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![Terreno ‘terrain’ (Speaker LG-F-21) Voiced approximant [ Ƃ ]: minimal aperiodic noise in the upper spectra, formant structure present, glottal tone present.](profile/Sandro-Sessarego-2/publication/267792324/figure/fig3/AS:293587008536578@1447008005324/Terreno-terrain-Speaker-LG-F-21-Voiced-approximant-B-minimal-aperiodic-noise-in.png)
Terreno ‘terrain’ (Speaker LG-F-21) Voiced approximant [ Ƃ ]: minimal aperiodic noise in the upper spectra, formant structure present, glottal tone present.
Source publication
![Figure 3. Terreno ‘terrain’ (Speaker LG-F-21) Voiced approximant [ Ƃ ]:...](profile/Sandro-Sessarego-2/publication/267792324/figure/fig3/AS:293587008536578@1447008005324/Terreno-terrain-Speaker-LG-F-21-Voiced-approximant-B-minimal-aperiodic-noise-in_Q320.jpg)
![Figure 6. Overall frequency of [+strident] versus [-strident] rhotic...](profile/Sandro-Sessarego-2/publication/267792324/figure/fig4/AS:670481833291787@1536866734586/Overall-frequency-of-strident-versus-strident-rhotic-allophones-by-context_Q320.jpg)
![Figure 7. Overall frequency of [+voice] versus [-voice] rhotic...](profile/Sandro-Sessarego-2/publication/267792324/figure/fig5/AS:670481833267214@1536866734601/Overall-frequency-of-voice-versus-voice-rhotic-allophones-by-context_Q320.jpg)
Citations
... In this paper, we focus on Highland Bolivian Spanish, in which we show that, for certain speakers, rhotic assibilation has progressed beyond the fricative [ř] already reported by several scholars (cf. Navarro Tomás 1980;Canfield 1981;Lipski 1994;Sessarego 2011), to a voiced apical sibilant [z̺ ]. This article, in fact, offers the first spectrographic analysis of this segment. ...
... The goal of this study is to provide an account of intervocalic /r/ realizations in a variety of Highland Bolivian Spanish, specifically that of Cochabamba, and to deliver an analysis of the results in light of the previous studies that focused on /r/ assibilation in Spanish. In particular, this investigation analyzes intervocalic /r/ in the speech of four lower-class Cochabambino speakers and compares these findings with those by Sessarego (2011), who provided an acoustic analysis of /r/ realizations for upper-middle-class informants, without finding any instance of [z̺ ]. ...
... Finally, Sessarego (2011) provides the first phonetic analysis focusing exclusively on Highland Bolivian rhotics. The study examines the allophonic realizations of upper-middle-class speakers from Cochabamba to find that in this dialect rhotic stridency is not significantly affected by the phonological environment. ...
This paper provides a phonetic analysis of intervocalic /r/ in lower-class Highland Bolivian Spanish. Results show that in this dialect rhotic assibilation has progressed beyond the fricative [ř] already reported by several scholars (cf. Navarro Tomás 1980; Canfield 1981; Lipski 1994; Sessarego 2011), to a voiced apical sibilant [z̺]. This article, in fact, offers the first spectrographic analysis of this segment. Findings are analyzed in light of a number of studies dealing with rhotic variability in Spanish. In particular, results are compared with those by Sessarego (2011), who provided an acoustic analysis of /r/ realizations for upper-middle-class Highland Bolivian Spanish speakers, without finding any instance of [z̺].
... EFE, ISSN 1575-5533, XXI, 2012 ( Word-final before a pause /se o no se/ Beyond normative Spanish, the phonetic realization of syllable-initial trills in contexts (1a,b) serves as a delimiting feature among dialects. Experimental studies have documented many phonetic variants that differ in manner of articulation (approximants, fricatives, and taps), place of articulation (coronal, velar, and uvular), and laryngeal setting (voiced, voiceless, breathy voiced) (Blecua, 2001;Bradley, 2006;Colantoni, 2001Colantoni, , 2006aDíaz-Campos, 2008;Hammond, 1999Hammond, , 2000aHammond, ,b, 2006Henriksen and Willis, 2010;Pamies, 2008, 2011;Lewis, 2004;Sessarego, 2011;Simonet and Carrasco, 2006;Willis, 2006Willis, , 2007Willis and Bradley, 2008). ...
