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The pitch class circle. The musical scale is formed by dividing the octave into 12 semitone steps, and each tone is given a name (C, C , D, and so on). To produce the entire scale, this succession of note names, or pitch classes, is repeatedly presented across octaves.
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The tritone paradox occurs when two tones that are related by a half- octave (or tritone) are presented in succession and the tones are con- structed in such a way that their pitch classes (C, C, D, etc.) are clearly defined but their octave placement is ambiguous. Previous studies have shown that there are large individual differences in how such...
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... is a long history of speculation concerning relationships between speech and music. In the nineteenth century, Spencer (1857) and Darwin (1871) both conjectured that these two forms of communication have a common origin—a hypothesis that has been discussed in detail by Wallin, Merker, and Brown (2000). Findings by neuroscientists have indicated that certain elements of speech and music are subserved by overlapping neural circuitry (Besson & Schon, 2003; Patel, Gibson, Ratner, Besson, & Holcomb, 1998; Samson & Ehrle, 2003). At the perceptual level, it has been shown that infants respond strongly to musical characteristics of their mothers’ speech—particularly melodic contour (Fernald, 1992)—and that pitch and durational characteristics of speech play an important role in language comprehension (Cutler, 1991; Cutler, Dahan, & van Donselaar, 1997). The tritone paradox (Deutsch, 1986, 1991, 1992, 1997) provides further evidence for an association between speech and music, since the way this musical illusion is perceived correlates with the language or dialect that is spoken by the listener (as described later). In the study presented here, we explored the basis for this association by comparing the perceptions of listeners whose first language was Vietnamese with those of monolingual speakers of English. In our first experiment, we studied three groups of listeners: Those in the first group (“Vietnamese Late Arrival”) had arrived in the United States as adults, and they spoke perfect Vietnamese but little English. Those in the second group (“Vietnamese Early Arrival”) had arrived in the United States as infants or children, and they spoke perfect English but were not fluent speakers of Vietnamese. Those in the third group (“Californian English”) were monolingual speakers of Californian English, whose parents were also monolingual speakers of Californian English. We found that the two Vietnamese groups were closely similar to each other in their perceptions of the tritone paradox, and that both groups differed significantly from the Californian English group. In our second experiment we found, for Vietnamese speakers, a correlate between the way the tritone paradox was perceived and the pitch range of the listener’s speaking voice. The two sets of findings, taken together, lead us to conclude that the pitch of speech heard early in life has a strong influence on perception of this musical illusion in adulthood, even for listeners who do not speak their first language fluently. Beyond pointing to a specific linkage between speech and music, our findings contribute to the issue of critical periods for the acquisition of intonational characteristics of speech, and the malleability of the perceptual system beyond such critical periods. The tritone paradox is produced by tones that are so constructed that their note names, or pitch classes (C, C , D, and so on) are clearly defined, but their octave placement is ambiguous. 1 So, for example, one tone might clearly be a C, but in principle it could be middle C, or the C an octave above, or the C an octave below (see Shepard, 1964, and Risset, 1971, for descriptions of other perceptual properties of tones from which the present ones were derived.) To produce the tritone paradox, two of these ambiguous tones are presented in succession, and these are related by a half-octave (or tritone). For example, D might be presented followed by G , or A followed by D ; and so on. Most listeners, when asked to determine whether such tone pairs form ascending or descending patterns, make judgments that display sys- tematic relationships to the positions of the tones along the pitch class circle (Figure 1): Tones in one region of the circle are perceived as higher, while tones in the opposite region are perceived as lower. Yet listeners dis- agree substantially as to which tone pairs are heard as ascending and which as descending, and so as to which pitch classes are heard as higher and which as lower (see, for example, Deutsch, 1986, 1991, 1992, 1997). Deutsch, North, and Ray (1990) hypothesized that the tritone paradox, and the individual differences in the way it is perceived, might be related to the processing of speech sounds (see also Terhardt, 1974, 1991). More specifically, we hypothesized that, through extensive