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The left distal fragment of a fallow deer humerus from Torre de Palma (TP 63. 93) in anterior view
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We describe six cervid bones — a distal humerus, three distal tibiae, and two astragali — from two Roman sites, São Pedro Fronteira and Torre de Palma, in the Alentejo of Portugal. They are identified on morphological and osteometric grounds as fallow deer, Dama dama. They represent the earliest Holocene evidence for this species in Portugal, and i...
Contexts in source publication
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... is little doubt that a badly fragmented distal humerus (Fig. 1), the three distal tibiae (Figs. 2, 3 and 4) and two astragali (Figs. 5 and 6) are all cervid. For example, note the medio-lateral compactness of the humerus trochlea, which in bovids such as sheep and goats tends to be more elongated. In plantar view, the tibiae appear somewhat 'triangular' in outline, typical of the cervids rather than the 'rectangular' appearance of bovid tibiae. The astra- gali too are 'compact' like cervids generally, though their shape is less easy to describe in words. All except one of the tibiae come from Torre de ...
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... distal humerus ( Fig. 1) Unfortunately in our specimen, both the shaft just above the trochlea and the distal half of the trochlea were broken in antiquity. These are the two regions that, according to Lister, provide useful characters for making the red-fallow distinction. Despite the break of the lower part of the diaphysis, the internal pit does appear to be wider than the external one (Lister's character 1) making it more likely to have belonged to fallow than red ...
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... 1 -the proximal trochlear articulation. When viewed from below, the edge forms a flat- bottomed 'U' shape in both specimens. In this respect Figure 6 The left astragalus from Torre de Palma (TP 98 . 00). Dorsal, lateral, distal and medial views [this specimen was radiocarbon dated] Figure 7 Osteometric identification of the fallow deer distal humerus from Torre de Palma. Stacked histograms of mea- surements of the minimum trochlea diameter (HTC; as illustrated in figure 1 in Davis 1996) of both modern and archaeological red and fallow deer humeri. Samples are as follows from top to bottom: modern male and female red deer from the Oise, northern France; red deer from Iron Age, Roman and Moslem levels at Alc??ova de Santar? m, Portugal (Davis 2006); humeri identified as red deer from Roman Torre de Palma; five red deer humeri from Chalcolithic Mercador, Alentejo, Portugal; the broken distal humerus (figure 1) from Torre de Palma; two modern fallow deer from Tapada de Mafra, Portugal; fallow deer from Medieval and Post-medieval Launceston Castle, Cornwall, England (Albarella and Davis 1994). The Torre de Palma specimen is osteometri- cally more likely to have belonged to fallow deer than red deer. The modern red deer skeletons from the Oise are in the Mus? um national d'Histoire naturelle, Paris Figure 8 Osteometric identification of the fallow deer distal tibiae from S? o Pedro Frontera (one specimen) and Torre de Palma (two specimens). Stacked histograms of the measurements of red and fallow deer distal tibia widths (Bd) of modern and archaeological specimens. Samples are as follows from top to bottom: male and female red deer from the Oise, northern France; red deer from Iron Age, Roman and Moslem levels at Alc??ova de Santar?m, Portugal (Davis 2006); two modern male fallow deer from Tapada de Mafra, Portugal; fallow and red deer from Medieval and Post-medieval Launceston Castle, Cornwall, England (Albarella and Davis 1994). The single large specimin was identified as red deer. The S? o Pedro and Torre de Palma specimens, shown as inverted trian- gles, are osteometrically more likely to have belonged to fallow deer than red deer. The modern red deer skele- tons from the Oise are in the Mus? um national d'Histoire naturelle, Paris our specimens are like fallow rather than red deer where this edge is narrower and even tending to be 'V'-shaped. Character 3 -the proximal projecting lobe on the medial side. This lobe tends to be stronger in fallow as in one of our two specimens, the other being ...