En los estudios fonéticos de las consonantes róticas del español, se han
comprobado muchas variantes alofónicas de la vibrante /r/ múltiple en posición
inicial de sílaba, lo cual plantea la pregunta de si el contraste intervocálico entre la
/r/ múltiple y la /ɾ/ simple se ha neutralizado en muchos dialectos. Este estudio
presenta un análisis espectrográfico de las vibrantes iniciales de sílaba producidas
por diez hablantes del español de Veracruz, México en una tarea guiada de habla
semi-espontánea. Las vibrantes múltiples que muestran una reducción del grado de
vibración de la lengua típicamente tienen una fase aproximante después de uno o
dos contactos linguales, lo cual representamos como [ɾɹ] o [rɹ] en transcripción
estrecha. Las vibrantes simples intervocálicas muestran reducción y elisión, pero
las que tienen un contacto medible son lo suficientemente cortas como para
mantener una diferencia acústica con los alófonos más largos de /r/. Tomados en
conjunto con estudios recientes de las róticas del español dominicano, estos
resultados sugieren que el contraste entre /r/ y /ɾ/ se puede mantener a base de una
diferencia de duración segmental, aun cuando no hay diferencia en el número de
contactos linguales.
El objetivo que se persigue en este artículo es reflexionar sobre uno de los aspectos al que cualquier profesional del mundo de ELE debe enfrentarse en algún momento de su carrera profesional: ayudar a sus alumnos a distinguir y pronunciar las principales realizaciones consonánticas róticas en español. Para ello, se proponen y justifican una serie de actividades de preparación, percepción y producción de dichos segmentos fónicos. Estas actividades se han concebido para (grupos de) estudiantes anglófonos que deseen adquirir un nivel de competencia A2.2-B1. Asimismo, los resultados de este estudio abren nuevas líneas de creación de materiales didácticos que bien se circunscriban a otras unidades del inventario fonemático del español bien se centren en estudiantes con otros bagajes lingüísticos.
This article describes the use of aspirates and ejectives in a variety of Spanish with significant Quechua contact influence that is spoken in the Santa Cruz valleys of central Bolivia. Aspirates and ejectives occur primarily on Quechua loanwords, making these ‘intermediate phonological relationships’ (Hall 2013) that are hard to categorize with respect to their status as phonetic vs. phonological features. Results from a small-scale perception and shadowing task show that language users are able to distinguish between these sounds and canonical Spanish consonants in minimal pairs, but that there is variation among speakers in the way these sounds are reproduced. While the use of aspirates and glottal stops in Spanish in contact with Mayan languages has been documented (Michnowicz 2015; Michnowicz and Kagan 2016) previous studies of Andean Spanish phonology have not reported the use of aspirates and ejectives as part of the sound system (Boynton 1981; Cassano 1974; Pyle 1981).
This study analyzed trill variation in the Spanish of Málaga, Spain, and the factors that conditioned this variation. Data from twelve sociolinguistic interviews with men and women of different ages were analyzed acoustically with Praat and classified as the canonical trill or a different variant. Each token was then coded according to the following linguistic and extralinguistic factors: following vowel backness, position of /r/ in the word, grammatical category, number of syllables, syllable stress, corpus frequency, number of phonological neighbors, speaker age, and speaker sex. Results revealed that stressed syllables and the middle and older age groups favored the canonical trilled variant. Word-medial position and word-initial position after a consonant also favored the trill, while word-initial after a vowel or a pause disfavored the trill. Corpus frequency was negatively correlated with canonical /r/ production, i.e. higher frequency disfavored trills, while number of phonological neighbors was positively correlated, i.e. words with more phonological neighbors favored the trill. These findings suggest that future research should define word position in more detail and also consider corpus frequency and phonological neighborhood as variables. (Available at: https://www.indiana.edu/~iulcwp/wp/article/view/14A-02/136)
The aim of this study is to present an acoustic characterization of the prepausal rothic consonants produced with a single fricative component in Peninsular Spanish. To this end, four acoustic variables that account for their spectral structure (that is, center of gravity, standard deviation, skewness and kurtosis) and duration were analyzed. Results were statistically compared to the spectral characteristics of fricative consonants /s/ (with which they share place of articulation) in the same position. The results show significant statistical differences among the five variables, being the center of gravity of the fricatives 2600 Hz higher than the center of gravity of the rhotics. Alveolar fricatives also show higher values for the standard deviation and for the duration. On the contrary, regarding kurtosis and skewness, fricative sounds show lower values. Finally, a correct classification rate over 94% was achieved through linear discriminant analysis taking into account only the center of gravity and skewness as discriminant variables.
