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... establish the background of the following exposé, two comments concerning the geo- graphical and chronological framework should be formulated from the outset. the southern levant is located at the southernmost tip of the western branch of the Fertile crescent ( fig. 1), i.e., at the junction of two different worlds: that of the sedentary agricultural- ists, who inhabit the mediterranean zone, and that of the pastoral nomads, who live mainly in its semi-arid periphery. their frontier is marked by the isohyet of 250 mm which meanders in such a way that these two worlds are not simply juxtaposed, but ...
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Citations
... In a paper entitled "Rise and collapse in the Southern Levant in the Early Bronze Age", Miroschedji (2009) provides a useful but simplified overview (Figure 1) of the episodic waves of "rise and collapse" of socioeconomic complexity in this region between the Late Chalcolithic (c.4000 BC) and Iron Age II (c.700 BC). Clearly this diagram was designed by its author to provide merely an approximate outline of the rise and fall of socioeconomic complexity in the Southern Levant over a period of three millennia. ...
... Rapid changes in climate (Richard 1980;Rosen & Rosen 2001); Invasions by outside societies (Kenyon 1966); Rapid changes in commercial interactions by outside societies (Richard 1980); Rapid degradation of the environment (Rosen 1989;1995); "Ideological colonisation" by outside societies (Greenberg 2019); Internal social/political "contradictions" (Greenberg 2019); "Cyclical models of sedentary nomadism"-'that is, the key to understanding these crises lies in an analysis of the relationship between sedentary villagers and town dwellers, on the one hand, and nomadic pastoralists on the other hand'" (Richard 1980: 331); "The fundamental instability of the ways of life led by the inhabitants of the various geographical zones-especially … in the semi-arid periphery where living conditions are especially unstable" (Miroschedji 2009: 119); More recently, scholars recognising the unsatisfactory nature of existing "models" have rejected "processual and neo-evolutionary anthropological frameworks, i.e. the 'rise, fall, and regeneration of civilization' and cyclical models of sedentism/nomadism". Instead, they have embraced "multilinear trajectories, variability, and diversity of lifeways (post-processual concerns) with a view to grasping the uniqueness of the particular society, region, site, the occupants as well as the individual" (Richard 2014: 331). ...
The Levant, at the eastern end of the Mediterranean, was at the crossroads of the world's greatest civilizations during the Bronze Age (c. 3800--1200 BC). Owing to its location at the intersection of lucrative trade routes over land and sea from all points of the compass, the territory of the Canaanites attracted the avaricious attention of the superpowers of the age. While there were heavy costs from superpower interventions, there were also major benefits for the peoples of the Levant. The prosperity of the Canaanites depended on their ability to manage these costs and benefits. Unfortunately, the episodic "collapses" in the socioeconomic complexity of Levantine society suggest that they were not always successful in doing so. How do we explain the extreme fluctuating fortunes of Canaanite society? As there is no consensus in the literature on this matter, the current paper attempts to answer this question by introducing a realist general dynamic theory--the "dynamic-strategy theory" (DST)--that I developed in the early 1990s and have subsequently applied to many societies and issues over the intervening years--most recently to the Kura-Araxes enigma (Snooks 2022b). The basic theory has been extended in this paper--becoming the 'extended DST" (EDST)--to take account of the unique circumstances of this region, which I call the "Levantine containment system" (LCS). With this theory, which is based on systematic real-world observation, it is possible to explain the periodic dramatic reversals in Levantine socioeconomic complexity and prosperity over almost three millennia. ADDENDUM: It also throws light on the current (since October 2023) war between Israel and Hamas.
... The modest use would thus make the terracing an incentive for growth but not a determining factor.41 For a careful analysis about the developments linked to the end of Late Bronze seede Miroschedji 2009, Cline 2014 ...