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... similar situation to that in Greece exists in Italy and Sicily, with the rather common presence of fallow deer among sites preceding the last Glacial maximum, but with a more sporadic record of them in Holocene deposits. Fairly isolated Neolithic finds have been reported, such as at the sites of Megara Hyblaea, Sicily (Villari 1986) and Masseria Valente, Puglia, southern Italy (B? k? nyi 1983); however, neither of these is totally secure, and only single fragmentary pieces -from a metatarsal and an antler, respec- tively -were reported. Fallow deer seem to be absent from Italy during the Bronze Age, with no firmly identified remains from assemblages of this time, while representative cases of this species among sites in Italy over the Iron Age and into Roman antiquity are scarce, and in some instances somewhat problematic. The earliest recordings come from late Iron Age/Hellenistic/early Republican southern Italy, in the form of two bones from the site of Gravina (dated mid-2nd century BC-late 1st century BC; Watson 1992) that resemble bones of fallow deer in size and morphology, and one bone fragment from the site of Roccagloriosa (B? k? nyi 1990). Neither case, however, is secure; it is possible that these isolated elements derive from small red deer. Single, fragmentary pieces identified as fallow deer are noted from Imperial levels at the sites of San Potito- Ovindoli (B?k? nyi 1986), Ossaia/Cortona (B? k? nyi 2006), and Le Colonne (King 1985), but there are no measurements or other particulars provided in these reports to authenticate these classifications. Perhaps the strongest case for fallow deer in Roman Italy comes from the site of Settefinestre, where eight securely identified bones are recorded from late Republican/early Imperial contexts (King 1985), alongside evidence for a possible vivarium, or wild animal preserve, at this site. The situation for Late Antiquity is typically less impressive, in that generally only single, less-securely identified fallow deer bones are recorded; however, there is a greater geographic spread in these sites, from the Bay of Naples area (site of Girolamini: Albarella 1988;site of Carminiello ai Mannesi: King ...
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... similar situation to that in Greece exists in Italy and Sicily, with the rather common presence of fallow deer among sites preceding the last Glacial maximum, but with a more sporadic record of them in Holocene deposits. Fairly isolated Neolithic finds have been reported, such as at the sites of Megara Hyblaea, Sicily (Villari 1986) and Masseria Valente, Puglia, southern Italy (B? k? nyi 1983); however, neither of these is totally secure, and only single fragmentary pieces -from a metatarsal and an antler, respec- tively -were reported. Fallow deer seem to be absent from Italy during the Bronze Age, with no firmly identified remains from assemblages of this time, while representative cases of this species among sites in Italy over the Iron Age and into Roman antiquity are scarce, and in some instances somewhat problematic. The earliest recordings come from late Iron Age/Hellenistic/early Republican southern Italy, in the form of two bones from the site of Gravina (dated mid-2nd century BC-late 1st century BC; Watson 1992) that resemble bones of fallow deer in size and morphology, and one bone fragment from the site of Roccagloriosa (B? k? nyi 1990). Neither case, however, is secure; it is possible that these isolated elements derive from small red deer. Single, fragmentary pieces identified as fallow deer are noted from Imperial levels at the sites of San Potito- Ovindoli (B?k? nyi 1986), Ossaia/Cortona (B? k? nyi 2006), and Le Colonne (King 1985), but there are no measurements or other particulars provided in these reports to authenticate these classifications. Perhaps the strongest case for fallow deer in Roman Italy comes from the site of Settefinestre, where eight securely identified bones are recorded from late Republican/early Imperial contexts (King 1985), alongside evidence for a possible vivarium, or wild animal preserve, at this site. The situation for Late Antiquity is typically less impressive, in that generally only single, less-securely identified fallow deer bones are recorded; however, there is a greater geographic spread in these sites, from the Bay of Naples area (site of Girolamini: Albarella 1988;site of Carminiello ai Mannesi: King ...
Citations
... Red deer are native to the region, while fallow deer were probably introduced during Roman times (ca. first to fifth centuries AD) (Davis & MacKinnon, 2009). During the early 20th century, both red and fallow deer were extirpated from the region, mainly due to overhunting, with small restricted populations remaining in different parts of the country. ...
