mouth,” (3) “incorpor-
ate culture,” (4) “it’s all about the money,” and (5)
“you’re treated a little bit different.” In addition, no-
tions of sport, community, and culture are notable
threads that span the five themes.
“Motivator as the Parent”
Throughout all of the consultations it was clear that
participants want to gain a better understanding of
the role that parents play in their child’s participa-
tion in physical activity. Parents were considered re-
sponsible for getting their child active at a young age
so that physical activity is viewed as something posi-
tive. As suggested by one parent,
I think you [parents] need to start when they’re
young to get them on the right track. If you don’t
start them young, then when they’re seven, eight,
nine, and once they get to the school age, they
don’t want to do it because they’ve never been
taught it. You have to be the motivator as the par-
ent. You have to be the one to show them what to
do so they do it.
This participant argued that when Aboriginal
youth do not want to be physically active, it is be-
cause they have never been taught the many positive
benefits of physical activity.
The participants also argued that being a good
role model is likely part of being a motivating par-
ent. The importance of positive role modeling was
articulated by one participant who said,
If your parents aren’t going to get off the couch to
take you to hockey, you’re not going to want to do
that when you’re 15 either.
This participant made the argument that youth
learn behaviours, such as physical activity or sed-
entary behaviours, from their parents and it is not
fair to expect youth to be active when they have not
been introduced to such behaviours by their par-
ents. Similarly, another participant stated,
Because you’ll often see or you’ll hear that if par-
ents read a lot, their kids read a lot. So if parents
are involved in physical activity, if they’re dancing,
or whatever they’re doing, the kids are going to
learn to dance.
If parents engaged in physical activities, this partici-
pant argued, youth would follow their behaviour.
Participants also argued that there is a need to
better understand the way parents provide youth
with the “tools” and “skills” to get involved in
physical activity. As suggested by one participant,
I think it’s the parents … not giving them [their
children] the skills and the communication that
they need to have that voice and to speak and to
go and join in the sport.
This participant argued that many youth likely have
the physical skills to participate in physical activity,
but not the necessary confidence to get involved,
particularly in organized sport. Participants argued
that parents could motivate their children to be-
come physically active by teaching them the skills,
such as communication skills, to facilitate their in-
volvement in physical activity.
“It’s still Word of Mouth”
Although there was agreement that parents need
to take responsibility to get their children involved
in physical activity, many suggested that a lack of
access to information about physical activity pro-
grams is often a barrier to youth physical activity
and that this barrier needs to be better understood.
One participant simply stated that the main barrier
that prevents her children from being involved in
physical activity is “lack of information about avail-
able programs.” Another father concurred, “It is real-
ly difficult to know how to get kids into programs.”
When he discussed getting his sons into hockey, he
said that he did not know where to get equipment
or where to find the programs to sign them up.
For example, he heard of a program that gives free
equipment to youth, but he did not know how to
find this program. These participants made it very
298 © Pimatisiwin: A Journal of Aboriginal and Indigenous Community Health 11(2) 2013
clear that they wanted to support youth to be phys-
ically active, but lack of access to information about
physical activity opportunities is often a prominent
barrier to participation.
Many participants stressed the need to better
understand the relevance of barriers associated with
access to information for Aboriginal peoples. As sug-
gested by one participant,
Often our families are moving a lot and kids are
coming and going from different schools and so
everybody may not have web access.
The participants also explained that many of the
forms to register in structured physical activities are
primarily available online. Similarly, programs that
provide free equipment to deserving youth are often
advertised online and therefore likely not accessible
for many youth. The challenge associated with com-
municating through telephones was also articulat-
ed, “And sometimes their [parents] phone was cut
off, its still word of mouth.” Participants argued
that telephones or web access might not be the best
way to communicate with some Aboriginal peoples.
“Word of mouth” was described as one of the best
ways to distribute information about physical ac-
tivity programs to Aboriginal youth. However, par-
ticipants recognize that this practice is considered a
thing of the past since the Internet is now the pri-
mary means for communicating such information.
Although participants described the many bar-
riers associated with access to information, they also
described the potential role of schools, and school
staff, in distributing information. As suggested by a
participant,
I think our principals are pretty good when you
send them information. They’re pretty good at dis-
tributing to families and so on.