exposure to such sounds, the individual acquires a long-term representation of the pitch range of his or her speaking voice, and included in this representation is a delimi- tation of the octave band in which the largest proportion of pitch values occurs. We further hypothesized that the pitch classes delimiting this octave band for speech are taken by the listener as defining the highest position along the pitch class circle, and that this is reflected in his or her judgments of the tritone paradox. In accordance with this conjecture, Deutsch et al. (1990) found a strong correspondence between the pitch range of a subject’s spontaneous speech and the way he or she perceived this musical illusion. Deutsch (1991) further conjectured that this acquired representation of the pitch class circle is derived from exposure to speech produced by others, and that it is used both to evaluate perceived speech and to constrain the listener’s own speech output. On this hypothesis, the characteristics of such a template should vary among people who speak in different languages or dialects, along with other speech characteristics, such as vowel quality. Dolson (1994) has reviewed the evidence concerning the pitch of speech in different linguistic communities, in relation to the hypothesis of an acquired pitch class template. He concluded that several lines of evidence support this hypothesis. For example, in a community of similarly aged speakers (either male or female) there is typically little variation in the pitch range of speech, as characterized by average speaker fundamental frequency. In contrast, there can be sizeable differences in pitch ranges of speech across different linguistic communities (see, for example, Majewski, Hollien, & Zalewski, 1972; Hanley, Snidicor, & Ringel, 1966; and Yamazawa & Hollien, 1992). These group differences cannot be explained on the basis of physiological characteristics of the speakers, since a number of studies have shown that speaker fundamental frequency does not correlate with measures such as laryngeal size, chest size, overall height, overall weight, and so on (Hollien & Jackson, 1973; Kunzel, 1989; Majewski et al., 1972). Furthermore, the pitch range of speech for an individual speaker generally spans roughly an octave (see, e.g., Hudson & Holbrook, 1982, and Figure 5 of the present article) and that, within a given linguistic community, the difference in pitch range between male and female speakers is generally close to an octave—roughly 10 or 11 semitones (Boe & Rakolofiringa, 1975; Hudson & Holbrook, 1981; Kunzel, 1989). This body of research therefore supports the hypothesis that the pitch range of an individual’s speaking voice is determined by a pitch class template that is acquired through exposure to speech produced by others. In a test of this hypothesis, Deutsch (1991) studied perception of the tritone paradox in two groups of subjects. Those in the first group had been born and had grown up in California, whereas those in the second group had been born and had grown up in the south of England. Both groups were tested under identical conditions; however, striking differences between them emerged. Statistically, when the Californian group tended to hear a tone pair as ascending, the southern English group tended to hear it as descending, and vice versa. This finding, in conjunction with that of Deutsch et al. (1990), indicates that the same, culturally acquired, pitch class template influences both the individual’s speech production and also how he or she perceives the tritone paradox. Studies in other laboratories have provided further evidence that differences in perception of this musical illusion are related to the languages or dialects to which listeners have been exposed. Giangrande (1998) reported that the perceptions of listeners in Boca Raton, Florida, were similar to those of the Californians studied by Deutsch (1991). In contrast, Dawe, Platt, and Welsh (1998) found that the perceptions of listeners in Hamilton, Ontario, were similar to those of listeners studied by Deutsch (1991) from the South of England. Chalikia and colleagues have reported a number of linguistic correlates: The perceptions of English speakers in Texas differed from those of English speaking Californians (Chalikia & Vaid, 1999) and were substantially ...
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In recent years, there has been growing focus on the study of automated recommender systems. Music recommendation systems serve as a prominent domain for such works, both from an academic and a commercial perspective. A fundamental aspect of music perception is that music is experienced in temporal context and in sequence. In this work we present D...
The tritone paradox is produced when two tones that are related by a half- octave (or tritone) are presented in succession. Each tone is composed of a set of octave- related harmonics, whose amplitudes are determined by a bell-shaped spectral envelope; thus the tones are clearly defined in terms of pitch class, but poorly defined in terms of height...
