Embodying the Moral Code? Thirty Years of Final Girls in Slasher Films

Abstract

The slasher film is a subgenre of horror characterized by suspenseful scenes emphasizing victims’ fear of an antagonist and depicting graphic violence. A well-recognized characteristic of the slasher formula is the potential for viewers to quickly predict the fate of each character. Slasher films are thought to include a character known as the Final Girl who, by virtue of her refusal to engage in licentious behavior, is rewarded with survival. Although books and essays have advanced hypotheses regarding the characteristics of the Final Girl, empirical analysis has been lacking. We predicted that Final Girls would be more likely than other female characters to adhere to the traditional sexual script (e.g., less likely to engage in sexual behavior or wear revealing clothing), to exhibit prosocial behavior (i.e., the Just World Theory), and to demonstrate agency (e.g., fight behaviors). A quantitative content analysis of the 10 highest-grossing slasher films of each of the past three decades (i.e., 30 films with 226 primary characters) was performed. Relative to other female characters, Final Girls were more likely to be rated as attractive, were less likely to be shown nude or engaging in significant onscreen sexual behavior, demonstrated more prosocial behaviors as well as more agentic survival-oriented behaviors against the antagonist, and were more likely to demonstrate an androgynous gender role. Exploratory analyses of the characteristics of surviving male characters (Final Boys) are also presented. Implications of these findings for widespread cultural beliefs about women, men, and the traditional sexual script are considered.

Full text

Embodying the Moral Code?
Thirty Years of Final Girls in Slasher Films
Angela D. Weaver
St. Francis Xavier University A. Dana Ménard and Christine Cabrera
University of Ottawa
Angela Taylor
St. Francis Xavier University
The slasher film is a subgenre of horror characterized by suspenseful scenes emphasizing
victims’ fear of an antagonist and depicting graphic violence. A well-recognized charac-
teristic of the slasher formula is the potential for viewers to quickly predict the fate of each
character. Slasher films are thought to include a character known as the Final Girl who, by
virtue of her refusal to engage in licentious behavior, is rewarded with survival. Although
books and essays have advanced hypotheses regarding the characteristics of the Final Girl,
empirical analysis has been lacking. We predicted that Final Girls would be more likely
than other female characters to adhere to the traditional sexual script (e.g., less likely to
engage in sexual behavior or wear revealing clothing), to exhibit prosocial behavior (i.e., the
Just World Theory), and to demonstrate agency (e.g., fight behaviors). A quantitative
content analysis of the 10 highest-grossing slasher films of each of the past three decades
(i.e., 30 films with 226 primary characters) was performed. Relative to other female
characters, Final Girls were more likely to be rated as attractive, were less likely to be
shown nude or engaging in significant onscreen sexual behavior, demonstrated more
prosocial behaviors as well as more agentic survival-oriented behaviors against the antag-
onist, and were more likely to demonstrate an androgynous gender role. Exploratory
analyses of the characteristics of surviving male characters (Final Boys) are also presented.
Implications of these findings for widespread cultural beliefs about women, men, and the
traditional sexual script are considered.
Keywords: horror film, slasher film, gender, sex, content analysis
The Final Girl in these little morality tales is the
person who has embodied the moral code that society
thinks allows you to go forward in life. Sean S. Cun-
ningham, slasher film producer/writer/director (in Go-
ing to Pieces: The Rise and Fall of the Slasher Film,
Belofsky, Scalese, & McQueen, 2006)
The Slasher Film
The slasher is a subgenre of horror film char-
acterized by suspense-evoking scenes that empha-
size victims’ fear of an antagonist (usually male,
acting alone) and depict graphic violence (Molitor
& Sapolsky, 1993;Rockoff, 2002). Slasher films
are frequently criticized for their gratuitous vio-
lence, which is often directed toward women, and
have been described as “. . . drenched in taboo and
encroaching vigorously on the pornographic”
(Clover, 1992, p. 21). However, despite these crit-
icisms, slasher films have an enduring popularity;
many leave a legacy of sequels that live on long
past their box-office debut. For instance, the orig-
inal Friday the 13th (Cunningham, 1980) was
created with a $550,000 budget (the equivalent of
$1.5 million in 2013) but has so far spawned nine
sequels, a lucrative crossover with another horror
franchise (Freddy vs. Jason;Cunningham & Yu,
This article was published Online First November 4,
2013.
Angela D. Weaver, Department of Psychology, St. Fran-
cis Xavier University, Antigonish, Nova Scotia, Canada; A.
Dana Ménard and Christine Cabrera, School of Psychology,
University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada; Angela
Taylor, Department of Psychology, St. Francis Xavier Uni-
versity, Antigonish, Nova Scotia, Canada.
Funding for this project was provided by a University Coun-
cil Research Grant from St. Francis Xavier University.
Portions of this article were presented at the annual meeting of
the Canadian Sex Research Forum, Ottawa, ON, Canada, 2012.
Correspondence concerning this article should be ad-
dressed to Angela D. Weaver, Department of Psychology,
St. Francis Xavier University, P. O. Box 5000, Antigonish,
Nova Scotia B2G 2W5, Canada. E-mail: aweaver@stfx.ca
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Psychology of Popular Media Culture © 2013 American Psychological Association
2015, Vol. 4, No. 1, 31–46 2160-4134/15/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/ppm0000006
31

2003) and a remake, with a domestic gross ex-
ceeding 382 million dollars (Box Office Mojo,
www.boxofficemojo.com), a sum that does not
include the extensive merchandising associated
with the films. Additionally, the recent flood of
remakes demonstrates that these films continue to
resonate with their (primarily young) audiences.
In the 10-year period from 2000 to 2009, the 10
top-grossing slasher films were all sequels, pre-
quels, or remakes of slasher films from previous
decades (Box Office Mojo,www.boxofficemojo
.com).
The Slasher “Formula”
Slasher films tend to follow a very specific
formula, one that has been the subject of much
controversy and theoretical debate, but scant
empirical research. A well-recognized and con-
tentious aspect of this formula is the almost
immediate potential for viewers to identify
which characters introduced in the film will
survive and which will meet an untimely, grisly
death. This may be particularly true for female
characters, often depicted as either “good girls”
or “bad girls.” It is a well-known stereotype
among slasher fans that the most telling indica-
tor of a bad (and ultimately disposable) girl in
the slasher film is sexual activity (Rockoff,
2002). On the other side of this Madonna/whore
dichotomy is the Final Girl (Clover, 1992),
who, by virtue of her refusal to engage in licen-
tious behavior (e.g., sex, drugs), is rewarded
with survival, at least according to fan specula-
tion and theory. In the Slasher Movie Book,
Kerswell (2012) states that the Final Girl in
slasher films“...was, more often than not, a
virgin (unlike most of her doomed friends)” (p.
85). Interestingly, there is virtually no discus-
sion throughout the popular and theoretical lit-
erature of the existence or characteristics of
surviving male characters, leading us to wonder
whether there is a male equivalent of the Final
Girl (i.e., a Final Boy) within this subgenre. If
so, would he be as easy to identify based on
behaviors or personality characteristics as Final
Girls are thought to be?