As a person who offers physical activity programs
to Aboriginal youth, she believes that schools might
be one of the best avenues for communicating
with youth about physical activity opportunities.
Similarly, another participant argued,
Well in many ways we’re lucky because we’re a
school district, so we see the kids regularly. And if
we can get them to buy in, then we can usually get
the families to buy in and find out their contact
information.
Thus, participants recognized access to information
as a key barrier to physical activity for Aboriginal
youth, but also argued for more research to explore
the potential role of schools in providing youth with
information regarding physical activity programs.
“It’s All about the Money”
The impeding cost associated with participating in
various physical activities, particularly more organ-
ized sport, was also discussed in all consultations.
One participant stated, “Finances play a big part of
not being in sport.” Participants expressed a need for
more research regarding ways in which youth can
overcome this barrier, described as the primary rea-
son for youth not participating in many physical ac-
tivities. One participant explained,
I think a big barrier is definitely the money. ’Cause
I got my guy in hockey, so there’s money used
for lessons, which is like through the roof. Not to
mention the equipment that he needs just to even
play and he’s constantly growing out of it. That’s
a lot of money, even when you’re trying second-
hand or trading stuff, it’s still a lot of money. We
did a tournament and thats another couple hun-
dred right there.
Another participant expressed very similar senti-
ments,
To actually play organized sport needs money. It’s
all about the money and the equipment and what
kind of equipment you have. So I think that plays a
big factor why Aboriginal youth don’t participate.
A lot of families don’t have $800 extra a month to
put towards an organized sport.
Participants argued that costs associated with
various physical activities are likely a barrier experi-
enced by all youth but Aboriginal youth are particu-
larly limited by costs of physical activity.
Recognizing that costs associated with particu-
lar activities are inevitable, another participant iden-
tified the need to find ways to overcome such costs.
She said,
The cost is a challenge, especially for parents who
are on a tight budget. Are there programs that can
help?
She argued that if parents could find financial sup-
port to cover the cost associated with some of the
Enhancing the Relevance of Physical Activity Research by Engaging Aboriginal peoples in the Research Process 299
physical activities, it would increase the number of
Aboriginal youth participating in physical activity.
Building on this notion, another participant argued,
It would be nice to see more opportunities for
some of the physical activities that they do engage
in to lead to employment, like refereeing games if
they’ve had lots of experiences with hockey or soc-
cer. Using that skill to actually get some money out
of it and do some part-time work.
Alongside the notion that financial barriers lim-
it Aboriginal youth’s physical activity participation,
the idea that youth might financially benefit from
their physical activity involvement, is an area of
study that was identified as needing more attention.
“You’re Treated a little Bit Different”
The participants in the community consultations
described the discrimination that is often experi-
enced by Aboriginal youth, and how it could af-
fect their physical activity. Participants argued that
discrimination “is not a thing of the past” and that
more research is needed to explore how it affects the
physical activity of Aboriginal youth. One partici-
pant clearly articulated the importance of exploring
discrimination,
The whole discrimination factor is important to
look at. ’Cause I know just with my son, he played
competitive high school basketball. I mean, he had
to face stuff like being called “chief” and all that
kind of stuff in our high schools. Like those are
our high schools we work in, and he faced that.
He was the only native kid on his team, he was the
only brown kid on his team. So it’s [discrimina-
tion] totally there. And how much does that keep
our kids off those teams?
Another participant expressed similar sentiments,
Like how hard is it for our kids [Aboriginal youth]
to try out for a basketball team or volleyball team
when they’re the only brown kid in that change
room? What does that feel like?
Many of the examples of discrimination were de-
scribed within more structured or organized sport
contexts, but the participants argued that such an
experience in organized sport could influence the
attitudes for youth to participate in any physical ac-
tivity.
When describing examples of discrimination,
participants made it clear that discrimination comes
in many forms. As suggested by one participant,
Not that people are always saying things, but just
action and the way that you’re treated a little bit
differently, and looked at a little bit differently.
This participant was clear that discrimination may
not come in the form of specific derogatory terms; it
can be subtle if Aboriginal youth are just treated “dif-
ferently.” Many of the participants had very clear ex-
amples of how offensive terms are often used when
referring to Aboriginal peoples involved in sport. In
talking about her brother who is a professional ath-
lete, one participant said, “He still gets, ‘Hey chief.’