Climate change is increasing the frequency of droughts and the risk of severe wildfires, which can interact with shrub encroachment and browsing by wild ungulates. Wild ungulate populations are expanding due, among other factors, to favorable habitat changes resulting from land abandonment or land‐use changes. Understanding how ungulate browsing interacts with drought to affect woody plant mortality, plant flammability, and fire hazard is especially relevant in the context of climate change and increasing frequency of wildfires. The aim of this study is to explore the combined effects of cumulative drought, shrub encroachment, and ungulate browsing on the fire hazard of Mediterranean oak woodlands in Portugal. In a long‐term (18 years) ungulate fencing exclusion experiment that simulated land abandonment and management neglect, we investigated the population dynamics of the native shrub Cistus ladanifer, which naturally dominates the understory of woodlands and is browsed by ungulates, comparing areas with (no fencing) and without (fencing) wild ungulate browsing. We also modeled fire behavior in browsed and unbrowsed plots considering drought and nondrought scenarios. Specifically, we estimated C. ladanifer population density, biomass, and fuel load characteristics, which were used to model fire behavior in drought and nondrought scenarios. Overall, drought increased the proportion of dead C. ladanifer shrub individuals, which was higher in the browsed plots. Drought decreased the ratio of live to dead shrub plant material, increased total fuel loading, shrub stand flammability, and the modeled fire parameters, that is, rate of surface fire spread, fireline intensity, and flame length. However, total fuel load and fire hazard were lower in browsed than unbrowsed plots, both in drought and nondrought scenarios. Browsing also decreased the population density of living shrubs, halting shrub encroachment. Our study provides long‐term experimental evidence showing the role of wild ungulates in mitigating drought effects on fire hazard in shrub‐encroached Mediterranean oak woodlands. Our results also emphasize that the long‐term effects of land abandonment can interact with climate change drivers, affecting wildfire hazard. This is particularly relevant given the increasing incidence of land abandonment.
... By the fourth-century CE, fallow deer were established in Britain more broadly, and specimens from Belgium (59) and Portugal (60) have been direct-dated to this period (Figs. 2B and 3). ...
Over the last 10,000 y, humans have manipulated fallow deer populations with varying outcomes. Persian fallow deer ( Dama mesopotamica ) are now endangered. European fallow deer ( Dama dama ) are globally widespread and are simultaneously considered wild, domestic, endangered, invasive and are even the national animal of Barbuda and Antigua. Despite their close association with people, there is no consensus regarding their natural ranges or the timing and circumstances of their human-mediated translocations and extirpations. Our mitochondrial analyses of modern and archaeological specimens revealed two distinct clades of European fallow deer present in Anatolia and the Balkans. Zooarchaeological evidence suggests these regions were their sole glacial refugia. By combining biomolecular analyses with archaeological and textual evidence, we chart the declining distribution of Persian fallow deer and demonstrate that humans repeatedly translocated European fallow deer, sourced from the most geographically distant populations. Deer taken to Neolithic Chios and Rhodes derived not from nearby Anatolia, but from the Balkans. Though fallow deer were translocated throughout the Mediterranean as part of their association with the Greco-Roman goddesses Artemis and Diana, deer taken to Roman Mallorca were not locally available Dama dama , but Dama mesopotamica . Romans also initially introduced fallow deer to Northern Europe but the species became extinct and was reintroduced in the medieval period, this time from Anatolia. European colonial powers then transported deer populations across the globe. The biocultural histories of fallow deer challenge preconceptions about the divisions between wild and domestic species and provide information that should underpin modern management strategies.
... They are now established across countries in Eurasia, Africa, the Americas and Oceania 8 . The timing and circumstances of their global spread have been investigated through numerous regional investigations [9][10][11][12][13][14][15] . These studies have raised questions about the fallow deer's natural post-glacial range, and proposed refugial populations have included southern mainland Italy, Sicily, the southern Balkan peninsula and Anatolia (see 13,[15][16][17]. ...