Media Messages: Content and Impact
Since Bandura’s research on children’s imi-
tation of aggressive behaviors (Bandura, Ross,
& Ross, 1961), there has been extensive re-
search on the impact of consuming violent me-
dia, particularly among youth. The results of
cross-cultural, correlational, and longitudinal
studies, as well as field and laboratory experi-
ments, show a significant relationship between
exposure to violent media and aggressive be-
havior among children, adolescents, and young
adults (Council on Communications & Media,
2009;Paik & Comstock, 1994). One reason for
the controversy around slasher films may be
their potential to influence young, impression-
able audiences. Although the entertainment in-
dustry would likely argue that slasher films are
given “Restricted” ratings to bar children from
admission to these types of films, one study of
more than 6,000 American children aged 10 to
14 showed that the 40 most violent R-rated
films released in 2003 were seen by a median of
12.5% (Worth, Chambers, Nassau, Rakhra, &
Sargent, 2008). Of interest to this investigation,
I Still Know What You Did Last Summer (Bea-
sley, Chaffin, Feig, Moritz, & Cannon, 1998)
had been seen by 44.2% of the sample, Bride of
Chucky (Gilroy, Kirschner, & Yu, 1998)by
36.5%, Scream 3 (Konrad, Maddalena, Wil-
liamson, & Craven, 2000) by 32.0%, and Hal-
loween H20: 20 Years Later (Freeman & Miner,
1998) by 18.2%. Thus, there is some empirical
evidence of correlates and outcomes of viewing
violent media, and it appears that slasher films
have many young viewers. However, little is
known about the messages that are conveyed
via the Final Girl in slasher films, such as fac-
tors that differentiate her from other characters
and designate her as potentially less “deserving”
of a negative outcome in the films.
Extensive research exists on the presence and
potential impact of gender stereotypes in the
media. Results demonstrate the existence of ste-
reotype-reinforcing messages about gender
across various forms of media (e.g., lifestyle
magazines, television, romance novels)
(Abramson & Mechanic, 1983;Duran & Pru-
sank, 1997;Ménard & Cabrera, 2011;Ménard
& Kleinplatz, 2008;Prusank, Duran, & DeLillo,
1993;Ward, 2003). These findings are signifi-
cant, given that greater acceptance of gender-
stereotyped messages has been demonstrated
among children and adults exposed to such con-
tent (Herrett-Skjellum & Allen, 1996;Kim et
al., 2007). Clover (1992) stated:
32 WEAVER, MÉNARD, CABRERA, AND TAYLOR
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. . . the slasher film, not despite but exactly because of
its crudity and compulsive repetitiveness, gives us a
clearer picture of current sexual attitudes, at least
among the segment of the population that forms its
erstwhile audience, than do the legitimate products of
the better studios (pp. 22–23).
She adds that the slasher film’s features (e.g.,
lack of lavish production values), due to its
position outside the usual aesthetic system, “are
the very qualities that make it such a transparent
source for (sub)cultural attitudes toward sex and
gender in particular” (p. 22). The slasher film
offers fertile ground for an exploration of mes-
sages about gender, sexuality, and violence, as
these both reflect and shape cultural beliefs. The
Final Girl, who is considered“...oneofthe
most enduring images of the slasher film...”
(Rockoff, 2002, p. 13), may provide viewers
with important information about predominant
cultural beliefs by virtue of the features that
differentiate her from other characters.
The Traditional Sexual Script
The cleaving of female characters in slasher
films into “good girl” and “bad girl” categories
is consistent with the dictates of the traditional
sexual script (TSS), which outlines the sexual
behaviors that are appropriate or inappropriate
for both sexes. For instance, the TSS suggests
that women’s reputations are damaged by
greater sexual activity, whereas men’s are en-
hanced, and that women are sexual gatekeepers
who are responsible for setting limits on sexual
activity (Byers, 1995). It has been hypothesized
in books and essays that Final Girls in slasher
films tend to conform to the principles set out by
the TSS, whereas the “bad girls” are more likely
to stray from these expectations. Beliefs about
the Final Girl may reflect our greater acceptance
of women who conform to the expectations of
the TSS.
It is important to examine gender stereotyp-
ing in slasher films, as endorsement of the TSS
may have harmful effects. Byers (1995) neatly
summarized the gendered aspects of the TSS
that may contribute to sexual coercion:
The TSS pits the oversexed, aggressive, emotionally
insensitive male initiator who is enhanced by each
sexual conquest and taught not to accept “no” for an
answer against the unassertive, passive woman who is
trying to protect her worth by restricting access to her
sexuality while still appearing interested, sexy, and
concerned about the man’s needs (p. 11).
Research on men has shown a correlation
between endorsement of the TSS and use of
verbal coercion with a partner (Byers & Eno,
1991). There is also clear evidence of overlap
between the TSS and rape scripts. Endorsement
of “traditional”, gender-stereotyped roles has
been associated with acceptance of rape myths
and victim blaming (e.g., “she had it coming”)
(Anderson & Bissell, 2011). In one study, male
college students, arguably a primary intended
audience of slasher films, demonstrated in-
creased endorsements of rape myths after view-
ing an R-rated violent film (Malamuth & Check,
1981). Similarly, men who viewed an R-rated
slasher film and who were then asked to view
and judge a fictional sexual assault trial demon-
strated less sympathy toward the victim and less
empathy toward rape victims in general (Linz,
Donnerstein, & Penrod, 1988). Oliver (1993),in
her study of adolescents, found that male par-
ticipants who held more traditional views of
female sexuality were more likely to report mo-
tivations for watching slasher films such as “to
see the victims get what they deserve.” They
also reported greater enjoyment while viewing
clips featuring female victims.
Victim blaming may extend to fictional char-
acters, including the female protagonists of
slasher films. The slasher film’s messages about
gender, sexuality, and violence are thought to be
a reflection of our culture (Carolyn, 2008) and
likely influence the development and reinforce-
ment of these beliefs as well. By dismissing
slasher films, we fail to understand their mes-
sages and impact. Further, by not attending to
the Final Girl who, along with the antagonist, is
the character most vital to the narrative and
outcome of these films, we may be missing out
on some of the most important messages about
modern interpretations of the TSS.
Although the characterization of Final Girls
has been hotly debated, empirical analysis is
lacking and philosophical debates often result in
vastly different interpretations. For instance,
Trencansky (2001) argues that the 1980s Final
Girl was an empowering depiction of a “gener-
ation of Final Girls ...notable for its unflinch-
ing determination and strength” (p. 64). She
goes on to state that 1980s slasher films “con-
sistently perform a class critique inextricably
tied to their (heroine’s) rejection of typical fe-
male roles” and notes that this empowered char-
acterization has regressed in slasher films re-
33FINAL GIRLS IN SLASHER FILMS
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leased since then: the heroine’s agency has
decreased and characteristics of more modern
slasher films (e.g., heroines unwittingly supply-
ing the killer with weapons) “serve to subvert
the more progressive ideology of the 1980s
films” (pp. 69, 72). On the other hand, Wee
(2006) argues the opposite: she states that Final
Girls have become more powerful in compari-
son with their counterparts from early slasher
films. She argues that the postmodern slasher
films’ Final Girls“...emerge as heroes who
triumph using their own merits and abilities” (p.