He still gets that stuff.” The examples provided by
participants demonstrate that discrimination can
take many forms.
The manner in which Aboriginal youth deal
with discrimination also emerged from the consul-
tations. One participant explained,
A lot of kids will reflect whatever they hear from
home. Like parents’ attitudes about whether
they’re going to be proud of who they are, or
whether they’re going to let discrimination hold
them back. A lot of them [youth] seem to reflect
what they’ve heard at home.
Participants argued that parents need to teach
their children how to cope with discrimination, but
this did not negate the importance of working to
eliminate discrimination. Participants were very
clear that more research is needed to better under-
stand the impacts of discrimination on Aboriginal
youth physical activity, and how this discrimination
can be eliminated.
“Incorporat e our Culture”
Participants argued that research should explore
how Aboriginal culture could support Aboriginal
youth’s participation in physical activity. As sug-
gested by one participant,
Maybe since it’s [physical activity] directed for, or
to Aboriginal people, try to incorporate our cul-
ture and some other things that we would do for
physical activity.
300 © Pimatisiwin: A Journal of Aboriginal and Indigenous Community Health 11(2) 2013
Even those participants who do not feel particularly
connected to their Aboriginal culture argued that
an incorporation of such culture into youth physical
activity could support participation. As suggested by
one participant,
My daughter’s in jingle dancing. I mean, thats the
only Aboriginal thing; we don’t know our culture.
We weren’t raised around our culture so this is all
learning for us.
She further described how she is happy that her
daughter is getting involved in her culture through
dancing because now she is being more active.
Participants argued that Aboriginal culture
could be incorporated into physical activities by en-
suring that Aboriginal peoples are in charge of pro-
gramming. One participant argued,
Not only that the groups would be there for them,
but that there’s Aboriginal people in charge and
providing service whichever it may be like dance,
hockey, swimming. That it’s led by their own com-
munity, so they feel comfortable.
Building on this, participants argued that if Abori-
ginal peoples were in charge of programming, then
physical activities that are often engaged in by
Aboriginal peoples would likely receive more recog-
nition. As argued by one participant,
In the community that I work in, on the weekends,
they’re [youth] usually on the powwow trail. So
that is activity as well.
She argued that even though dance is a cultural ac-
tivity it should also be recognized as physical activ-
ity. Similarly, another participant explained,
We were able to get the high school students credit
for being part of the dance troupe. And that year
we got them recognized as a sports team and they
got medals just like all the other teams did.
Participants argued that this recognition by the
school could be an important step for incorporating
Aboriginal culture into physical activity programs.
Participants also mentioned the many teachings
in Aboriginal culture that are particularly relevant to
sport. As stated by a participant,
I remember at powwow one year we had an Elder
get up and MC and he was talking about competi-
tion, it’s a natural thing. Those trees in the forest
they compete against one another for the sun and
water. Just the whole talk he gave was a nice way
to look at it.
As argued by this participant, there is value in incor-
porating the teachings from Aboriginal culture into
sport and physical activity. Thus, it is important to
explore the role that Aboriginal culture plays in sup-
porting youth to be physically active.
Discussion
This research makes a notable methodological con-
tribution to the physical activity research literature.
Although there are encouraging examples of health
research that has actively involved Aboriginal peoples
in research processes (e.g., Kirby et al., 2007; McHugh
and Kowalski, 2011; Shea et al., 2011), there is still
an absence of physical activity research that involves
Aboriginal peoples in the identification of relevant
research questions. As argued by Smith (1999), the
only way to ensure that Aboriginal peoples benefit
from research is to actively engage them in all phases
of the research process and the creation of know-
ledge. This research serves as a practical example of
how Aboriginal peoples can and should be involved
in physical activity research, including the identifica-
tion of research topics and questions.
This research is also significant in that it high-
lights physical activity research topics and questions
that are important to urban Aboriginal youth and
stakeholders. The themes presented suggest that
participants want more research focused on poten-
tial barriers to physical activity. This is not particu-
larly surprising given that Aboriginal youth may
face many barriers that can prevent them from liv-
ing an active, healthy lifestyle (Brown et al., 2005).
