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Typical production chain in Turkish clothing industry: The producer takes care of all production steps, but outsources the labor-intensive procedures to subcontractors
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The globalized production of consumer goods and its specific settings and circulation routes have not yet played a significant role in research into the effects of globalization on cities and urban built structures – although industrial production for the world market is obviously shaping urban environments in newly industrialized countries across...
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... and Inditex are meanwhile the biggest buyers in Turkey and almost all major fashion chains buy at least a part of their collections there. Turkish producers have been able to consolidate their market position vis- à-vis Asian producers thanks, firstly, to fast contractual processing and short lead times and, secondly, because, as "full-package providers", they can generally cover every step in the production process, from design to pattern making, to materials purchase, to cutting, sewing and finishing (Neidik andGereffi 2006, Tokatli andKızılgün 2009) (Figure 3). Fashion houses therefore often buy "ready-mades" from Turkish producers' own collections, or request only the slight modification of colours and detailing. ...
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Full text available here: http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ace.11.33.4850
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Citations
... The assumption in the current conceptualisation of dissociation is that while geographies of association denote visible and clearly identifiable places, the topologies of dissociation encompass a rather different set of places and sites (Pike, 2013;Hagemann, 2015;Kleibert, 2015;Ibert et al., 2019;Kleibert et al., 2020;Müller et al., 2021). These places are seen as typically inconspicuous and occupy locations remote from public spaces and centres of consumption, which Ibert et al. (2019, 57) called 'hidden places' and 'dark places'. ...
... Geographies of association and dissociation as developed by Ibert et al. (2019) enable an unpacking of the inclusionary and exclusionary dynamics in GPNs. In the existing works, dissociation is primarily seen as encompassing dark and distant places away from the places of association (Hagemann, 2015;Kleibert, 2015;Ibert et al., 2019). Such places of dissociation most often are hidden and inconspicuous, occupying locations remote from public spaces and centres of consumption. ...
In this article, I use the emerging concept of geographies of dissociation to examine fragmented labour regimes in global production networks (GPNs). The article takes informality in the Sri Lankan apparel industry and the application of ethical codes as a case example. Using qualitative research methods, I provide a critical analytical lens through which the concept of dissociation makes visible what has been obscured through much of the debate on ethical codes. In so doing, the article makes three contributions to the debate on ethical codes and dissociation. First, I illuminate uneven geographies of ethical codes manifested through highly fragmented workplaces where some workers are excluded from the protection of ethical codes. In so doing, the article challenges the notion of homogenous workplaces, in which, dialectics of inclusion and exclusion of ethical codes often go unnoticed. Secondly, by illustrating bifurcated and inequal labour regimes, I argue that both association and dissociation practices can co-exist in the same workplace at the same time. This is in contrast to the existing works that mostly frame places of dissociation as distant and hidden from the association places. Third, I advance the concept of dissociation beyond its current framing to argue for a notion of collective dissociation emerging from fluid and complex social relations of multi-scalar actors. I argue that in GPNs, such collective practices of dissociation are possible and even necessary given the complex ways firms and non-firm actors are connected to each other from the global scale to the workplace.
... We will address these questions by examining specific places of global clothing production established in the periphery of Addis Ababa in the past decade with regards to the physical urban environment and as articulations of particular transnational production relations. This chapter draws on findings of a multi-local case study of manufacturing sites in Turkey, South-East Bulgaria and Ethiopia within a dynamic production network connected to West European fashion companies and markets (Hagemann 2015;Beyer and Hagemann 2018). At each location, we investigated the characteristics of the built environment and its changes related to transnational clothing production. ...
... Thus, scholarship engaging the GPN approach offers many points of connection for research into spatial preconditions and urban effects of globalized production. However, the potential of combining global commodity chain approaches with urban research has remained largely unexplored to date, with the exception of a few ground-breaking empirical studies (Kelly 2013; Kleibert 2015; see also Hagemann 2015). This also applies to the current industrial development in Ethiopia. ...
There has been an intense discourse on the relationship between inter-stakeholder university engagements, or service learning, and the broader society that South African universities claim to serve over the past decade in both local and international academia. The inherent problem within these power structures, the challenges to achieving mutually beneficial project outcomes and the growing concern of vulnerable, unheard institutional and individual voices are critical factors. The recognition of these dynamics within the emerging field of design research and design-led teaching is less nuanced in these debates. Training institutions of architecture have a rich history of undertaking service-learning initiatives to create value and learning for both the students and the stakeholders of such projects. Still, in South Africa, they are only now seen through a post-rainbow nation lens. The FeesMustFall movement is primarily driving this change. Larger institutions are recognising previously marginalised voices that now find traction in learning and practice across South Africa. This chapter reflects the author’s experience with emergent views and concerns as a researcher, lecturer and spatial design practitioner in Johannesburg. This section centres on learning regarding city-making in Southern Africa, and it presents two case studies followed by a discussion of growth opportunities.