58). Further, although one might expect that
behavior consistent with a feminine gender role
might be more acceptable for Final Girls, some
popular and theoretical descriptions suggest she
is androgynous (Clover, 1992;Kerswell, 2012).
However, to date, no empirical research has
been done to clarify these (sometimes contra-
dictory) descriptions of the Final Girl.
Although the Final Girl has been the subject
of much discussion, male survivors of slasher
films have received less attention and little is
known about the existence and characteristics of
Final Boys. Yet there are a number of examples
of slasher films that feature a surviving male
protagonist (e.g., Tommy Jarvis in three of the
Friday the 13th films). Therefore, a secondary
goal of this study was to gather data on these
important but overlooked characters.
Empirical Study of Slasher Films
Inconsistent findings have emerged within
the scant empirical literature on slasher films,
which is likely due to the differing selection
processes for the samples and disparate sample
sizes (anywhere from 10 to 50 films). The re-
sults from several studies suggest that slasher
films focus on the suffering endured by female
characters: both Welsh (2010) and Weaver
(1991) found that the death scenes were longer
for female victims, and Sapolsky, Molitor, and
Luque (2003) found that there was more screen
time devoted to showing female, rather than
male, characters in fear. In terms of sexual
activity, sexually active female characters have
been found to be more likely to die compared
with female characters who do not engage in
sexual activities; this relationship not holding
true for male characters (Cowan & O’Brien,
1990;Welsh, 2010). However, Weaver (1991)
found no gender differences in the connection
between sexual activity and death. So far, none
of these studies have focused on the Final Girl
and the features that distinguish her from other
characters. It may be informative to identify the
characteristics that mark her as more “deserv-
ing” of Final Girl status compared with other
female characters.
Just World Hypothesis
If there are no gender differences in the con-
nection between sexual activity and survival
(Weaver, 1991), it is possible that the formula
of slasher films might be captured more accu-
rately by the Just World Hypothesis. The Just
World Hypothesis is a well-known social psy-
chology theory that refers to the widely held
belief that, “The world is a place where good
people are rewarded and bad people are pun-
ished” (Ruben & Peplau, 1975, p. 65). If this
were the case, we would expect that characters
who engage in higher levels of prosocial behav-
ior (e.g., supporting another character) and/or
characters who engage in fewer antisocial be-
haviors (e.g., lying) would be more likely to
survive until the end of the film. It is also
possible that this Just World Hypothesis, as
applied to slasher films, is gendered, such that
the determination of whether a character is good
or bad is gender dependent (e.g., an assertive
female character viewed as “bossy,” whereas a
male character might be viewed as “assertive”).
Research using hypothetical scenarios has demon-
strated that attributions of blame vary depending
on victim gender, suggesting that gender role
violations might contribute to the determination
of blame-worthiness (Davies, Rogers, &
Whitelegg, 2009;Hammock & Richardson,
1993;Harrison, Howerton, Secarea, & Nguyen,
2008).
The Current Study
Although the horror genre in general (and the
slasher subgenre in particular) contains rich data
on past and current cultural attitudes, little em-
pirical attention has been directed toward these
films. Despite the lack of empirical data, the
slasher formula is widely discussed and fre-
quently paid homage to or parodied (e.g., the
popular Scream franchise). However, it remains
unclear whether the slasher script is accurate.
The Final Girl is arguably the most recognizable
34 WEAVER, MÉNARD, CABRERA, AND TAYLOR
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and hotly debated trope of the slasher; however,
despite her popularity, this character has not
been the subject of empirical research that could
support or refute existing arguments. In addi-
tion, some of the existing studies on slasher
films did not analyze hypotheses about sex,
death, and personality variables at the level of
character, focusing instead on scenes or the
slasher film as a whole. Thus, the purpose of
the current study is to explore the slasher
formula as it applies to the idea of the Final
Girl to get an empirically based picture of the
messages being conveyed by means of this
important character.
Hypotheses and Research Questions
Hypothesis 1: There will be a Final Girl in
the majority (i.e., at least 75%) of slasher
films.
Hypothesis 2: Final Girls will not differ
from other primary female characters
based on static demographic characteris-
tics (e.g., attractiveness, age) due to the
overall homogeneity of slasher movie
characters (i.e., young, heterosexual, at-
tractive, Caucasian).
Hypothesis 3a: Final Girls will be more
likely to adhere to the TSS (i.e., less likely
to engage in sexual behavior, less likely to
wear revealing clothing) than other pri-
mary female characters.
Hypothesis 4: Final Girls will be more
likely than other primary female characters
to be categorized as androgynous, as de-
scribed in theoretical and popular
literature.
Hypothesis 5: Final Girls will be more
likely to exhibit prosocial behavior and
less likely to exhibit antisocial behavior
(according to the Just World Hypothesis)
compared with other primary female
characters.
Hypothesis 6: Final Girls will demonstrate
greater agency (e.g., more likely to engage
in fight and flight behaviors, less likely to
demonstrate freeze behaviors) than other
primary female characters.
Research Question 1: Will there be
changes across the three decades repre-
sented by the films with regard to the vari-
ables described in Hypotheses 1 to 6?
Research Question 2: Will there be Final
Boys? Will they differ from other primary
male characters on static and/or dynamic
characteristics, prosocial and antisocial be-
haviors, and agency? Will there be a
change in the data over time?
Method
Sample
Slasher films were defined for this study as,
“Commercially released feature length movies
in which a human killer (usually male, acting
alone) terrorizes and kills multiple individuals
in suspenseful scenes which emphasize the vic-
tim’s fear, dispatching victims with devices such
as knives, hooks, drills, or chainsaws in a vari-
ety of violent, graphic and often creative ways”
(Molitor & Sapolsky, 1993;Rockoff, 2002).
The 10 highest-grossing slasher films from each
of three decades (1980s, 1990s, and 2000s)
were chosen for inclusion using information
from Web sites listing top-grossing films (e.g.,
Box Office Mojo,boxofficemojo.com; see Ta-
ble 1). Previous researchers in this area have
selected their sample of films without consider-
ation of the films’ popularity and potential to
influence a wider audience (e.g., randomly se-
lecting films from available titles in a video
catalogue, randomly selecting films from imdb.
com). However, by purposefully choosing the
10 top-grossing films from each of the 1980s,
1990s, and 2000s, we hoped to have a sample of
characters from films that have resonated with
their audiences and have a greater potential for
cultural influence.
Measures
Coding. A quantitative content analysis
was performed to determine the characteristics
of Final Girls and Final Boys (Nuendorf, 2002).
A review of previous research and academic
literature on slasher films led to the identifica-
tion of variables of interest (e.g., depiction of
sexual activity). In addition, all four members of
the research team watched a random sample
of slasher films to identify additional variables
of interest. A coding form and coding book
were developed based on the literature review
35FINAL GIRLS IN SLASHER FILMS
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and suggestions/revisions from all four team
members. Coding terms were defined compre-
hensively in the coding manual based on re-
views of relevant literature. Team meetings and
discussions were held to ensure that all coders
agreed on and understood the definitions. Dur-
ing the film coding process, these definitions
were revised as needed through discussion
within the group and consultation of relevant
literature. The four authors served as coders for
the films, with each film randomly assigned to
two coders.