Citations
... As a result, these common acoustic features likely lead to the transfer of musical experience to the processing of speech sounds (Besson et al., 2011a(Besson et al., , 2011bStrait & Kraus, 2011), demonstrating that musical experience facilitates the speech processing, with musicians exhibiting enhanced language abilities compared with nonmusicians (Lee & Hung, 2008;C.-Y. Lee et al., 2014;Nan et al., 2018;Tang et al., 2016;Wong et al., 2007). In addition, there is also evidence indicating that one's experience with language can have an impact on musical perception (Deutsch, 1997;Deutsch et al., 2004). Musicians who speak a tone language manifested a more precise and stable form of absolute pitch compared with those who speak a nontone language, possibly due to the fact that tone language speakers employ absolute pitch as a cue to differentiate the meaning of words (Deutsch et al., 2004). ...
... In addition, there is also evidence indicating that one's experience with language can have an impact on musical perception (Deutsch, 1997;Deutsch et al., 2004). Musicians who speak a tone language manifested a more precise and stable form of absolute pitch compared with those who speak a nontone language, possibly due to the fact that tone language speakers employ absolute pitch as a cue to differentiate the meaning of words (Deutsch et al., 2004). However, what becomes evident from phonetic investigations of tone languages is that they indeed establish phonological equivalence in a manner analogous to that observed in languages such as English. ...
... Their enhanced sensitivities to within-category tone stimuli echoed earlier studies that have repeatedly revealed musicians' heightened sensitivity to various acoustic cues, notably those pertaining to pitch information, leading to superior pitch processing ability in musicians (Marie et al., 2011(Marie et al., , 2012. While previous research has indicated that musicians who speak a tone language are more likely to possess absolute pitch compared to those who speak a non-tone language (Deutsch et al., 2004), our study's participants all spoke tone languages, and we did not assess their absolute pitch abilities. Consequently, we cannot definitively conclude that absolute pitch contributed to the observed enhancements in sensitivities to withincategory tone stimuli. ...
This study investigates the perception of Mandarin lexical tones and stops to examine the degree of overlap between music and language. Eighteen musicians and 21 nonmusicians participated in a typical categorical perception task. Results showed that musicians and nonmusicians had comparable degree of categorical perception of tones and stops. Compared to nonmusicians, musicians exhibited enhanced sensitivities to within-category lexical tone stimuli. However, this improved ability was not observed in the perception of stops. These findings imply that musical experience strengthens the acuity of subtle low-level acoustic variations between within-category lexical tone stimuli without interfering with the high-level phonological representations of lexical tones, and this facilitatory effect is selective and could not readily extend to stop consonants in native language.
... 50 were men, and 90 were women. Because musical (e.g., Allen, 1967;Krumhansl & Shepard, 1979) and language training (e.g., Deutsch et al., 2004;Pfordresher & Brown, 2009) are sometimes factors in music perception, we have provided more information about the participants' histories. Forty-five participants had no formal music training. ...
Octave equivalence describes the perception that notes separated by a doubling in frequency sound similar. While the octave is used cross-culturally as a basis of pitch perception, experimental demonstration of the phenomenon has proved to be difficult. In past work, members of our group developed a three-range generalization paradigm that reliably demonstrated octave equivalence. In this study we replicate and expand on this previous work trying to answer three questions that help us understand the origins and potential cross-cultural significance of octave equivalence: (1) whether training with three ranges is strictly necessary or whether an easier-to-learn two-range task would be sufficient, (2) whether the task could demonstrate octave equivalence beyond neighbouring octaves, and (3) whether language skills and musical education impact the use of octave equivalence in this task. We conducted a large-sample study using variations of the original paradigm to answer these questions. Results found here suggest that the three-range discrimination task is indeed vital to demonstrating octave equivalence. In a two-range task, pitch height appears to be dominant over octave equivalence. Octave equivalence has an effect only when pitch height alone is not sufficient. Results also suggest that effects of octave equivalence are strongest between neighbouring octaves, and that tonal language and musical training have a positive effect on learning of discriminations but not on perception of octave equivalence during testing. We discuss these results considering their relevance to future research and to ongoing debates about the basis of octave equivalence perception.