... The facades are designed in a way that reveals nothing of the building's functions. Brand names or labels are markedly absent, doors are locked, and the buildings have no windows (Hagemann, 2015), since '[i]f slaughterhouses had glass walls, everyone would be a vegetarian' (Paul McCartney, quoted in Kunst and Hohle, 2016: 759). ...
In this article, we seek to contribute to cultural-economic geography debates on the social construction of economic value. We widen the focus on already well-studied associations between branded commodities and other entities representing nonmonetary values by also considering what we refer to as ‘dissociations’. Dissociation denotes practices of weakening or obscuring negative links between a branded commodity and other entities in order to let the desired associations overrule undesired ones. We highlight the strategic agency behind such dissociations and thus focus on actors’ proactive relational work to prevent negative associations from becoming salient as well as their reactive practices of managing reputational crises. The article situates the study of dissociations in human geography and pays particular attention to the geographies of dissociation along territorial, relational, and topological lines.
... The Zone has impacts on urbanization and the (built) environment in the places where it is located. Hagemann (2015) calls it the "effects of globalization in cities" in her study of the relationship between the built environment and export-oriented factories in Turkey. Bach (2011a) and Easterling (2012Easterling ( , 2014 analyze the different types of "urban forms" emerging within/from the Zone. ...
The land of the Magical Maya is a mythical region in the south of Mexico where there are enigmatic creatures such as cosmic Indios, vultures, ghosts, white elephants, pineapples, swallows, and flamingos; and wondrous places like cenotes, pyramids, blue moons, old frontiers, new frontiers, and paradise-Zones. In the 1980s, henequen, the agro-based industry that had sustained Yucatán since the 19th century, was close to collapsing. With a sense of urgency, the state government looked for alternatives to diversify the economy in an attempt to prevent the effects of mass unemployment. Almost by chance, but with the help of state intervention, the maquiladora industry filled the gap left by the old system and boomed between 1990 and 2001, followed by a bust, and then a decline. Drawing on fieldwork, and with an analysis that starts with abstractions and zooms in to the level of the everyday, this thesis tells a tale at different scales. This is the story of how people in the city of Motul experienced the rise and decline of Montgomery Industries, the most important maquiladora in the state. There are glimpses into how people’s lives changed and how their city transformed; how the state built infrastructural veins to support the maquiladora industry; and how the government attempted to sell the idea of Yucatán as an exotic, maquiladora paradise where Magical Mayas await. This is also a bigger tale about the relationship between colonial legacies, urbanization, and global capitalism. Through instances of magic, capitalism exists in tension between its tendency to homogenize and its propensity to thrive in differentiation. Capitalism in Yucatán is articulated via the Imperial South through processes of racialization and colonization. Urbanization unfolds in tension between invisibility and visibility. This work contributes to the third wave of Lefebvrian thought, offers insights to the continuous debate of the urban question, advances the project of postcolonial urban studies, and adds to the body of maquiladora studies.
... Like Piot, the various authors in this issue raise the question of the interconnections between the local and the global. East African countryside (Racaud and Mainet 2015), the clothing industry districts in Istanbul (Hagemann 2015) -and then study that local place within a broader whole. Thus, the embeddedness between global and local and the connections to other globalized spaces are examined, which give these inconspicuous spaces of globalization a "global sense of place" (Massey 1991(Massey , 2005. ...
... They thus focus on a portion of the chain or the entire chain by choosing ordinary objects as flip-flop sandals (Knowles 2014), T-shirts (Rivoli 2005), a range of commodities (Hulme 2015), or jeans from wholesale markets to local markets (Pliez 2012). Such research enables us to grasp precise issues such as "global commodity chains as an integral strand of urban research" (Hagemann 2015) the interactions among several locations with welldefined functions (extraction sites, cultivation, manufacture, trade) in order to understand what is a global market (Çalişkan 2010), to deconstruct clichés such as the North versus the South, to highlight alternative approaches to recycling economies (Furniss 2015) or the pathways of innovation that traverse areas of the Global South (Tastevin 2015a, b). We can also 'test' these routes by travelling them, to "inquire into the reality of circulation, with its supposed fluidity and its frequent standstills (and so doing) see that increasing controls, linked to security and migratory European issues, hinder these ordinary movements and exchanges" (Choplin and Lombard 2014). ...
... 32 At an even smaller scale, specialized production clusters in spare rickshaw parts (Tastevin 2015b) as well as fairs, markets, and shopping areas, as shown by the examples of Cameroon and East Africa (Racaud andMainet 2015, Racaud 2015), supply many points of sale of varying degrees of informality, both inside and outside the main market places. In Istanbul, Hagemann (2015) reveals how the clothing industry production stage is spatially selective. She analyses how actual manufacturing of clothing is gradually pushed out of Istanbul's central districts by planning efforts, rising real estate and labour costs, while the Turkish industry continues to upgrade and starts outsourcing to other regions and countries. ...