Unit of analysis. The units of analysis for
this investigation were the primary male and
female characters in the film (i.e., characters
that appeared onscreen for a minimum cumula-
tive total of 5 min). Only primary characters
were included for analysis because many of the
crucial demographic, static, and dynamic char-
acteristics of secondary or tertiary characters are
unknown to the viewer, making it impossible to
compare these characters with Final Girls. All
primary characters were coded on static demo-
graphic variables (e.g., sex, ethnicity, age); sex
and gender variables (e.g., style of dress, sexual
behaviors, gender role); death variables (e.g.,
survival status); demonstrations of agency
against the antagonist (i.e., fight behaviors, such
as attacking the antagonist, or flight behaviors,
such as running or hiding from the antagonist)
or lack of agency (i.e., freeze behaviors, such as
fainting); and demonstration of prosocial (e.g.,
shows sympathy) or antisocial (e.g., drug use,
verbal teasing) behaviors. For a specific exam-
ple, characters were coded “yes” for drug or
alcohol use if that character knowingly (not
forced or coerced) imbibes alcoholic beverages
or uses street drugs (marijuana, cocaine, hash-
ish, speed, LSD, heroin, etc.). For further details
on the coding manual, please contact the au-
thors.
Defining the Final Girl. Given the absence
of empirical research focusing on the Final Girl,
an operational definition for this study was created
by examining academic and popular literature dis-
cussions about the Final Girl and identifying com-
mon elements across these definitions. The fol-
lowing definition of the Final Girl was adopted for
use in the current study:
Final Girl: A primary character who out-lives
all (or almost all) of the other primary charac-
ters, who survives one or more attack attempts
by the killer, whose battle against the killer is
the focus of the final act (i.e., final 1/3
rd
)ofthe
film, and who is ultimately instrumental in de-
stroying (or seemingly destroying) the killer
(Clover, 1992;Reiser, 2001;Rockoff, 2002;
Trencansky, 2001;Wee, 2006).
Procedure. Pilot coding was done by all
coders using four films chosen from the study
sample; additional pilot coding was done as
needed to clarify specific elements of the coding
form (e.g., classifying characters as primary or
secondary). In terms of inter-rater reliability, the
goal of this coding was to achieve complete
consensus. During coding, each of the 30 films
Table 1
Sample of Films by Decade of Release
1980–1989 1990–1999 2000–2009
Friday the 13th (1980) Child’s Play 2 (1990) Scream 3 (2000)
Halloween 2 (1981)
Friday the 13th: Part 3
(1982)
Psycho 2 (1983)
Friday the 13th: The Final
Chapter (1984)
A Nightmare on Elm St
(1984)
A Nightmare on Elm Street
2: Freddy’s Revenge (1985)
A Nightmare on Elm Street
3: Dream Warriors (1987)
Child’s Play (1988)
A Nightmare on Elm Street
4: The Dream Master (1988)
Freddy’s Dead: The Final
Nightmare (1991)
Candyman (1992)
Scream (1996)
I know what you did last
Summer (1997)
Scream 2 (1997)
Bride of Chucky (1998)
Halloween H2O (1998)
I Still Know What You Did
Last Summer (1998)
Urban Legend (1998)
Freddy Vs. Jason (2003)
Texas Chainsaw Massacre
(2003)
Texas Chainsaw Massacre: The
Beginning (2006)
When a Stranger Calls (2006)
Halloween (2007)
Prom Night (2008)
Friday the 13th (2009)
Halloween 2 (2009)
My Bloody Valentine (2009)
36 WEAVER, MÉNARD, CABRERA, AND TAYLOR
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in the sample was coded in its entirety by two
team members, who then would meet to discuss
their coding. Disagreements between coders
were resolved by returning to the film, consult-
ing the coding manual, or through discussion
with the entire team. To increase reliability of
character coding, an independent rater, naïve to
our research hypotheses, was asked to code a
random selection of three films, one from each
of the three decades represented. Coding of the
independent rater was then compared with the
coding preformed by the pair originally as-
signed from the research team. The average
agreement between coders was 95%, with
agreement ranging from acceptable (78%;
agency variables) to excellent (100%; survival/
death variables).
Results
Data Analysis
Basic descriptive statistics (e.g., means, fre-
quencies) were calculated to provide a general
description of elements of the films and primary
characters. When comparing Final Girls with
other female primary characters or Final Boys
with other primary male characters, one-way
analyses of variance or independent samples t
tests (two-tailed) were used. When comparisons
involved categorical dependent measures, chi-
square tests of independence were conducted.
When analyses involved cell counts less than 5,
Fisher’s exact test was interpreted. Given the
gendered messages of the TSS and the poten-
tially gendered nature of victim blaming ac-
cording to the Just World Hypothesis, compar-
isons were made within gender for this study.
Sample Characteristics
There were 226 primary characters from the
30 films included in the final data set. A major-
ity of characters were male (53.1%), young
(73.9% were classified as adolescents or young
adults), Caucasian (87.6%), and attractive
(75.7%). Approximately 34% had a casual dat-
ing partner.
Hypothesis 1: Presence of Final Girls
It was hypothesized that there would be a
Final Girl in the majority of the slasher films in
the study sample. This hypothesis was con-
firmed; there were 34 Final Girls in the 30 films.
With one exception (i.e., Psycho 2,Green &
Franklin, 1983), all films in the sample had at
least one Final Girl. The 10 films sampled from
the 1980s included nine films with one Final
Girl present in each. Films selected from the
1990s included 14 Final Girls; all films featured
at least one Final Girl and four of the films
included two. Eleven Final Girls appeared in the
films sampled from the 2000s; nine films fea-
tured one Final Girl and one film included two.
The frequency of Final Girls did not differ sig-
nificantly across the three decades of the study
sample, ␹
2
(2, 106) ⫽3.12, p⫽.21, ␾⫽.17.
Hypothesis 2: Static Demographic
Characteristics of Final Girls
Hypothesis 2 stated that Final Girls would not
differ significantly from other primary female
characters in terms of their static demographic
characteristics (see Table 2). As predicted, Final
Girls were found to be indistinguishable from
other primary female characters by age (p⫽
.62, Fisher’s exact test), ethnicity
(p⫽.29, Fisher’s exact test), sexual orientation
(p⫽.67, Fisher’s exact test), or relationship
status (p⫽.26, Fisher’s exact test). Final Girls
were overwhelmingly Caucasian and young
(adolescents or young adult), and most Final
Girls were single or had a casual partner. None
of the Final Girls were identified as lesbian or
bisexual; the vast majority were portrayed as
heterosexual; however, for a sizable minority,
sexual orientation was unknown.
Final Girls could be distinguished from other
primary female characters by their level of at-
tractiveness (p⫽.04, Fisher’s exact test). Final
Girls were consistently coded as attractive
(100%) as compared with 84.7% of other pri-
mary female characters. There were no signifi-
cant differences across decades in age (p⫽.20,
Fisher’s exact test), relationship status (p⫽.69,
Fisher’s exact test), ethnicity (p⫽1.0, Fisher’s
exact test), or sexual orientation (p⫽.42, Fish-
er’s exact test) of the Final Girl.