... Likewise, one's native language can influence perception of the tritone paradox. For example, speakers of Asian tonal languages for whom different sounds indicate entirely different words tend to experience the tritone paradox differently than those who only speak English (Deutsch, 1991;Deutsch et al., 2004). Even one's geographical location can influence their perception; listeners from the USA and Canada were more likely to perceive the tritone as ascending with their highest pitch class at the note D, whereas listeners from England perceived the same tone pair as descending, with the highest pitch class at note G (Dawe et al., 1998;Deutsch, 1991;Deutsch et al., 1987). ...
... We included these questions in order to investigate factors that may have influenced our results (the shift in perception from the neutral prime to the meaningful prime) as well as whether those factors influence baseline perception of the tritone paradox. Indeed, prior research has found that various individual factors can influence one's perception of the tritone paradox, such as their vocal range, geographic location, and language experience (Deutsch, 1991(Deutsch, , 2007Deutsch et al., 1990Deutsch et al., , 2004. However, no previous work has investigated the influence of factors such as sleep, stress, anxiety, and overall mood. ...
The tritone paradox is a musical illusion consisting of pairs of octave-ambiguous tones that could be heard as ascending or descending in pitch. This study investigated whether perception of the tritone paradox can be unconsciously influenced by a masked visual prime - specifically, a musical notation. In Experiment 1, participants were first given a "neutral" masked prime (an image of an empty music staff) to assess baseline perception. Then, they were presented with a "meaningful" masked prime consisting of two music notes arranged in either an ascending or a descending configuration, depending on their baseline perception. The results showed that the meaningful prime shifted participants' perception of the tritone paradox in the direction indicated by the musical notation. This effect was stronger for musicians than non-musicians. Experiment 2 replicated Experiment 1 and further ascertained that this effect occurred unconsciously and was not due to regression to the mean. Together, the results of this study demonstrate that relevant visual images can unconsciously influence auditory perception under conditions of ambiguity.
... This ability is sparsely distributed in the population (<1%) [3] but yet bears phylogenetic and ontogenetic significance [4]. There is considerable scientific consensus on its acquisition; namely that AP emerges from an interplay of a certain genetic predisposition and specific environmental inputs and learning factors (i.e., music engagement, language exposure) that operate within a sensitive period during childhood development [5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12]. In contrast, lesser consensus exists on the exact mechanisms and involved brain structures driving AP. ...
Background: Absolute pitch (AP) refers to the ability of effortlessly identifying given pitches without the reliance on any reference pitch. Correlative evidence suggests that the left posterior dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPFC) is responsible for the process underlying pitch labeling in AP.
Objective: Here, we aimed at investigating the causal relationship between the DLPFC and the pitch-labeling process underlying AP.
Methods: To address this, we measured sight-reading performance of right-handed AP possessors and matched control musicians (N=18 per sample) under cathodal and sham transcranial direct current stimulation of the left DLPFC. The participants were instructed to report visually presenting notations as accurately and fast as possible by playing with their right hand on a piano. The notations were simultaneously presented with distracting auditory stimuli that either matched or mismatched them in different semitone degrees.
Results: Unlike the control participants, the AP possessors revealed an interference effect in that they responded slower in mismatching conditions than in the matching one. Under cathodal stimulation, half of the time discrepancies between matching and mismatching conditions vanished; specifically, the ones with small up to moderate deviations.
Conclusions: These findings confirm that the pitch-labeling process underlying AP occurs automatically and is largely non-suppressible when triggered by tone exposure. The improvement of the AP possessors' sight-reading performance in response to the suppression of the left DLPFC using cathodal stimulation confirms a causal relationship between this brain structure and pitch labeling.