Spatial studies on Southern Levant region propose a settlement distribution model organized through small groups, around the end of the 2nd millennium BC. This layout, recognized on almost the whole area and characterized by the concentration of several settlements around a pivotal site, is usually associated to the presence of more organized societies, known as dimorphic or complex chiefdoms. A renewed territorial analysis, however, carried out through this paper, recently indicated a different
aligned distribution that follows the wadis fluvial articulation. This analysis is supported both by a multidisciplinary approach integrating the latest records from archaeological surveys and a functional settlements study obtained by a comprehensive exam of finds. This paper focuses on the newfound pattern and aims at investigating possible reasons and environmental variables that led to its formation. It, furthermore, examines the potential outcomes deriving from the adoption of this distribution trend, such as the increase of the regional interconnections and the
establishing of a new inner organization.
... The EB "High Chronology" based on a systematic analysis of 14 C dates suggests that EB III cities ceased to exist around 2500 BCE, and IBA sites already existed around the same time (Regev et al. 2012(Regev et al. , 2014Höflmayer et al. 2014;Lev et al. 2020;Fall et al. 2021). The high chronology extended the duration of the IBA period from about 300 years in the previous consensus (Mazar 1990;de Miroschedji 2009) up to 500 or 600 years. It is essential to determine when the drastic change in burial practices between EB III and IBA (described above) occurred within the IBA duration of half a millennium. ...
Vast burial fields, some with hundreds of burials, categorize the southern Levant’s Intermediate Bronze Age period (IBA). This phenomenon contrasts with a limited number of burials found from the preceding Early Bronze III period. This paper presents the first radiocarbon dating research of sampled bones from shaft tombs from five IBA burial sites across Israel: Yehud, Jebel Qaaqir, Sheikh-Danon, Hazorea, and Kefar-Veradim. Prescreening methods, including Fourier transform infrared analysis, were applied to identify best-preserved collagen in archaeological bones for radiocarbon dating. Overall, the measured date ranges cover the IBA timeline, supporting the observation that the IBA signature shaft tombs are a fundamental tradition of the IBA culture, at least in Israel. A single IBA shaft tomb at Jebel Qaaqir which contained remains of multiple humans, supplied different dates for various people, spanning over a few hundred years. These results suggest a tribal or family-oriented IBA community with a long-lasting tradition reflected in centuries of collective burial practices.
... In particular, the EB IV/MB I is present at the site in two layers. It is absent from most fortified sites in the southern Levant, particularly west of the Jordan River, where there is a significant break in occupation (Miroschedji 2009(Miroschedji , 2014Nigro 2014). As a result, it is possible to see if any of these developments occur in this intermediate period or later. ...
The Early Bronze Age (3500–2000 bce) of the southern Levant experienced the development of bronze metal technology, but the rate and nature of its dissemination beyond the elite are unclear. In the southern Levant and elsewhere, based upon the microscopic analysis of butchering marks, it has been proposed that bronze slicing tools only begin to be used in quantities in the Middle Bronze. However, previous analyses have always lacked data sets from the Early Bronze IV/Middle Bronze I period (c. 2500–2000 bce). In this paper, we present the butchered animal bone data from the site of Tall Zirā´a (in the NW corner of Jordan) where there is a fuller chronological sequence for the Early and Middle Bronze Ages. These data provide a unique opportunity to investigate long-term changes in butchering practices in the southern Levant. The analysis demonstrates that the new (bronze) technology does not seem to be integrated into quotidian activities, such as the processing of animal carcasses, until well into the Middle Bronze Age (MB IIB). Until then, and in subsequent phases of the MB, the majority of butchering marks are made by stone implements.
... Finally, the specialized EBA Canaanean blade technology, a pinnacle of stone blade production, enabled nearly "industrial" mass production of highly standard blade blanks (see above sub-chapter 3.6). Canaanean blade craftsmen operated within urban societies with new levels of social, economic, and geopolitical complexity compared to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods (Finkelstein 1995;Greenberg 2002;Paz 2002;Miroschedji 2009;van den Brink 2011;Braun 2011). The high investment in the initial production stages paid off in the mass production of blade segments. ...
... In the CHG, this late PN mixed farming / herding subsistence pattern undergoes a general intensification marked by increased storage capacity, suggesting further amplification in agropastoral productivity (Rowan and Golden 2009;Rowan 2014). Finally, the EBA witnessed establishment of urban societies with new levels of social, economic, and geopolitical complexity compared to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods (Finkelstein 1995;Greenberg 2002;Paz 2002;Miroschedji 2009;van den Brink 2011;Braun 2011). ...