Hypothesis 3: Final Girls and Adherence to
the Traditional Sexual Script
Hypothesis 3 stated that Final Girls would be
more likely to adhere to the TSS than other
primary female characters. The results were
37FINAL GIRLS IN SLASHER FILMS
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mixed (see Table 3). Final Girls were no more
likely than other primary female characters to
be virgins (p⫽.16, Fisher’s exact test); in fact,
a sizable minority were identified as sexually
active. Of note, only one Final Girl in this
sample of 30 films, Lori Campbell in Freddy vs.
Jason (Cunningham & Yu, 2003), was explic-
itly referred to as a virgin. However, this ques-
tion was complicated by the fact that virginity
status was unknown for most characters (73.5% of
Final Girls and 59.7% of other primary female
characters). The Final Girls also could not be
distinguished from other primary female charac-
ters in terms of their style of dress (p⫽.06,
Fisher’s exact test). Most Final Girls were dressed
in neutral fashions (i.e., neither overly revealing
nor overly conservative) relative to other charac-
ters in the film. However, this result approached
statistical significance; an examination of fre-
quency data suggests that Final Girls may tend
toward a more conservative style of dress.
Final Girls could be distinguished from other
primary female characters in terms of their sex-
ual behaviors (p⫽.009, Fisher’s exact test). A
large percentage of Final Girls were depicted
engaging in mild sexual behaviors only (41.2%
engaged in kissing only vs. 19.4% of other
primary female characters), and a smaller pro-
portion engaged in sexual behavior that was
implied but not depicted (8.8% vs. 4.2% of
other primary female characters). However,
none of the Final Girls were shown engaging in
explicit sexual behavior onscreen, compared
with 16.7% of other primary female characters
(see Table 3). Similarly, the Final Girl was
distinctive in her lack of onscreen nudity (p⫽
.01, Fisher’s exact test). None of the Final Girls
were shown fully nude and only one was shown
partially nude, as compared with 27.8% of other
primary female characters shown partially or
fully nude.
There were no significant differences across
decades in sexual behavior (p⫽.43, Fisher’s
exact test), nudity (p⫽1.0, Fisher’s exact test),
Table 2
Demographic Characteristics of Primary Characters
Demographic variable Final Girl Other female
character Final Boy Other male
character
Ethnicity
White 97.1% 86.1% 88.2% 85.4%
Black 2.9% 11.1% 11.8% 11.7%
Other ethnicity 0 2.8% 0 2.9%
Age
Child 0 2.8% 17.6% 1.9%
Adolescent 50% 44.4% 23.5% 37.9%
Young adult 41.2% 33.3% 29.4% 31.1%
Middle age 8.8% 16.7% 29.4% 25.2%
Older adult 0 2.8% 0 3.9%
Relationship status
Undisclosed 14.7% 22.2% 29.4% 35.0%
Single 35.3% 16.7% 17.6% 23.3%
Casual partner 32.4% 45.8% 17.6% 28.2%
Serious partner 8.8% 2.8% 11.8% 1.9%
Married 5.9% 5.6% 5.9% 5.9%
Divorced 2.9% 4.2% 0 3.9%
Not applicable (Child) 0 2.8% 17.6% 1.9%
Attractiveness
Attractive 100% 84.7% 82.4% 60.2%
Average 0 12.5% 17.6% 32.0%
Unattractive 0 2.8% 0 7.8%
Sexual orientation
Undisclosed 20.6% 25.0% 17.6% 34.0%
Heterosexual 79.4% 72.2% 64.7% 62.1%
GLB 0 0 0 1.9%
Not applicable (child) 0 2.8% 17.6% 1.9%
38 WEAVER, MÉNARD, CABRERA, AND TAYLOR
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or clothing style (p⫽.11, Fisher’s exact test) of
the Final Girl.
Hypothesis 4: Gender Role of Final Girls
As hypothesized, the Final Girl could also be
distinguished from other primary female char-
acters in terms of her gender role, ␹
2
(3, 106) ⫽
15.07, p⫽.002, ␾⫽.38. More than twice the
proportion of Final Girls (50%) were catego-
rized as androgynous compared with other pri-
mary female characters (20.8%, see Table 3).
There was no significant difference across de-
cades for gender role (p⫽.14, Fisher’s exact
test) of the Final Girl.
Hypothesis 5: Prosocial and Antisocial
Behaviors of Final Girls
It was hypothesized that Final Girls would ex-
hibit more prosocial and fewer antisocial behav-
iors compared with other primary female charac-
ters in accordance with the Just World Hypothesis.
The results showed that there were significant
differences between Final Girls and other primary
female characters in terms of both prosocial and
antisocial behaviors (see Table 4). Final Girls en-
gaged in a significantly greater variety of prosocial
behaviors (M⫽2.26, SD ⫽1.42) than other
primary female characters (M⫽.92, SD ⫽1.24);
t(104) ⫽⫺4.98, p⬍.001, d⫽1.01 (two-tailed).
However, Final Girls also engaged in a signifi-
cantly greater variety of antisocial behaviors (M⫽
2.62, SD ⫽1.94) compared with other primary
female characters (M⫽1.69, SD ⫽1.42);
t(104) ⫽⫺2.77, p⫽.007, d⫽0.55 (two-
tailed). The occurrence of prosocial behaviors
performed by Final Girls did not vary across
decades, F(2, 31) ⫽0.15, p⫽.87. Although
there was a trend toward an increase in the
number of antisocial behaviors for Final Girls
across decades, this did not reach statistical
significance, F(2, 31) ⫽2.64, p⫽.09.
Table 3
Dynamic Characteristics of Primary Characters
Characteristic Final Girl Other female
character Final Boy Other male
character
Virginity status
Undisclosed/unknown 73.5% 59.7% 64.7% 76.7%
Virgin 2.9% 0 0 1%
Nonvirgin 23.5% 37.5% 17.6% 20.4%
Not applicable (child) 0 2.8% 17.6% 1.9%
Style of dress
Conservative 20.6% 9.7% 0 2.9%
Average 73.5% 68.1% 94.1% 94.2%
Revealing 5.9% 22.2% 5.9% 2.9%
Gender role
Masculine 11.8% 16.7% 29.4% 58.3%
Feminine 35.3% 31.9% 0 1.0%
Androgynous 50.0% 20.8% 64.7% 19.4%
Undifferentiated 2.9% 30.6% 5.9% 21.4%
Nudity
No nudity 97.1% 72.2% 94.1% 85.4%
Partial nudity 2.9% 22.2% 5.9% 13.6%
Full nudity 0 5.6% 0 1.0%
Sexual behavior depicted
None 50.0% 56.9% 58.8% 63.1%
Implied, not depicted 8.8% 4.2% 5.9% 1.0%
Mild 41.2% 19.4% 23.5% 27.2%
Significant 0 16.7% 5.9% 6.8%
Not applicable (child) 0 2.8% 5.9% 1.9%
Presence of agentic behavior
Fight 91.2% 25.0% 94.1% 25.2%
Flight 97.1% 47.2% 52.9% 28.2%
Freeze 76.5% 56.9% 23.5% 30.1%
39FINAL GIRLS IN SLASHER FILMS
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Hypothesis 6: Agency and Final Girls
It was expected that Final Girls would be
more likely to demonstrate agency (i.e., fight or
flight behaviors in response to the antagonist) in
comparison with other primary female charac-
ters. Results for fight behaviors were signifi-
cant, ␹
2
(1,106) ⫽40.69, p⬍.001, ␾⫽.62.