... The relation of component amplitudes of C under C 4 is the same as the relation of component amplitudes of A under A 4 . the tritone paradox posits that pitch judgments are based on the comparison of the pitch classes with an internal pitch class template that reflects an abstract form of an implicit absolute pitch and is possibly acquired through language experience (Deutsch, 1991;Deutsch et al., 2004). In other words, participants are assumed to compare two pitch classes instead of two pitch heights, which is usually assumed for unambiguous normal tones (e.g., musical tones), suggesting the importance of pitch class instead of pitch height. ...
Shepard tones (octave complex tones) are well defined in pitch chroma but are ambiguous in pitch height. Pitch direction judgments of Shepard tones depend on the clockwise distance of the pitch classes on the pitch class circle, indicating the proximity principle in auditory perception. The tritone paradox emerges when two Shepard tones that form a tritone interval are presented successively. In this case, no proximity cue is available and judgments depend on the first tone and vary from person to person. A common explanation for the tritone paradox is the assumption of a specific pitch class comparison mechanism based on a pitch class template that is differently orientated from person to person. In contrast, psychoacoustic approaches (e.g., the Terhardt virtual pitch theory) explain it with common pitch-processing mechanisms. The present paper proposes a probabilistic threshold model, which estimates Shepard tone pitch height by a probabilistic fundamental frequency extraction. In the first processing stage, only those frequency components whose amplitudes are above specific randomly distributed threshold values are selected for further processing, and whose expected values are determined by a threshold function. The lowest of these nonfiltered components is dedicated to the pitch height. The model is designed for tone pairs and provides occurrence probabilities for descending judgments. In a pitch-matching pretest, 12 Shepard tones (generated under a cosine envelope centered at 261 Hz) were compared to pure tones, whose frequencies were adjusted by an up-down staircase method. Matched frequencies corresponded to frequency components but were ambiguous in octave position. In order to test the model, Shepard tones were generated under six cosine envelopes centered over a wide frequency range (65.41, 261, 370, 440, 523.25, 1244.51 Hz). The model predicted pitch class effects and envelope effects. Steep threshold functions caused pronounced pitch class, whereas flat threshold functions caused pronounced envelope effects. The model provides an alternative explanation to the pitch class template theory and serves as a psychoacoustic framework for the perception of Shepard tones.
... systematic differences in the tritone paradox between students raised in California (highest pitch class at D) and students raised in South England (highest pitch class at G). Differences in the tritone paradox for different linguistic backgrounds were also replicated in a Canadian sample (highest pitch class at G, Dawe et al., 1998). Further evidence for correlates was provided by Deutsch et al. (1990), who found a correlation between the tritone paradox and the fundamental frequencies of voice and by Deutsch et al. (2004), who found that mothers and their offspring perceived tritone pairs quite similar. The influence of language on the tritone paradox was also replicated in samples outside the US (Chalikia and Leinfelt, 2000;Chalikia et al., 2001. ...
... While Deutsch (1991), Deutsch et al. (2004), Deutsch (2012) has explained the tritone paradox by internally presented pitchclass templates, whose orientations lead to the specific individual response patterns in the tritone paradox, other authors have chosen a psycho-acoustic approach and explained the response patterns by the pitch-height ambiguity of Shepard tones (e.g., Terhardt, 1991;Malek, 2013). Terhardt (1991) in particular explained the tritone paradox by his virtual-pitch theory (VPT, Terhardt et al., 1982aTerhardt et al., ,b, 1986. ...