Between the Neolithic and the urban revolutions, sweeping changes of tremendous socio-economic significance took place in the southern Levant. The main goal of this research was to investigate the role lithics played in these transformations. The specific research goals were first, to determine the main triggers for changes in raw material selection, techno-typological aspects, and functional changes in sickle blades, projectiles, and bifacial tool production during this timeframe. Second, follow the socio-cultural aspects these changes reflect; and third, use the techno-typological and raw material analyses to extrapolate a likely trajectory of the establishment and development of agricultural communities following plant and animal domestication, the formation of mature farming societies, and the founding of the first cities, or urbanization.
My basic assumption is that everything made and used by pre-industrial people are reflections of society, economy, identity, and worldviews. Sickle blades, projectiles, and bifacial tools are standardized craft objects and, as such, are perceived as material expressions of social discourse and an effective medium for exploring society and culture
Materials and Methods
This research focuses on a detailed study of 924 sickle blades, 371 projectiles, and 800 bifacial tools from ten cultural layers of five different sites dated to the Pre-Pottery Neolithic C (PPNC), the Pottery Neolithic (PN) Yarmukian, the PN Lodian, the PN Wadi Rabah, the Chalcolithic Ghassulian (CGH), and the Early Bronze Age (EBA). It examines aspects of raw material, technology, and typology, and includes a comparative study with other available (published) contemporary sites. The insights from the diachronic changes in tool types analyzed and meticulously characterized in this study were evaluated using seriation and comparison of the three production trajectories, published functional studies (use-wear analyses and controlled experiments), ethnographic evidence, economic and social models, and a perceptual perspective.
Main Results and Implications
Techno-typological and raw material analyses reveal that, from a lithic perspective, cultural changes during the PPNC–EBA were gradual, with no abrupt breaks. This steady development formed a continuum from the onset of agriculture through the establishment of rural communities and into the emergence of more complex societies (which, in the Mediterranean zone, saw a split between the farmer and craftsmen), and finally to the foundation of cities. The three tool types examined in this study contribute to a better understanding of this process, each from a different perspective.
This research illustrates that developments and changes in the sickle blade production trajectories were triggered by increasing demand for cereals and straw (for animal feed, basketry, the pottery industry, and more) and reflect increasing efficiency in both harvesting and production and maintenance of sickles (haft and inserts). I propose to view these developments through the prism of organization and reorganization of production. An increase in the number of harvested plants per time unit reflects resource optimization and contributes to an increase in an area's carrying capacity, which in turn potentially leads to an increase in surplus. Therefore, changes in sickle blade techno-typology over time eventually enabled the sustaining of a growing population.
With the introduction of a long sickle in the PPNC, the complexity of sickle production, hafting, and maintenance significantly increased. This, along with concurrent scheduling of harvesting and sickle blade craftsmanship, contributed to the establishment of distinct social identities of farmers and craftsmen.
This research makes a significant contribution to aspects of perception of production. As mentioned, the trigger for diachronic change in sickle blades was the increasing efficiency in both harvesting and sickle production. However, the achievement of this goal changed dramatically in the late PN, indicating a perceptual change. Between the PPNC and the Lodian culture of the PN, the need for increased efficiency in both harvesting and sickle production was handled by extending the lifespan of sickle inserts based on increased investment in the shaping, reshaping, and reuse of each insert (late stage production investment). This situation changed in the PN Wadi Rabah culture with the adoption of a more cost-effective approach characterized by increased investment in the initial production stages (acquisition of suitable raw material and core preparation). This enabled serial production of large numbers of short-lived sickle inserts with minimal investment in the last stages of production.