This special issue addresses the inconspicuous geography of globalization, constructed through invisible transnational connections. To bring these spaces out of the shadows, it is essential to shift our gaze from the center towards the spatial as well as the social margins. This rescaling also needs to be rethought in order to grasp the complex interactions between the local and the global. Finally, the various studies in this special issue reveal three types of interstitial spaces on which this inconspicuous globalization is based: routes, secondary cities, and market places. Thus, a broad and vast research fields opens up before us, whose main lines we sketch out below. © 2015, Articulo - Journal of Urban Research. All rights reserved.
... Like Piot, the various authors in this issue raise the question of the interconnections between the local and the global. East African countryside (Racaud and Mainet 2015), the clothing industry districts in Istanbul (Hagemann 2015) -and then study that local place within a broader whole. Thus, the embeddedness between global and local and the connections to other globalized spaces are examined, which give these inconspicuous spaces of globalization a "global sense of place" (Massey 1991(Massey , 2005. ...
... They thus focus on a portion of the chain or the entire chain by choosing ordinary objects as flip-flop sandals (Knowles 2014), T-shirts (Rivoli 2005), a range of commodities (Hulme 2015), or jeans from wholesale markets to local markets (Pliez 2012). Such research enables us to grasp precise issues such as "global commodity chains as an integral strand of urban research" (Hagemann 2015) the interactions among several locations with welldefined functions (extraction sites, cultivation, manufacture, trade) in order to understand what is a global market (Çalişkan 2010), to deconstruct clichés such as the North versus the South, to highlight alternative approaches to recycling economies (Furniss 2015) or the pathways of innovation that traverse areas of the Global South (Tastevin 2015a, b). We can also 'test' these routes by travelling them, to "inquire into the reality of circulation, with its supposed fluidity and its frequent standstills (and so doing) see that increasing controls, linked to security and migratory European issues, hinder these ordinary movements and exchanges" (Choplin and Lombard 2014). ...
... 32 At an even smaller scale, specialized production clusters in spare rickshaw parts (Tastevin 2015b) as well as fairs, markets, and shopping areas, as shown by the examples of Cameroon and East Africa (Racaud andMainet 2015, Racaud 2015), supply many points of sale of varying degrees of informality, both inside and outside the main market places. In Istanbul, Hagemann (2015) reveals how the clothing industry production stage is spatially selective. She analyses how actual manufacturing of clothing is gradually pushed out of Istanbul's central districts by planning efforts, rising real estate and labour costs, while the Turkish industry continues to upgrade and starts outsourcing to other regions and countries. ...
Currently, Ethiopia’s federal government aims to kick-start industrialization through an integration with global production networks. Specifically, the global clothing industry is encouraged to locate their manufacturing in the country. Large-scale new industry parks and textile factories have been developed in proximity to the capital and main cities in other regions to this end. Based on a closer study of two major clothing industry establishments in the periphery of Addis Ababa, this chapter examines such facilities in terms of the physical urban environment they coproduce and as articulations of particular transnational relations. Informed by current work on global production networks in the economic geography, the chapter develops a transnational urban research perspective to build a better understanding of how urban spaces of globalized production are constituted. Accordingly, the chapter considers the respective industry sites as transnational urban spaces in the context of global production networks. It aims to disentangle and differentiate who and what contributes to the transnational character of these spaces, and thereby to identify more clearly driving actor constellations and force fields to be reckoned with in current urbanization processes in Ethiopia.
Geographically dispersed networks of production interact with urban economic development and contribute to shape the built environment and urbanization processes all over the world. However, the global manufacturing of goods and their circulation have not yet been given adequate attention in the field of urban research. This article charts a research framework to study the interplay between urban spaces and globalized industrial production. We argue that a relational perspective on multi-local economic processes as provided by commodity chain approaches, specifically the Global Production Networks (GPN) framework, ought to be integrated into urban research in order to grasp the driving forces and the transnational character of urban development in places of industrial production. In the first section of the article, we discuss the conceptual base and benefits of integrating the GPN approach with an urban research perspective centred on the analysis of the built environment. In the second section, we operationalize these considerations in an analytical framework which we apply to a multi-local and relational case study of clothing manufacturing locations in the Istanbul metropolitan region in Turkey, the South Bulgarian province Kardzhali and the periphery of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa. Our findings illuminate the site-specific, yet interdependent mutual transformation of global production networks and urban space, giving rise to transnational spatial formations such as dense industry clusters, dispersed production niches or clearly defined enclaves for export processing. At the same time, they underscore the agency of the built environment and urban planning in shaping the geography of globalized production.