Shepard tones consist of octave-spaced components, whose amplitudes are generated under a fixed bell-shaped spectral envelope. They are well defined in pitch chroma, but generate octave confusions that in turn can produce ambiguities in the perceived relative pitch heights when their chromas are exactly a tritone apart (the tritone paradox). This study examined the effects of tonal context on relative pitch height judgments using adaptor sequences followed by target sequences (pairs of Shepard tones of different chromas separated by a tritone). Listeners judged whether the second target Shepard tone was higher or lower than the first. Adaptor sequences consisted of rising or falling scales (43 s at the beginning of each block, 4 s before each target sequence). Two sets of Shepard tones were used for adaptors and targets that were generated under spectral envelopes centered at either A3 (220 Hz) and C6 (1,046 Hz). Pitch direction judgments (rising vs. falling) to spectrally consistent (A3–A3, C6–C6) and inconsistent (A3–C6, C6–A3) adaptor-target combinations were studied. Large significant contrastive aftereffects (0.08–0.21 change in fraction of pitch direction responses) were only found for the Shepard tones that were judged as higher in the control condition (judgments about the target sequences without adaptor sequences) for the consistent adaptor-target conditions (A3–A3, C6–C6). The experiments rule out explanations based on non-sensory decision making processes. Possible explanations in terms of perceptual aftereffects caused by adaptation in central auditory frequency-motion detectors are discussed.
... In another study, Vietnamese (tone language) and English speakers were asked to discriminate whether tone pairs were ascending or descending. Vietnamese who arrived in the United States as adults significantly outperformed English speakers but did not differ from Vietnamese who arrived earlier and spoke primarily English and were not fluent in Vietnamese (Deutsch, Henthorn, & Dolson, 2004b). This could be taken as potential support for an ethnicity effect. ...
... Some studies had non-musicians (Bent et al., 2006;Giuliano et al., 2011;Hove et al., 2010), whereas others also had musicians (Bidelman et al., 2011;Chandrasekaran et al., 2009). In some cases, authors did not specify the music background of the participants (e.g., Deutsch et al., 2004b;Stevens et al., 2004). This is problematic because musicians are good at pitch perception regardless of their language experiences. ...
... More specifically, musical training can mask these effects. Some previous studies have paid attention to participants' musical training background (Bent et al., 2006;;Giuliano et al., 2011;Hove et al., 2010), but others have not (Deutsch et al., 2004b;Stevens et al., 2004). ...
Language and music are intertwined: music training can facilitate language abilities, and language experiences can also help with some music tasks. Possible language-music transfer effects are explored in two experiments in this study. In Experiment 1, we tested native Mandarin, Korean, and English speakers on a pitch discrimination task with two types of sounds: speech sounds and fundamental frequency (F0) patterns derived from speech sounds. To control for factors that might influence participants' performance, we included cognitive ability tasks testing memory and intelligence. In addition, two music skill tasks were used to examine general transfer effects from language to music. Prior studies showing that tone language speakers have an advantage on pitch tasks have been taken as support for three alternative hypotheses: specific transfer effects, general transfer effects, and an ethnicity effect. In Experiment 1, musicians outperformed non-musicians on both speech and F0 sounds, suggesting a music-to-language transfer effect. Korean and Mandarin speakers performed similarly, and they both outperformed English speakers, providing some evidence for an ethnicity effect. Alternatively, this could be due to population selection bias. In Experiment 2, we recruited Chinese Americans approximating the native English speakers' language background to further test the ethnicity effect. Chinese Americans, regardless of their tone language experiences, performed similarly to their non-Asian American counterparts in all tasks. Therefore, although this study provides additional evidence of transfer effects across music and language, it casts doubt on the contribution of ethnicity to differences observed in pitch perception and general music abilities.
... Münte, Altenmüller & Jäncke 2002). Andere Musikrichtungen, beispielsweise türkische oder japanische Folkloremusik, sind schwieriger nachzuvollziehen und lassen sich auch nicht so einfach auf andere Kulturen übertragen (Deutsch, Henthorn & Dolson 2004). Design baut auf fest verankerten Fähigkeiten des menschlichen Gehirns auf, beispielsweise auf dem Hör-und dem Sehsystem, die zwar durch die Evolution geformt wurden, aber durch das soziale Umfeld und Kultur trainiert werden (Vygotsky 1987). ...