It is important to note that the barriers described
by the participants in this study must be under-
stood within the urban context in which the partici-
pants live. The determinants of health for Aboriginal
peoples vary across and within rural, urban, settle-
ment, and reserve communities (Loppie Reading
and Wien, 2009). Although some findings from this
research may be transferable to communities out-
side urban centres, the primary strength of this re-
search is that it provided an opportunity for urban
Enhancing the Relevance of Physical Activity Research by Engaging Aboriginal peoples in the Research Process 301
Aboriginal youth to share their insights. Relatively
little is known about the experiences and per-
spectives of urban Aboriginal peoples (Environics
Institute, 2010) and given that more than half of
Canada’s Aboriginal population lives in urban cen-
tres (Statistics Canada, 2008), it is critical that their
voices are heard.
Various studies have explored the barriers and
factors related to the physical activity of Indigenous
peoples3 (e.g., Coble and Rhodes, 2006; Nelson et al.,
2010); therefore, another descriptive research study
might not be particularly novel. However, in addition
to identifying the importance of barriers, common
across all themes were notions of sport, community,
and culture. Members of the partnership met three
times over a one month period to “make sense of the
findings” and develop an overarching research ques-
tion based on the shared knowledge of the partici-
pants. From these meetings the following overarch-
ing research question was developed: How can fos-
tering a sense of community enhance sport oppor-
tunities for Aboriginal youth? This research question
was presented to a group of interested participants
as part of the member-checking process, and they
agreed that it was representative of the knowledge
they shared in the community consultations.
This overarching research question moves be-
yond a sole focus on barriers, to a more compre-
hensive view of how communities can address such
barriers. For example, participants in this study
argued that parents or guardians play an important
role in youth physical activity. However, if parental
support is not available could a sense of connection
to a community support youth in being physically
active? Findings from previous research suggest that
this is a possibility. For example, Coble and Rhodes
(2006) identified the social environment or know-
ing someone who exercises as an important correl-
ate of physical activity among Native Americans.
Similarly, Nelson and colleagues (2010) described
how Indigenous young people identified family in-
fluences as important in encouraging participation
in physical activity. It is possible that if Aboriginal
3 The term Indigenous refers to Aboriginal people internationally
(National Aboriginal Health Organization [NAHO], n.d.). In this
paper, the term refers to Aboriginal people in Australia and the
United States.
youth do not feel the support of their parents, they
could in turn find valuable support from other
members of their community.
Some of our previous work (McHugh, 2011) has
suggested that communities may play an import-
ant role in supporting Aboriginal youth to over-
come sport participation barriers. The relationship
between family income and participation in physic-
al activities among all youth is well established
(Ferreira et al., 2007). Furthermore, various stud-
ies have suggested that poverty (e.g., Dogra et al.,
2010), economic disparity (e.g., Kirby et al., 2007),
and financial barriers (e.g., McHugh, 2011) are fac-
tors that may limit physical activity participation
among Aboriginal peoples. Would connection to a
community make it possible for youth to navigate
some of the financial barriers? For example, pro-
grams may exist within their communities that cov-
er the cost of equipment or program registration. It
is possible that a connection to community could
enhance sport opportunities for Aboriginal youth.
In addition to financial barriers, could com-
munities support Aboriginal youth in overcoming
barriers related to the discrimination identified by
participants? Previous research (e.g., Schinke et al.,
2010) suggests that Aboriginal adolescent athletes in
mainstream sport may have to negotiate responses
to racism and discrimination. Are there systems
in place within communities to support youth in
addressing racism? Iwasaki’s (2006) research with
Aboriginal peoples showed how culturally based ac-
tivities, such as dancing, may be a useful means to
address racism. Thus, communities could offer cul-
turally based activities to address discrimination and
support sport opportunities for Aboriginal youth.