The PPNC, Yarmukian, and Lodian sickle blade production echoes hunter-gatherer perceptions of objects as “selves,” emphasizing the life cycle of various “selves.” This approach, though ecologically beneficial, is time–effort consuming and contradicts fundamental principles of production efficiency. It creates a “bottleneck” that prevents an increase in specialization, slows down demographic growth, and socio-economic development. Beginning with the Wadi Rabah culture, sickle blade craftsmen focused on the “whole” at the expense of the “individual,” meaning the whole sickle at the expense of its inserts. The sickle insert was no longer viewed as a “self” but rather as a “means” to achieving increased production efficiency. This led the late PN economy and society on a track of increasing specialization, technological development, social ranking, and economic and demographic growth. This research suggests that we view the Lodian–Wadi Rabah transition as a turning point in the increased specialization in sickle blade production, further amplified in the CHG, and even more in the EBA, with its nearly “industrial” mass production of highly standard Cannaanean blade blanks. This technological choice is essentially a reflection of a shift from a relational epistemology to an objectified worldview, a shift in perception that, over time, would develop, expand, and finally evolve into modern perception of economy and society as we know it today.
Diachronic changes in projectiles reflect a continuous decline in hunting activities and an increasing marginalization of stone tipped tools in the southern Levant. A detailed comparison of tool type characteristics shows a similarity between the sickle blade and projectile production trajectories (they were likely produced by the same craftsmen) during the PPNC, PN Yarmukian, and Lodian, until projectiles decrease and then practically disappear. The sickle blade trajectory is evidently the leading one. It is of great significance that the withdrawal from the hunter-gatherer animistic worldview of objects as "selves" coincided with abandonment of the classic Neolithic “three-type” projectile system in the Wadi Rabah culture and adoption of an advantageous production (of Transverse projectile) based on blade segments. This shift is a visible expression of the above presented perceptual change.
The production of bifacial tools seems to reflect a conservative set of choices, applied traditionally, and with little change, throughout the time span examined. Bifacial tool production differs from the sickle blade + projectile industry, and was likely performed by different craftsmen. Due to the complex process of shaping and polishing (extensive investment in the late production stages), bifacial tools could not be subjected to high levels of specialization, namely, mass production. The inability to make stone bifacial tool production more efficient probably led to its eventual abandonment (and likely replacement by metal axes and adzes) already in the early stages of the EBA, while the production of stone sickle blades became highly organized and flourished much longer afterwards. As the adze claims to be more efficient and versatile than the axe, the increase in adzes in the Wadi Rabah and CHG likely reflects attempts to increase efficiency. This emphasizes the importance of efficiency in production and use between the PPNC and the EBA. As with projectiles, the abandonment of stone bifacial tools in the EBA reflects the relinquishing of the cultural and symbolic meaning these tools once held, and emphasizes again, withdrawal from “old” perceptions.
Using a sickle blade attribute seriation model and a technology-based production curve analysis, I was able to illustrate how technological development alone does not lead to socio-economic change. Perceptual changes underlie (and are an essential driving force behind) socio-economic developments. In fact, the increased organization of production (specialization) in the Wadi Rabah–CHG–EBA would not have been possible without letting go of “old” perceptions (rooted in the hunter-gatherer world), in favor of a more direct, “end-product targeted”, “cost-effective” approach to production. In the absence of perceptual change, further socio-economic developments (including increased exploitation and manipulation of the environment, resource optimization, and demographic growth) would not have been possible.
This research establishes that worldviews rooted in hunter-gatherer epistemologies continued to influence the perception of lithic (and also pottery) production until, and including the PN Lodian culture, almost two millennia after the domestication of plants and animals in the region and the institutionalization of agriculture.
This raises many questions, such as: How can the perceptual change be characterized? Was the separation from hunter-gatherer worldviews a gradual process or was it a change that occurred in parallel with changes in the perception of domestication and production, but not in the same pace? How and when did a change in the perception of plants and animals take place and how did it make domestication possible and legitimate? Did a similar process take place in production as well?
This research makes an important contribution to understanding the dynamics of innovation that accompanied the Neolithic process, and the centrality of cereals as the major economic foundation of rural societies in the southern Levant and the Levant as a whole. The perceptual change illuminated through lithic analysis may relate to the concept of the “Second Neolithic Revolution” and the “Neolithization of the human mind” as put forward by Gopher. It evidently was preceded by a significantly changed discourse reflected in a symbolic explosion in the Yarmukian culture. How this perceptual change was promoted, its nature and course, and more generally, the mechanisms behind the new epistemological structuring are, in my view, the most significant paths for future research.