In diesem Kapitel werden einige Konsequenzen der Entwicklung humanoider Computer,
neuer Internettechnologien und der zunehmenden Computerisierung der Alltagswelt
durch das sogenannte »Internet der Dingefür die zukünftigen Arbeits- und Lernwelten diskutiert. Aus meiner Sicht gibt es zwei Aspekte, die voneinander abhängen, aber unabhängig beschrieben werden können, wenn es um »Computer als Lernpartner« geht:
(1) Computer als mehr oder weniger autonom erlebtes »Gegenüber« oder nahezu menschlich erlebter Lernpartner. Diese Vorstellung ist eindrucksvoll in Nicholas Nepropontes Buch »Being Digital« beschrieben (Negroponte 1995). Obwohl es um Computer geht, die uns als beinahe menschliche Partner gegenübertreten, bedeutet der Titel »Being Digital« aber eben auch, dass Menschen »digitaler« werden, sich also dem Computer durch dessen Gebrauch annähern. Dass dies sehr weitreichende Folgen hat und haben wird, ist Gegenstands dieses Kapitels.
(2) Noch etwas älter als Negropontes »Being Digital« ist die Behauptung von Marshall McLuhan: »The medium is the message« (vgl. McLuhan 1964 und Meder 1995). Dieser Satz diente 1967 als Buchtitel, nur dass der Setzer sich auf dem Buchtitel verschrieb, sodass es als »The Medium is the Massage« erschient, was McLuhan sehr amüsiert haben soll. McLuhan erläuterte seinen viel zitierten Satz so: »Das Medium ist die Botschaft, weil das Medium Umfang und Art der menschlichen Assoziation und Handlungen formt und bestimmt« (McLuhan 1964, S. 9). Dies gilt umso mehr für flexibel einsetzbare und multimediale Computer, die durch Aufbereitung und Darstellung von Informationen sowie Funktionen und Interaktionen in hohem Maße menschliche Vorstellungskraft und Handlungsmöglichkeiten sowohl einschränken als auch erweitern.
Beide Perspektiven sind mehr oder weniger unabhängig voneinander entstanden, sind
aber aufeinander bezogen: Immer mehr autonome und unkontrollierbare Leistung von
Computern führen nicht notwendigerweise zum Eindruck, dass Computer menschliche
Partner sind – sondern oft eher zum Gegenteil. Oft ist es gerade die mediale und Interaktionsgestaltung, die zur mehr Selbst- und Gruppenreflektion bei den menschlichen Benutzern führt. Diese Art von Computerdesign für besseres Lernen und Arbeiten bildet eine Art Synthese aus Negropontes »Digitales Sein« und McLuhans »Medienbotschaften«.
... There is evidence showing that both genetic and environmental factors contribute to the acquisition of AP (Athos et al., 2007;Baharloo, Johnston, Service, Gitschier, & Freimer, 1998;Baharloo, Service, Risch, Gitschier, & Freimer, 2000;Gregersen et al., 1999;Theusch, Basu, & Gitschier, 2009). The latter factor includes early language exposure (Deutsch, Henthorn, & Dolson, 2004a, Deutsch, Henthorn, & Dolson, 2004b, the nature of musical training and exposure to music during childhood (Gregersen, Kowalsky, Kohn, & Marvin, 2001). There is also evidence for a sensitive period during which these environmental inputs determine the emergence of AP (Gervain et al., 2013;Miyazaki, 1988;. ...
... Such individuals possess the rare ability called absolute (or perfect) pitch (AP), which is defined as the ability to identify the chroma (pitch class) of a tone or to produce a specific pitch without the aid of any reference tones (Levitin & Rogers, 2005;Zatorre, 2003;Takeuchi & Hulse, 1993;Baggaley, 1974). This rare ability occurs in less than 1% of the general population (Takeuchi & Hulse, 1993), whereby Asian people speaking tonal languages have a higher incidence rate of AP (Deutsch, Li, & Shen, 2013;Deutsch, Dooley, Henthorn, & Head, 2009;Deutsch, Henthorn, & Dolson, 2004a;Gregersen, Kowalsky, Kohn, & Marvin, 1999). Interestingly, whereas most of the AP possessors are musicians (Deutsch et al., 2009), a handful of them possess AP in terms of a savant skill in the context of autism Heaton, Davis, & Happé, 2008) or Williams syndrome (Lenhoff, Perales, & Hickok, 2001). ...