Whereas 91.2% of the Final Girls engaged in
fight behaviors during an attack, only 25% of
the other primary female characters engaged in
this behavior (see Table 3). Final Girls over-
whelmingly (97.1%) engaged in flight behav-
iors compared with 47.2% of the other primary
female characters, a difference that was statis-
tically significant, ␹
2
(1, 106) ⫽24.67, p⬍
.001, ␾⫽.48. Final Girls did not differ signif-
icantly from other primary female characters on
freeze behaviors; ␹
2
(1, 106) ⫽3.79, p⫽.052,
␾⫽.19, although this did approach significance
in the direction counter to our hypothesis.
There were no significant differences across
the decades for the fight (p⫽.61, Fisher’s exact
test), flight (p⫽1.0, Fisher’s exact test), or
freeze (p⫽.16, Fisher’s exact tests) behaviors
of Final Girls.
Research Question: Final Boys
In total, 17 Final Boys appeared in the 30
films sampled in this investigation; more than
half of the films (53.3%) included a Final Boy.
The prevalence of Final Boys did not differ
significantly across decades (p⫽.41, Fisher’s
exact test). Interestingly, although Final Girls
were sometimes the sole survivors of a film,
Final Boys always appeared in the company of
a Final Girl.
The Final Boys shared a number of charac-
teristics with their female counterparts. The ma-
jority of Final Boys were Caucasian (88.2%),
attractive (82.4%), and heterosexual (64.7%).
Final Boys were usually single (17.6%) or in a
casual romantic relationship (17.6%). Although
there were no instances of Final Girls who were
clearly less than 12 years of age, three of the
Final Boys were children. In terms of static
demographic characteristics, Final Boys were
indistinguishable from other primary male char-
acters in terms of age (p⫽.09, Fisher’s exact
test), ethnicity (p⫽1.0, Fisher’s exact test),
relationship status (p⫽.07, Fisher’s exact
test), or attractiveness (p⫽.28, Fisher’s exact
test). However, Final Boys could be distin-
guished from other primary male characters by
their sexual orientation (p⫽.04, Fisher’s exact
test). Whereas most Final Boys (64.7%) and
other primary male characters (62.1%) were
portrayed as heterosexual, the sexual orientation
of Final Boys was usually known or strongly
implied (only 17.6% were unknown) compared
with other primary male characters whose sex-
ual orientation was more frequently unknown
(34%). In addition, none of the Final Boys were
identified as a sexual minority group member,
whereas 1.9% of other primary male characters
were. There were no significant changes across
the decades for the age (p⫽.62, Fisher’s exact
test), ethnicity (p⫽1.0, Fisher’s exact test),
relationship status (p⫽.54, Fisher’s exact test),
attractiveness (p⫽.43, Fisher’s exact tests), or
sexual orientation (p⫽.76, Fisher’s exact test)
of Final Boys.
In terms of dynamic characteristics, Final
Boys did not differ from other male charac-
ters on style of dress (p⫽.79, Fisher’s exact
test), presence of nudity (p⫽.73, Fisher’s
exact test), sexual behaviors (p⫽.36, Fish-
er’s exact test), or virginity status (p⫽.06,
Fisher’s exact test). Although virginity status
approached significance, the proportion of Fi-
nal Boys who were virgins was comparable to
the proportion of male primary characters; the
Table 4
Means and Standard Deviations for Prosocial and Antisocial Behavior
Final Girls Other female
characters Final Boys Other male
characters
Prosocial behavior 2.26 (1.42) 0.92 (1.24) 2.35 (1.22) 0.82 (1.05)
Antisocial behavior 2.62 (1.94) 1.69 (1.42) 2.41 (2.00) 2.17 (1.86)
Note. Here “mean” refers to the number of predetermined behaviors in each category that
the character demonstrated. For instance, if a Final Girl scored “yes” on drug use and “yes”
on stealing, she would have a score of 2 for antisocial behavior.
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same was true for nonvirgin Final Boys and
nonvirgin primary male characters. The differ-
ence seemed to be that that there were more
Final Boys who were rated as “not applicable”
on virginity status because they were children;
in addition, fewer Final Boys had an unknown
virginity status compared with other primary
male characters.
Similar to the Final Girls, most Final Boys
did not engage in onscreen nudity (94.1%) and
most were not shown engaging in any sexual
behaviors (58.8%), although 23.5% engaged in
mild sexual behaviors. Virginity status was un-
known for most of the Final Boys (64.7%),
whereas a smaller percentage (17.6%) were de-
picted or referred to as sexually active. The vast
majority (94.1%) of Final Boys dressed in a
style consistent with other characters in their
film. There were no significant differences in
sexual behavior (p⫽1.0, Fisher’s exact test),
nudity (p⫽.59, Fisher’s exact test), or clothing
style (p⫽.59, Fisher’s exact test) of the Final
Boy by decade.
Final Boys could be distinguished from other
male characters based on their gender role (p⫽
.001, Fisher’s exact test). Final Boys were more
likely to demonstrate an androgynous gender
role (64.7%) compared with other primary male
characters (19.4%). Final Boys were also less
likely (29.4%) to demonstrate a masculine gen-
der role relative to other male characters
(58.3%). The gender role of Final Boys did not
differ significantly across the three decades of
films (p⫽.29, Fisher’s exact test).
In terms of the Just World Hypothesis, no
difference in prevalence of antisocial behaviors
was found between Final Boys (M⫽2.41,
SD ⫽2.0) and other primary male characters
(M⫽2.17, SD ⫽1.86), t(118) ⫽⫺.482, p⫽
.63. However, there was a significant difference
between Final Boys and other male characters
in terms of prosocial behaviors, t(118) ⫽
⫺5.483, p⬍.001, d⫽1.34. Final Boys en-
gaged in significantly more prosocial behaviors
(M⫽2.35, SD ⫽1.22) than the other primary
male characters (M⫽0.82, SD ⫽1.05). The
occurrence of prosocial, F(2, 14) ⫽0.19, p⫽
.83, and antisocial, F(2, 14) ⫽0.28, p⫽.76,
behaviors performed by Final Boys did not vary
significantly by decade.
In terms of agentic behavior, Final Boys did
not differ from other primary male characters in
terms of freeze behaviors, but there was a sig-
nificant difference in fight behaviors, ␹
2
(1,
120) ⫽30.43, p⬍.001, ␾⫽.50. Whereas only
25.2% of other primary male characters demon-
strated fight behaviors, 94.1% of Final Boys
fought the antagonist. Final Boys were also
more likely (52.9%) to engage in flight behav-
iors than other primary male characters
(28.2%), ␹
2
(1, 120) ⫽4.14, p⫽.049, ␾⫽.19.
There were no significant changes across the
decades for the fight (p⫽.58, Fisher’s exact
test), flight (p⫽1.0, Fisher’s exact test), or
freeze (p⫽.12, Fisher’s exact tests) behaviors
of Final Boys.