Not only is it important to understand the role
of community in supporting sport opportunities for
Aboriginal youth, but it is also important to better
understand Aboriginal youth’s meanings of com-
munity. In their work with Australian Aboriginal
peoples, Thompson and colleagues (2000) argued
that the complex meanings that Aboriginal peoples
tie to their community need to be considered in
physical activity research. However, the challenge as-
sociated with trying to define community was noted
in some of our previous research with Aboriginal
302 © Pimatisiwin: A Journal of Aboriginal and Indigenous Community Health 11(2) 2013
youth (McHugh and Kowalski, 2009). Smith (1999),
has argued that people can belong to a number of
different communities and that communities are
self-defined spaces. Our research (McHugh and
Kowlski, 2009, 2011) demonstrates that commun-
ities typically form around the goals and interests of
a particular group. Given the potential for commun-
ities to enhance sport opportunities for Aboriginal
youth, an understanding of Aboriginal youth’s
meanings of community is crucial.
The use of the term sport rather than physical
activity in the overarching research question was a
purposeful decision. Despite this project’s broader
focus on physical activity, most of the discussion in
community consultations was focused specifically
on sport. It is possible that Aboriginal youth have an
encompassing view of sport, which includes more
traditional activities (e.g., hunting, trapping; First
Nations Information Governance Centre, 2007).
Furthermore, as suggested in Sport Canada’s Policy
on Aboriginal Peoples’ Participation in Sport, the hol-
istic perspective of many Aboriginal peoples does
not distinguish between sport, physical activity, and
recreation as such activities are interrelated and
play a critical role in personal well-being (Canadian
Heritage, 2005). Thus, in an effort to support the
words of the participants and to enhance relevance,
the term sport was used.
When exploring the role of communities in sup-
porting sport opportunities for Aboriginal youth, it
will also be important to better understand their
meanings of culture. Throughout the consultations
many participants used the terms community and
culture interchangeably. Participants also regularly
made reference to Aboriginal culture, suggesting
there is a singular Aboriginal culture that is adhered
to by Aboriginal peoples in Canada. However, the
knowledge shared throughout the consultations
made it very clear that participants recognize the
diversity among Aboriginal peoples and that there
are various Aboriginal cultures. Although coloniza-
tion has had a negative impact on Aboriginal cul-
tures, RCAP (1996) argued that such cultures are
still vibrant and distinctive. Similarly, Kirmayer et al.
(2003, p. S19) argued that within all cultures there
is variation in attitudes, knowledge, and practice,
and cultures are often viewed as “local worlds that
are constantly in flux.” Researchers must work with
Aboriginal youth to better understand their mean-
ings of culture and identify ways to enhance sport
opportunities for Aboriginal youth.
Conclusion
The primary purpose of this paper was to iden-
tify relevant and respectful research topics and
questions regarding the physical activity of urban
Aboriginal youth. The knowledge shared in this
study supported the development of an overarch-
ing research question, which subsequently formed
the foundation of a recently awarded SSHRC Insight
Development Grant. The belief that Aboriginal
peoples should be involved as equal partners in re-
search is well established (e.g., Battiste, 2002), yet
the inclusion of participants in the identification of
research topics is not necessarily common practice.
This research, however, is a practical example of how
Aboriginal youth and stakeholders can be actively
engaged in the research process. Although not com-
mon in the past, more funding opportunities from
national agencies (e.g., SSHRC) are supporting de-
velopment projects such as the one described above.
Bostock and Freeman (2003) explained the import-
ance of working with and including youth when
promoting recommendations, which in this case is
the recommendation for future physical activity re-
search. Recognizing that participants are the experts
in matters of their lives (Boog, 2003), should make
researchers more willing to include participants in
the identification of research topics and questions.
Including participants in this critical part of the re-
search process makes it likely that research will have
more relevant outcomes for participants.
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Tara-Leigh F. McHugh is an Assistant Professor in the
Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation at the
University of Alberta. She is currently the lead academic on
the University of Alberta’s Certificate in Aboriginal Sport
and Recreation that is jointly offered by the Faculties of
Native Studies and Physical Education and Recreation.
Her program of research is focused on working with
Aboriginal youth to shed light on the often overlooked
topics of Aboriginal peoples’ physical activity, sport, and
body image experiences.
tmchugh@ualberta.ca
Bethan C. Kingsley is a PhD Candidate in the Faculty
of Physical Education and Recreation at the University
of Alberta. Her research program explores access to and
experiences of recreation for people who often face
marginalization in society. Her current work examines
the engagement of youth living with lower incomes
and experiences of citizenship for people living with
disability. Bethan values the formation of community-
based research partnerships to achieve mutual goals
and enhance the mobilization of relevant and culturally
appropriate knowledge.