... Meanwhile, there is evidence showing that both genetic and environmental factors contribute to the acquisition of AP (Theusch, Basu, & Gitschier, 2009;Athos et al., 2007;Baharloo, Service, Risch, Gitschier, & Freimer, 2000;Gregersen et al., 1999;Baharloo, Johnston, Service, Gitschier, & Freimer, 1998). The latter includes learning factors such as early language exposure (Deutsch et al., 2004aDeutsch, Henthorn, & Dolson, 2004b) and the nature of musical training and exposure to music during childhood (Gregersen, Kowalsky, Kohn, & Marvin, 2001). In a similar manner as for language acquisition, there is likewise evidence for a sensitive period during which these environmental inputs determine the emergence of AP (Gervain et al., 2013;Miyazaki, 1988). ...
... Collectively, studies suggest that the functional architecture of perceptual processing involves primarily top-down modulation (Suga et al., 2002;Gilbert and Li, 2013;Chandrasekaran et al., 2014). Top-down influences exerted throughout the auditory systems (Lotto and Holt, 2011) include: memory (Goldinger, 1998) 1 , attention (Choi et al., 2014), which has been found to modulate auditory encoding in the cochlea, a subcortical area (Maison et al., 2001), (prior) knowledge of syntax or words (Ganong, 1980;Warren, 1984) 2 , and experiencebased expectations pertaining to the speaker's accent (Deutsch, 1996;Deutsch et al., 2004;Irino and Patterson, 2006), gender (Johnson et al., 1999), and vocal folds or tract (Irino and Patterson, 2002;Patterson and Johnsrude, 2008). ...
... The tritone illusion persists even after listeners are informed that the two tones in succession are opposite in the positions along the pitch class space, indicating that their discursive thoughts cannot alter the phenomenology of their auditory experiences. What one hears depends on the configuration of one's auditory system, which is, among other things, subject to developmental influences (Deutsch et al., 2004). However, topdown modulation caused by adaptation-or development-based knowledge, experience-based expectation, memory, or attention are consistent with the claim that auditory perception is not cognitively penetrable, at least not in any interesting sense, as the changes in phenomenology cannot plausibly be attributed to the listener's discursive thoughts. ...
According to the hierarchical model of sensory information processing, sensory inputs are transmitted to cortical areas, which are crucial for complex auditory and speech processing, only after being processed in subcortical areas (Hickok and Poeppel, 2007; Rauschecker and Scott, 2009). However, studies using electroencephalography (EEG) indicate that distinguishing simultaneous auditory inputs involves a widely distributed neural network, including the medial temporal lobe, which is essential for declarative memory, and posterior association cortices (Alain et al., 2001; Squire et al., 2004). More recent studies have even demonstrated plasticity of auditory signals as low as the brainstem (Suga, 2008). Collectively, studies suggest that the functional architecture of perceptual processing involves primarily top-down modulation (Suga et al., 2002; Gilbert and Li, 2013; Chandrasekaran et al., 2014). Top-down influences exerted throughout the auditory systems (Lotto and Holt, 2011) include: memory (Goldinger, 1998)1, attention (Choi et al., 2014), which has been found to modulate auditory encoding in the cochlea, a subcortical area (Maison et al., 2001), (prior) knowledge of syntax or words (Ganong, 1980; Warren, 1984)2, and experience-based expectations pertaining to the speaker's accent (Deutsch, 1996; Deutsch et al., 2004; Irino and Patterson, 2006), gender (Johnson et al., 1999), and vocal folds or tract (Irino and Patterson, 2002; Patterson and Johnsrude, 2008).