Discussion
The primary purpose of the current study was to
explore the characteristics of the Final Girl in
slasher films. The Final Girl has been discussed in
both popular and theoretical literature, but empir-
ical attention has been lacking until now. The
results of this study confirmed many of the orig-
inal hypotheses and offer mixed support for pop-
ular conceptualizations of the Final Girl, support-
ing some “rules” of the genre and refuting others.
Clearly, the Final Girl is a far more complex
character than she is usually imagined to be.
Virtually all of the slasher films in the research
sample included at least one Final Girl (Hypoth-
esis 1), who was typically Caucasian, young, at-
tractive, and heterosexual. As expected, these Fi-
nal Girls could not be distinguished from other
primary female characters based on age, ethnicity,
or sexual orientation (Hypothesis 2), which speaks
to the homogeneity of slasher film characters;
however, Final Girls were more consistently rated
as physically attractive.
Popular discussions of the Final Girl suggest
that she represents the “good girl” and is safe
from harm because of her pure, virginal state
(Clover, 1992;Kerswell, 2012;O’Hayre, 2010;
Sumner, 2010). However, analyses concerning
the Final Girl’s adherence to the TSS produced
mixed results (Hypothesis 3). Contrary to pop-
ular expectation, Final Girls in top-grossing
films could not be distinguished from other pri-
mary female characters based on virginity sta-
tus; however, virginity status was unknown for
a large proportion of characters. Final Girls also
did not dress more conservatively than other
characters, and half of the Final Girls were
depicted engaging in mild sexual behaviors or
sexual behavior was implied. However, Final
41FINAL GIRLS IN SLASHER FILMS
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Girls were less likely than other female charac-
ters to appear partially or completely nude and
were also less likely to engage in significant
onscreen sexual behavior. These variables were
consistent over the three decades represented by
the sample.
It appears that certain sexual “transgressions”
are more problematic than others in the world of
slasher films. A Final Girl might be allowed
certain freedoms to dress normally and to kiss
her boyfriend to generate empathy from young
audience members, who will then root for her as
she battles the antagonist. However, a more
sexualized depiction would violate the TSS,
crossing the line into less acceptable territory.
Jonason and Marks (2009) found that no sexual
double standard was demonstrated when partic-
ipants were asked to evaluate scenario charac-
ters engaging in monogamous sexual behaviors,
but a sexual double standard did emerge for
characters involved in “threesomes.” Thus, con-
temporary norms might suggest that a Final Girl
who is shown engaging in mildly sexual behav-
iors would be acceptable, whereas more explic-
itly depicted sexual behaviors would be less
positively perceived. Consequently, the Final
Girl would be portrayed not as a virgin, but as a
woman who is possibly sexually active, but
whose sexuality is not too overt. This charac-
terization might reflect a modern morality mes-
sage and a diluted version of the sexual double
standard that is consistent with research that
suggests that these social standards are evolving
(Marks & Fraley, 2005;Milhausen & Herold,
1999). As long as the viewer is not exposed to
gratuitous nudity or explicit sexual acts involv-
ing the Final Girl, her relatively innocent image
may be preserved. Thus, the modern woman,
along with the Final Girl, likely walks a fine line
to be seen as sexual, but not too sexual.
The Final Girl’s virginity status is rarely ex-
plicitly made known to the viewing audience in
these top-grossing films and when this informa-
tion was presented to the audience, it usually
indicated that the Final Girl was not a virgin.
How then did this notion of the virginal Final
Girl, one of the primary tropes of the slasher
film, become so popular? Perhaps, in the ab-
sence of explicit reference to the Final Girl’s
sexual experience, viewing audiences make as-
sumptions based on other information (e.g., the
depiction of sexual gate-keeping behaviors,
prosocial behaviors). Conversely, it is also pos-
sible that popular beliefs concerning the
“Rules” of slasher films are a result of the
availability heuristic (i.e., judging easily re-
called events as more common than they really
are). These beliefs may also be reinforced by
the confirmation bias, defined as the tendency to
look for and recall information that confirms
initial expectations. A few salient examples in
slasher films, in which sexual activity is paired
with death, might capture a viewer’s imagina-
tion and therefore be more easily recalled and
overestimated. Once the slasher formula has
been explicitly stated (e.g., as was done in the
Scream films), viewers may selectively recall
scenes that confirm their expectations, but may
be less likely to recall those that do not fit the
formula (e.g., a sexually active or somewhat
antisocial Final Girl).
Some have argued that the Final Girl is an
empowering figure (Trencansky, 2001) who
survives partially due to her rejection of tradi-
tional female roles. This theory was supported
by the results of this study, which showed that
Final Girls were twice as likely to be character-
ized as androgynous compared with other pri-
mary female characters (Hypothesis 4). This
finding also held true for Final Boys, who were
more likely to be characterized as androgynous
than masculine. It appears that the flexibility to
embody characteristics associated with different
gender roles increased the likelihood of survival
for both men and women. Previous research
with university students (a demographic tar-
geted by slasher movie producers) shows that
both male and female participants prefer an-
drogynous women (Street, Kimmel & Kromrey,
1995). It may be the case that slasher film
writers are trying to deliberately create Final
Girls that the audience will identify with and
root for. Kerswell (2012) suggests in The
Slasher Movie Book that a “resourceful, likable,
and often androgynous FG appeals to both male
and female viewers...”(p.85).
There has been disagreement as to whether
Final Girls are empowered figures and whether
they have grown stronger or weaker over the
past 30 years (Trencansky, 2001;Wee, 2006).
In terms of agency (Hypothesis 6), Final Girls
in top-grossing films were significantly more
likely than other primary female characters to
engage in fight and flight behaviors. However,
contrary to popular discussions (Wee, 2006;
Trencansky, 2001), Final Girls were not more or
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less likely to demonstrate agency across the
three decades. Like the TSS, the slasher movie
script for character agency appears to be re-
markably stable. On the other hand, this finding
is, to some degree, a truism: a character could
not possibly survive to become the Final Girl
unless she defended herself from the slasher or
removed herself from harm.
An alternative explanation proposed for the
identification and characterization of Final Girls
is the Just World Hypothesis, which would pre-
dict that the survival of Final Girls is contingent
on exhibiting more prosocial behaviors and
fewer antisocial behaviors relative to other char-
acters (Hypothesis 5). Again, findings in this
area were mixed: Final Girls (and Final Boys) in
top-grossing films did exhibit more prosocial
behaviors relative to other primary characters,
but Final Girls also demonstrated more antiso-
cial behaviors. These findings held true across
the 30 years of the sample period. It seems
possible that the Final Girl is allowed more
“freedom” because of the variety of prosocial
behaviors she demonstrates. This may also be
an artifact of the Final Girl being allotted more
screen time, as there are more opportunities for
her to engage in both prosocial and antisocial
behaviors. Another possibility is that a more de-
tailed exploration of antisocial behaviors that as-
sessed the underlying motive of an antisocial be-
havior (e.g., committing a break and entry to find
information necessary to defeat the killer), or that
weighed the antisocial behavior in terms of its
intensity (e.g., swearing as a more mild behavior
relative to assault), would have further clarified
whether antisocial behavior differed between Fi-
nal Girls and other female characters. However,
slasher filmmakers might prefer to create a char-
acter who is more relatable to the audience to
increase their sense of empathy for that character
and their emotional investment in her ultimate
triumph over evil. A character who seems too
perfect might actually be less sympathetic and
distance the viewer. Approximately half of the
films in the study sample also included a Final
Boy, who was in many ways like his female
counterpart (e.g., more prosocial and more agentic
than other male characters; more likely to be an-
drogynous). However, Final Boys were not dis-
tinct from other male characters in terms of sexual
behavior.