Anthropogenic factors have impacted the diversity and evolutionary trajectory of various species. This can be through factors such as pressure on population size or range, habitat fragmentation, or extensive manipulation and translocation. Here we use time-calibrated data to better understand the pattern and processes of evolution in the heavily manipulated European fallow deer (Dama dama). During the Pleistocene, fallow deer had a broad distribution across Europe and were found as far north as Britain during the Eemian interglacial. The last glacial period saw fallow deer retreat to southern refugia and they did not disperse north afterwards. Their recolonisation was mediated by people and, from northern Europe and the British Isles, fallow deer were transported around the world. We use ancient and modern mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and mitogenomic data from Eemian Britain to assess the pattern of change in distribution and lineage structure across Europe over time. We find founder effects and mixed lineages in the northern populations, and stability over time for populations in southern Europe. The Eemian sample was most similar to a lineage currently in Italy, suggesting an early establishment of the relevant refuge. We consider the implications for the integration of anthropogenic and natural processes towards a better understanding of the evolution of fallow deer in Europe.
... All of them showed overall low genetic diversity within [17] and even among populations, which can be explained by a combination of natural and anthropogenic processes [14]. The species' past extinction from its main European distribution during the Pleistocene [56], the subsequent human-mediated reintroduction and translocations throughout history from even before the Romans to recent times [14,[57][58][59][60][61][62], and the polygynous mating system [19,55] are all suspected to be behind the current lack of genetic diversity. ...
The fallow deer (Dama dama) represents significant game management value globally, and human activities are significantly impacting the species. Besides the positive effects, these activities can threaten its existence, health, and value. The aim of the authors was to develop a tetranucleotide microsatellite panel that could be clearly interpreted and used for genetic testing of fallow deer. Such a panel did not exist until now and could be particularly useful in the field of conservation genetics and forensics. A total of 99 tetrameric microsatellites, originally designed for related deer species, were tested on 20 fallow deer individuals from five Hungarian sampling areas. Original and newly designed primers were used to amplify the microsatellite regions using previously published or optimized PCR protocols. The lengths and sequences of specific amplicons were detected using capillary electrophoresis, and the rate of polymorphism was determined. Altogether, 80 markers provided PCR products of adequate quality and quantity. Among them, 15 markers proved to be polymorphic (2–5 alleles/locus), and 14 tetrameric markers were selected for further analysis. Statistical calculations showed that the selected polymorphic microsatellites can potentially enable key individualization in many areas of wildlife and population genetics, thus protecting the species.
... Columella, em De Re Rustica, menciona a importância tanto desta espécie, como do corço, da camurça, entre outras espécies selvagens, como símbolo de prestígio, mas também como forma de lucro. Este refere ainda a necessidade de serem construídos locais específicos (vivarium), próximos às habitações rurais, com água corrente ou lagoas, com o ob�ectivo de manter estes animais selvagens em caso de ausência de água (Davis -Mackinnon 2009). ...
Este estudo apresenta uma síntese dos dados zooarqueológicos publicados provenientes de sítios arqueológicos localizados entre os rios Douro e Tejo e enquadrados cronologicamente entre o período Republicano e a Antiguidade Tardia. O objectivo é caracterizar a relação das comunidades humanas e os animais nesta área da Lusitânia, de um ponto de vista económico e sociocultural e analisar eventuais alterações ocorridas ao longo de todo o período romano. Os resultados demonstram uma continuidade da importância da pecuária face as actividades cinegéticas. Embora os caprinos sejam as espécies prevalentes, os bovinos parecem apresentar um estatuto importante sobretudo durante a Antiguidade Tardia.