... This issue also applies to bagplot analysis, although the use of median and IQR is preferable to mean and standard deviation with non-normally distributed data, which archeologically derived isotopic data often is (Price et al., 2002(Price et al., , 2008 (Harrison, 1997). Whether due to invasion/ migration, rapid climate change, economic pressures, or other social and environmental changes, the transition from EBA-MBA is estimated to be marked by increasing sedentism and smaller spheres of interaction (Langgut et al., 2016;Miroschedji, 2009 (Cartwright, 2003;Dickin et al., 2012;Fall et al., 1998Fall et al., , 2019Sasson, 2016). When compared to other Jordanian sites, the Pella F I G U R E 7 87 Sr/ 86 Sr values of Bronze Age Pella individuals plotted with "local" biospheric range, as well as general regional ranges identified by Gregoricka et al. (2020). ...
The site of Pella, located in the foothills of the east Jordan valley, was a prosperous city-state throughout the Middle Bronze Age (MBA, ca. 2000—1500 BCE). As part of a widespread trading network, Pella enjoyed extensive socio-economic relationships with Egypt, Cyprus and the Aegean, Anatolia and Babylonia during this period.
We report isotopic analysis (⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr, δ¹⁸O, and δ¹³C) from enamel of 22 human permanent second molars of which 13 second lower molars were used for an additional biodistance analysis based on ASUDAS. The multidisciplinary approach investigates the ancestral background of MBA Pella and the degree of temporary or more permanent relocation from other settlements.
Ancillary to carbonate isotope analysis for migration investigation, dietary information in the form of δ¹³Ccarbonate was also collected. δ¹³Ccarbonate values (mean -12.3‰ ± 0.4 SD) suggests a uniform diet reliant on C3 cereals and legumes as crops and animal fodder, adhering to expected Bronze Age Levantine dietary norms.
Two methods are used to identify non-locals. Using a biospheric baseline, three individuals with non-local ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr ratios are identified. Bagplot analysis of both ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr and δ¹⁸O data suggests that three individuals (14%) grew up elsewhere; two individuals who were already identified as ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr outliers using biospheric data and one more with outlying δ¹⁸O values. All individuals identified as non-locals, using either method, are from one tomb, Tomb 62.
The dental nonmetric traits indicated diverse morphology and subsequent ancestry for Tomb 62 (11 out 13), whereas primary burials (2/13) clustered together. The commingled condition of Tomb 62 material prevented a more exhaustive biodistance analysis, but the tentative results coincide with interpretations of the tomb.
Significant movements of populations throughout the Middle Bronze Age are evidenced through funerary rituals and architecture, and this study demonstrates that Pella, thought to be peripheral, nonetheless had some permanent movement evidenced through isotopes and ancestry analysis.
... This may provide an additional way of viewing and analyzing the limited data on the tabular scraper trade during the EB I in the southern Levant. The EB I is an ideal timeframe for a computational simulation of trade due to its fluctuating levels of social organization (Greenberg 2019;de Miroschedji 2009;Philip 2008), which allows a diverse range of social parameters on which a model can be constructed. This time span also includes a large number of settlements (Bar 2014: 131;Greenberg 2019:64-65) that chronologically overlap with tabular scraper quarry sites in Jordan (e.g., Fujii 2013) and can be employed in the simulation. ...
... Regionalism throughout the southern Levant is reflected by different patterns of settlement organization, variation in material culture and different resource procurement strategies (e.g., participation in trade; see Braun 1996;Greenberg 2002;de Miroschedji 2009). Part of this regional mosaic is the coexistence of villages, towns and nomadic communities, which shared interdependent trade and exchange mechanisms (Abu-Azizeh 2013;Phillip 2008:191-192). ...
... Others (Nigro et al. 2018) place the EB at 3,500/3,200 Cal BC to 2,500/2,300 Cal BC. This time span is typically divided into three phases (EB I, EB II and EB III), which are further divided into sub-phases (de Miroschedji 2009, Regev et al. 2012b. These three phases represent several consecutive changes in social organization, along with different levels of regionalism. ...