Angela M. Coppola is a graduate research assistant and
doctoral student in the Faculty of Physical Education and
Recreation at the University of Alberta. Her program of
research is focused on working with Aboriginal youth
and parents, and school communities to explore and
co-create components of physical activity and sport
programming. She is committed to building relationships
with communities and engaging communities in the
process of research and program development. She is also
committed to exploring how researchers, schools, and
communities can work ethically and collaboratively with
Aboriginal youth to increase sport and physical activity
participation.
... This review also highlighted gaps in qualitative methods to assess PA in Indigenous Peoples with 29% of studies using focus groups/sharing circles or interviews versus 51% of studies using questionnaires as a community-specific PA measure only (see Table 1). Qualitative methods exploring PA of Indigenous Peoples are valuable for obtaining in-depth understanding as they allow for purposeful selection of information-rich participants and facilitate storytelling (McHugh et al. 2013;Tang et al. 2016). Storytelling is an essential feature of Indigenous cultures as stories are means by which Indigenous Peoples share their experiences, help with the co-construction of knowledges, and inform research that can benefit the community (Kovach 2021, pp. ...
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The Indigenous population of Canada faces an increased burden of chronic disease, leading to decreased life expectancy. Physical activity is an important health behaviour that improves chronic disease risk factors and physical fitness. The objective of this systematic review was to evaluate physical activity interventions in the Indigenous population in Canada to determine effects on physical activity rates, physical fitness, and health outcomes. MEDLINE, PsycINFO, EMBASE, and CINAHL were searched for peer-reviewed journal articles. Inclusion criteria were studies that examined a physical activity intervention delivered in Indigenous communities in Canada for adults over 18 years of age. Data was extracted and two authors independently rated quality of the evidence. Five studies were included in the narrative synthesis. Interventions were community-based, and three were multi-component interventions focused on preventing or managing type II diabetes. The interventions varied in their success in altering physical activity rates, with increases (n = 2), a decrease (n = 1), or non-significant changes reported (n = 2). No study reported any measure of physical fitness. BMI was reported in four studies, with only one reporting a significant decrease. Decreases in systolic blood pressure and total cholesterol were reported in two studies. There is limited evidence and a lack of robust interventions that examine the impacts of physical activity on health and fitness status in the Canadian Indigenous population. Validated, culturally relevant tools for measuring physical activity may aid in program evaluation and focused educational materials could better support population health initiatives. Trial registration The review protocol was registered prospectively with PROSPERO (registration number: CRD42017055363).
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Participatory approaches, such as community-based participatory research (CBPR), have become more common in the physical activity literature over the last two decades. As well, there has been an increase in the number of published studies that have documented the use of such approaches when engaging in research with Indigenous peoples. However, published studies tend to focus on the results of research, and the processes of how to successfully engage in such research are rarely described. Drawing upon the expertise of Indigenous community members, the purpose of this study was to identify promising practices for engaging in physical activity-focused CBPR in northern Indigenous communities in Canada. Eight community members who were part of a larger CBPR project engaged in one-on-one semi-structured interviews that were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim; content analysis was employed to analyse transcripts. The perspectives of community members are represented by five themes: (a) foundational understanding of colonialism, (b) ‘research is like English as a second dialect’, (c) build purposeful relationships, (d) efficiency with local leadership, and (e) need for consistency. Community members shared examples of shortcomings and success stories related to the ways in which they have been involved in research, and subsequently highlighted specific suggestions and promising practices for physical activity-focused CBPR. The experiences of community members must be heard and understood to ensure CBPR projects are respectful and relevant.
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Community-based participatory research has gained traction as an innovative approach to research with underserved communities. Community-based participatory research with Indigenous youth, however, is less common. The purpose of this critical review is to explore the conduct of community-based participatory research with Indigenous youth over the past 20 years. Eighteen studies met inclusion criteria; they were evaluated for their respective use of theory, methodology, and findings. One study was quantitative, 16 were qualitative, and one employed mixed methods. Implications for future research, outreach and practice, and policy are discussed. Overall, youth highlighted connection to culture as a major strength and identified a need for programming centered in culture and community. The use of community-based participatory research represents a valuable opportunity to address unique challenges that Indigenous youth face in responsive, creative, and sustainable ways.