... There is no clear archaeological evidence of the early colonization of the Iberian Peninsula. Davis and MacKinnon (2009) suggest that the species was absent in this peninsula before Roman times and that the Romans were responsible for its introduction. Osteological remains from the island of Mallorca, Spain, recovered in Iron Age (Talayot culture) settlements, could instead suggest a pre-Roman introduction chronology for the species; but these remains "came from insecure contexts more likely associated with Roman activity" (Valenzuela et al. 2016). ...
This comprehensive species-specific chapter covers all aspects of the mammalian biology, including paleontology, physiology, genetics, reproduction and development, ecology, habitat, diet, mortality, and behavior. The economic significance and management of mammals and future challenges for research and conservation are addressed as well. The chapter includes a distribution map, a photograph of the animal, and a list of key literature.
... There is no clear archaeological evidence of the early colonization of the Iberian Peninsula. Davis and MacKinnon (2009) suggest that the species was absent in this peninsula before Roman times and that the Romans were responsible for its introduction. Osteological remains from the island of Mallorca, Spain, recovered in Iron Age (Talayot culture) settlements, could instead suggest a pre-Roman introduction chronology for the species; but these remains "came from insecure contexts more likely associated with Roman activity" (Valenzuela et al. 2016). ...
... There is no clear archaeological evidence of the early colonization of the Iberian Peninsula. Davis and MacKinnon (2009) suggest that the species was absent in this peninsula before Roman times and that the Romans were responsible for its introduction. Osteological remains from the island of Mallorca, Spain, recovered in Iron Age (Talayot culture) settlements, could instead suggest a pre-Roman introduction chronology for the species; but these remains "came from insecure contexts more likely associated with Roman activity" (Valenzuela et al. 2016). ...
... This is consistent with the phylogeographic patterns of other species native to this region where the Bosphorus strait acts as a biogeographic barrier between these 2 areas (see Bilgin 2011 and references therein). An argument for an Iberian refugia has not been previously made, as the archaeological appearance of fallow deer in Spain strictly coincided with the arrival of the Romans (Davis and MacKinnon, 2009) who began the widespread movement of this species across continental Europe (Pascal et al. 2006). Baker et al. (2017) acknowledge that the signal in this region may represent an early human-mediated translocation from Italy, or perhaps from a now extinct refugial source (possibly in the Balkans). ...
In this letter, we revisit a study we published in 2017, following comment in a paper by Marchesini et al. published in this volume. We provide some further analyses that help us to reinforce the original conclusions of our earlier paper, and to address the points raised by Marchesini et al. We conclude that the concerns raised in their review do not alter the inference we presented earlier, and we identify issues with analyses presented by Marchesini et al. that limit their utility. The key points of inference remain that this species in Europe shows remarkably low levels of diversity within populations and strong structure among populations which can be explained by a combination of natural and anthropogenic processes.
... Though antler has the same chemical composition as bone, its structure is stronger and more elastic as it must absorb the impacts and shocks of rutting bucks. Though three species of deer inhabited the Iberian Peninsula during Holocene, namely, red deer, roe deer and fallow deer -the last introduced after Roman times (Davis, 2009)-it was red deer antler that was used almost exclusively in the late prehistory. ...
Como en el resto de Europa, el trabajo del asta de ciervo constituye una técnica bien conocida en el sur de la Península Ibérica desde el Paleolítico Superior. Sin embargo, más allá de la observación de un uso frecuente a modo de pico de elementos apenas transformados, dicha tecnología ha sido escasamente tratada en la arqueología del Neolítico y de la Edad del Cobre en esta región. Esta breve aportación pretende presentar tres elementos de asta de la Edad del Cobre de Andalucía. Dos de ellos son fragmentos angulares recuperados en el recinto de fosos de La Minilla (La Rambla, Córdoba), y datadas a mediados del III milenio Cal AC. El último y tercero de ellos es una cuerna de desmogue que conserva roseta y rama principal, asociada a un enterramiento colectivo, datado en el tránsito del IV al III milenio Cal AC en el espaciourbano de la actual ciudad de Córdoba. Estos objetos han sido interpretados como material de desecho resultado de la obtención de preformas longitudinales de asta.