... During this period, the site becomes one of several major regional and fortified urban centres that dot the landscape across the region (Miroschedji 2009;Levy-Reifer 2012;Nigro 2014;Chadwick et al. 2017;Welch et al. 2019). The nature of the regional settlement hierarchy (in conjunction with extensive excavation data) suggests that this period marks the beginning of complex urban and possibly political units similar to peer-polities that controlled their immediate hinterlands (e.g. ...
Animals have always been an integral part of human existence. In the ancient Near East, this is evident in the record of excavated assemblages of faunal remains, iconography and – for the later historical periods – texts. Animals have predominantly been examined as part of consumption and economy, and while these are important aspects of society in the ancient Near East, the relationships between humans and animals were extremely varied and complex. Domesticated animals had great impact on social, political and economic structures – for example cattle in agriculture and diet, or donkeys and horses in transport, trade and war. Fantastic mythological beasts such as lion-headed eagles or Anzu-birds in Mesopotamia or Egyptian deities such as the falcon-headed god Horus were part of religious beliefs and myths, while exotic creatures such as lions were part of elite symbolling from the fourth millennium bc onward. In some cases, animals also intruded on human lives in unwanted ways by scavenging or entering the household; this especially applies to small or wild animals. But animals were also attributed agency with the ability to solve problems; the distinction between humans and other animals often blurs in ritual, personal and place names, fables and royal ideology. They were helpers, pets and companions in life and death, peace and war. An association with cult and mortuary practices involves sacrifice and feasting, while some animals held special symbolic significance. This volume is a tribute to the animals of the ancient Near East (including Mesopotamia, Anatolia, the Levant and Egypt), from the fourth through first millennia bc, and their complex relationship with the environment and other human and nonhuman animals. Offering faunal, textual and iconographic studies, the contributions present a fascinating array of the many ways in which animals influence human life and death, and explore new perspectives in the exciting field of human-animal studies as applied to this part of the world.
... During this period, the site becomes one of several major regional and fortified urban centres that dot the landscape across the region (Miroschedji 2009;Levy-Reifer 2012;2016;Nigro 2014;2016;Chadwick et al. 2017;Welch et al. 2019). The nature of the regional settlement hierarchy (in conjunction with extensive excavation data) suggests that this period marks the beginning of complex urban and possibly In recent years, there has been a renewed focus on the domestication and importance of donkeys for ancient Near Eastern and other early societies (Mitchell 2017;. ...
... These changes, highlighted by the introduction and swift proliferation of fortified settlements across the entire region, are commonly regarded as indicators of a deep social change, identified by many with the emergence of urban structures (de Miroschedji 2014;Greenberg 2019, 70-135). Until recently, the study of early Levantine urbanization was predicated on Southern Mesopotamian-derived evolutionary models, advocating a quasi-linear trajectory of gradual rise in social complexity throughout the Early Bronze Age (EBA) Levant (e.g., Kempinski 1978;Richard 1987;Getzov, Paz, and Gophna 2001;Paz 2002;de Miroschedji 2009). These models have been severely criticized in the last two decades owing to the absence of the most essential traits of Mesopotamian urbanism in the South-Central Levant, in tandem with the growing notion of multiple regional trajectories that do not necessarily follow a uniform pathway (Greenberg 2002(Greenberg , 2003Chesson and Philip 2003;Philip 2003;Bradbury, Braemer, and Sala 2014;Wilkinson et al. 2014). ...
The Early Bronze Age (ca. 3700–2500 b.c.) was an era of wide-ranging changes in the Southern and Central Levant, commonly interpreted in the context of the advent of urban structures in this region. Key elements in regional narratives of urbanization are large fortified sites viewed as regional centers, whose local history is often perceived as a paradigmatic expression of the entire process. Here we present the first stage of research at the site of Qedesh in the Galilee (Israel), that emerged as a large Levantine hub at the turn of the 4th millennium b.c. The study is based on systematic high-resolution surface survey followed by density analysis, probing, and small-scale excavations. Our research suggests that Qedesh was a hitherto unknown key player in the interregional trajectory of social complexification by virtue of its size (min. 50 ha), composite inner structure, and ecotonal location that enhanced connectivity within an economic network associated with the production and distribution of South Levantine Metallic Ware.