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The Indigenous Youth Mentorship Program (IYMP) is a peer-led health promotion program developed for elementary school students in Indigenous school communities in Canada. A local young adult health leader (YAHL) and high school mentors offer students healthy snacks, physical activity games, relationship building activities and cultural teachings. IYMP aims to improve children’s health and wellbeing and empower Indigenous youth and communities. The purpose of this focused ethnography was to describe the key characteristics of successful IYMP delivery. Two focus groups were conducted with 16 participants (8 YAHLS and 8 youth mentors) from 7 schools followed by 4 individual interviews (3 YAHLs, 1 youth peer mentor). Transcripts were analyzed using content analysis. Findings were triangulated with IYMP program field observations and notes from IYMP national team meetings. The five characteristics identified as important for IYMP delivery were a sense of ownership by those delivering the program, inclusion of Indigenous Elders/knowledge keepers, establishing trusting relationships, open communication among all stakeholder groups, including community and academic partners, and adequate program supports in the form of program funding, manuals that described program activities, and local and national gatherings between academic and community partners for sharing ideas about the program and its components. This study indicates the importance of respectful partnerships between community and academic leads for program success and sustainability. As IYMP is implemented in more communities and becomes community autonomous, program sustainability may be ensured and implementation challenges mitigated by embedding the identified five essential characteristics within the fabric of IYMP.
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The purpose of this community-based participatory research was to explore the physical activity experiences of Northern Aboriginal youth in Canada. Fourteen Aboriginal youth from the ages of 13–19 years participated in interviews (one-on-one or sharing circles), and participant-generated photo-elicitation sharing circles. Five themes representing their physical activity experiences were identified: (a) encompassing meanings, (b) ‘makes me feel awesome’, (c) connected to the land, (d) better with friends and family, and (e) need for physical activity spaces. Findings suggest that the youth have a broad and encompassing definition of physical activity, and that participation in such activity can have various holistic benefits. Youth shared in-depth insights into the various spaces and community supports that facilitate their physical activity. As well, participants explained how physical activity programming that takes place in the natural environment can support youth in feeling connected to their culture and identities. Findings from this research outline important considerations for enhancing physical activity opportunities among Aboriginal youth. Provided that the voices of Aboriginal youth are relatively absent in the vast physical activity literature, this research makes a significant contribution by sharing their unique experiences.
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Aboriginal youth in Winnipeg's inner city experience poverty, unemployment, as well as the effects of colonization, racism, and alienation. To meet their families' economic needs, many have been pushed into activities that place them at high risk for contact with the justice system. Typically, these young men are not seen as community builders; the personal, family and community issues they experience while working to build community illustrate the multiple barriers faced in enhancing the physical and social health of neighbourhoods. We interviewed young Aboriginal men who had grown up in the inner city, to understand their past experiences, current realities, and how they saw the future of their neighbourhoods. Together, multiple challenges exist for Aboriginal youth in disadvantaged urban neighbourhoods that serve as barriers to community health. Copyright © 2005 by the Institute of Urban Studies All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
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The purpose of this study was to gain insights into the lived experiences of urban Aboriginal Canadians with diabetes in stress and coping through leisure. A framework of resilience was used to conceptually ground the study and to analytically synthesize findings about the role of leisure in coping with stress. Focus groups were used as the data collection technique, and phenomenology as an analytical approach. Not only were participants' experiences of stress tied to diabetes-related aspects of their lives, but their descriptions also suggested that stress originated from broader structural systems and dynamics at various intertwined levels-socio-economic, cultural, historical, and political (e.g., racism). On the other hand, the results revealed the use of human strengths and resilience through culturally appropriate forms of leisure (e.g., Native arts, Aboriginal dancing, music, spiritual reading, going to reserves) in coping with stress. The findings emphasized that culture plays a central role in explaining leisure stress-coping mechanisms, whether these are tied to collective strengths, cultural identity, spiritual renewal, or physical/behavioral benefits. Concerning the connection between stress and leisure, culturally-based forms of leisure seemed useful to deal with culturally-bound Stressors (e.g., racism), while some evidence was found for the role of leisure (e.g., physical activity) in coping with diabetes-related Stressors.