Strengths and Limitations
This study contributes to the body of research
on slasher films specifically and to media re-
search more generally. Despite many theoretical
and popular discussions since the early 1980s,
this was the first study to focus on Final Girls
and to provide empirical information that would
confirm or disprove existing speculation. This
information is particularly useful in light of the
popularity of this character throughout 30 years
of slasher films. This was also the first study to
consider the possible existence of Final Boys
and to provide information regarding their char-
acteristics and behaviors. This investigation
broke new ground by considering theoretical
explanations for slasher film deaths (i.e., the
Just World Hypothesis). Further, examining the
behaviors and outcomes at the level of the char-
acter, permitted an in-depth exploration of fac-
tors that distinguish Final Girls (and Boys) from
other characters. This approach could also be
used to study other forms of media (e.g., fiction,
television, movies from other genres).
Our selection criterion of top-grossing films
for the current study can be seen as a strength.
Rather than selecting films without regard to
their popularity (Cowan & O’Brien, 1990;
Weaver, 1991;Welsh, 2010), we included ex-
tremely popular films that were likely to have a
greater potential to influence their young audi-
ence members. Our goal was to explore the
dominant messages in these films and to focus
on those films that might have the greatest im-
pact by means of an extensive viewing audi-
ence. However, by selecting only the top gross-
ing, rather than a random sample of films, it
could be argued that our findings are generaliz-
able to other high-grossing films, but not nec-
essarily to all slasher films. Our final sample
size of 226 primary characters should allow us
to generalize our findings with some confi-
dence. However, several of our results ap-
proached significance (e.g., style of dress for
Final Girls compared with other female charac-
ters); an even larger sample might have in-
creased statistical power.
Inclusion of slasher sequels and remakes
could be viewed as both a strength and limita-
tion. Sequels and remakes clearly dominate in
terms of sheer production volume and gross box
office revenue. For instance, each of the top-10
slasher films of the 2000s was a remake, pre-
43FINAL GIRLS IN SLASHER FILMS
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quel, or sequel belonging to a franchise estab-
lished in earlier decades. Therefore, if only orig-
inal slasher films had been selected, these would
have a substantially reduced viewing audience
and not have optimally reflected the goals of the
current study. However, the inclusion of re-
makes, sequels, and prequels could be regarded
as a limitation insofar as these films were by
their very nature a repetition of a previously
established formula. Similarly, four Final Girls
in our sample were “repeat” Final Girls and
their characteristics were represented more than
once within our data set. Our decision to retain
all Final Girls in top-grossing films was based
on our desire to explore the films and characters
that had the widest exposure to viewing audi-
ences. Removing films with a repeat Final Girl
(e.g., the Scream sequels) from our sample
would have excluded some of the highest-
grossing slasher films of all time.
One of the inherent limitations to this re-
search is the greater screen time devoted to
Final Girls; because Final Girls, by definition,
outlive most other characters, they have more
opportunities to engage in all types of behav-
ior (e.g., sexual, prosocial, or antisocial). Be-
havioral variables in this study were usually
coded categorically (i.e., “present” or “ab-
sent”). Therefore, film runtime would have
less impact on the results than if these behav-
iors had been categorized in terms of fre-
quency. For example, a Final Girl was coded
as using a fight behavior if she did so one time
over the course of the film and would not be
coded as “more agentic” if she had used one
fight behavior for every 10 minutes of film.
Certainly, this is a limitation insofar as a cha-
racter who fights against the antagonist on
multiple occasions was coded in the same
category as someone who fought back only
once. However, a character’s lack of agentic
behaviors may account for his or her re-
stricted screen time; a character who freezes
in the face of an attack is more likely to
succumb to the antagonist earlier in the film.
Future Directions
The messages conveyed to audiences by slasher
films may have broader implications as a reflec-
tion of, and influence on, cultural beliefs about
gender, sexuality, and violence. The focus of this
study was on the content of slasher film messages
rather than the impact on audiences. Future studies
could be designed to examine the cultural signif-
icance that this script has for audiences, such as
correlational studies investigating the attitudes and
beliefs of slasher film fans or randomized exper-
imental studies that consider the immediate im-
pact of watching slasher films on viewers’ atti-
tudes toward sexual behavior and gender. Slasher
films are easy targets for criticism, given their
gratuitous violence. An interesting area for explo-
ration would be the reasons underlying the endur-
ing popularity of these films. Little is known about
the characteristics of slasher movie fans or their
motivations for viewing the films. The results
from one investigation seemed to suggest that
lower levels of empathy were associated with
greater enjoyment of a horror film (Tambo-
rini, Stiff, & Heidel, 1999). However, it
would be problematic to generalize from that
finding and conclude that horror movie fans
lack empathy. More research is needed to
determine the characteristics of slasher film
fans and their motivations for viewing these
movies.
In recent years, a horror subgenre emerged that
may be more reviled than the slasher genre—the
so-called “torture porn” films (e.g., Hostel;Briggs,
Fleiss, & Roth, 2005). This raises the question of
how the findings from research on slasher films
compare with those films. Given that the punish-
ments meted out to characters in these films are
often more extreme than in slasher films, with a
more protracted focus on the pain and suffering of
characters, future researchers could examine
whether the characters in “torture porn” are more
antisocial, more sexual, or more obviously “de-
serving” of death than those in slasher films.
Conclusion
Slasher films contain elements that reinforce
and elements that subvert conservative ideology
and may represent a (distorted) mirror of our own
culture. They display a homogenous view of the
world with a lack of diversity among the charac-
ters (e.g., ethnicity, age, physical attractiveness,
and sexual orientation) that appears to have
changed little over the 30 years from which our
sample was drawn. Yet, they also depict a strong
female heroine who is agentic and overcomes
great odds to survive. Although the popular dis-
course on the slasher genre seems to have ren-
dered certain characteristics of Final Girls (e.g.,
44 WEAVER, MÉNARD, CABRERA, AND TAYLOR
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her virginity) a foregone conclusion, findings from
this investigation were mixed. Final Girls demon-
strated more prosocial behaviors, but also more
antisocial behaviors. Final Girls were less likely to
be depicted nude or engaging in significant sexual
behaviors, but many engaged in mild sexual be-
havior. Virginity status was unknown for most
characters, both female and male, and was not a
defining characteristic of Final Girls. Thus, if we
were to rewrite the “rules” of the slasher film
based on our quantitative content analysis results,
they might look like the following: “Be an attrac-
tive female with an androgynous gender role.
Don’t express your sexuality too overtly. Fight
and run!”
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Received November 8, 2012
Revision received May 28, 2013
Accepted May 30, 2013 䡲
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