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Square-cross motifs: A-C, Shell gorgets (redrawn from Phillips and Brown 1978:183); D, Shell gorget (redrawn from Holmes 1883:plate LVIII); E, Copper earspool (redrawn from Brown and Hamilton 1965); F-G, Ramey Incised jar design fields (implicit cross highlighted , not to scale).
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Ramey Incised pots appear to have been manufactured at and dispersed from centers of chiefly authority during the 11th-12th centuries A.D. in a portion of the Mississippi Valley. Based on an analysis of motif design, meaning, and the archeological context of vessels, an elite ideology appears indicated in which chiefly lords were the mediators of t...
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... Archaeologists often use ceramic stylistic changes as a way of identifying sociopolitical fluctuations such as state and empire formations, and these stylistic shifts are interpreted to reflect materialization of political identity or authority (Costin 2022;DeMarrais et al. 1996;Pauketat and Emerson 1991). This can be an initial approach for identifying stylistic changes over time, but it has been demonstrated ethnographically that shifts in vessel form and surface treatment can be superficial-by copying designs from neighboring groups (Gosselain 2000(Gosselain , 2008. ...
Stylistic shifts in ceramics are often linked with sociopolitical changes, yet adopting new ceramic designs may indicate anything from shared aesthetic appeal to emulation. Focusing on multiple ceramic technologies is critical for understanding ceramic changes as they relate to wider social fluctuations. The relationships between clay and ceramic recipes, and communities of practice, have not been studied at the urban landscape of Angamuco, Michoacán in western Mexico. Petrographic and geochemical analyses of tempers and fabrics indicate that ceramics, including imperial Purépecha ( a.d. 1350–1530) vessels, were created from local and regional materials, and that these materials remained relatively stable for over 1,000 years. Ceramic archaeometry in western Mexico has been relatively limited compared to other parts of Mesoamerica, and this study may be compared to future studies in the region.
... The emerging cults often emphasize worship of ancestral spirits and perform communal rituals that promote economic well-being, especially actions associated with rites of intensification tied to agricultural cycles of planting and harvests (e.g. harvest ceremonies in the Southeast; see, for instance, Pauketat and Emerson 1991). Perhaps most importantly this priestly cadre gains authority not by direct control of spiritual power but as intermediaries possessing the secret ritual knowledge to supplicate the powers of the spiritual world on behalf of the people. ...
The origins and rise of Cahokia as an urban polity have increasingly been attributed to religion by those who study the past. For the most part those religious forces have been ascribed to a disparate set of beliefs, rituals, and practices linked to aspects of world renewal, fertility, or warfare. Meanwhile, the role of people, politics, and ritual practice have sometimes become obscured.
Here, the place of human agents is recentered and the emergence of a formal priesthood, a constructed spiritual landscape, and embedded ritual practices are examined. Within this context, it is possible to explore a phenomenon that some scholars have described as ritual failure. Following observations by Koutrafouri and Sanders (2013) that conflicting definitions of religion and ritual have hampered rather than enhanced their recognition and analyses in the archaeological record, such theoretical debates have been set aside. Here ritual is identified as a set of repetitious behaviors directed toward interactions with powers that are outside regular human control for the purpose of influencing the actions of those powers. Multiple rituals may exist and perform in tandem. They are envisioned as operating within a structured universe, often actualized in a societal landscape. It is these characteristics that make ritual amenable to archaeological recognition, description, and interpretation.
But what of ritual failure – can rituals really “fail”? To some extent, we need to recognize that “failure” might be a slightly inapt but still useful, term in this context. What archaeologists identify is the disruption or discontinuance of recognizable patterned behaviors that are interpreted as ritual (e.g. Koutrafouri and Sanders 2013). Such recognition provides insights that may correlate with economic, political, environmental, or social changes or disruptions. Consequently, herein, ritual is examined as patterned action that is a key variable in interpreting early Cahokian organization. That examination reveals the appearance at about 1000–1050 CE of a distinguishing set of religious paraphernalia that is interpreted as representing a Cahokian cult dedicated to the Earth Mother which collapses at the beginning of the 13th century to be overshadowed by iconography seemingly related to a mythic hero, Red Horn, one aspect of the hemispheric-wide mythic Hero Twins accounts.
... En la Quebrada de Humahuaca, las políticas estatales son visibles en la presencia de remodelaciones en los asentamientos conglomerados de momentos previos con el fin de establecer en ellos centros administrativos (Raffino y Alvis 1993;Nielsen 2001). Dichas remodelaciones se vincularían con la recreación incaica del paisaje de las comunidades conquistadas, donde la arquitectura habría sido un acto simbólico de apropiación del territorio basado en un doble juego de integración y segregación entre lo local y lo imperial (Cremonte y Williams 2007). ...
... Las prácticas culinarias fueron parte integral de la vida social, política y productiva de las comunidades andinas prehispánicas, desarrolladas en una escala doméstica y comunitaria, en un marco de reciprocidad y redistribución (Nielsen 2007;Lantos et al. 2012Lantos et al. , 2015. Los principales procesos biotecnológicos tradicionales involucrados en la transformación de culinarias andinas son la cocción en medio alcalino, la deshidratación (chuño, charqui), el hervido, el tostado, la fermentación alcohólica, la molienda, el triturado y el asado, entre otros (Babot 2003;Capparelli 2011;Lantos et al. 2012Lantos et al. , 2015. ...
La alimentación es una actividad estructurante y organizadora de la vida social, en la cual dar y recibir alimentos se convierte en el símbolo de la relación dentro del grupo. En esta oportunidad, se analiza el procesamiento culinario y su consumo en el sector centro-sur de la Quebrada de Humahuaca (norte de Argentina) bajo el dominio incaico (ca. 1430/80-1536 d.C.), en el que se busca identificar los cultivos andinos procesados y consumidos a partir del estudio arqueológico de los microrrestos vegetales. Se realizaron estudios arqueobotánicos de fitolitos y granos de almidón entram-pados en el tártaro dental de dos individuos inhumados en las Tumbas 1 y 2 del sitio Esquina de Huajra. Se identifica-ron fibras vegetales, granos de almidón y fitolitos de cultivos andinos (poroto y maíz). En el caso de los granos de almidón modificados, se pudo describir daños producidos por calor en seco y en húmedo (i.e. tostado, hervido). A estos estudios se sumó el análisis morfofuncional del equipamiento culinario (vasijas cerámicas) hallado en el asentamiento con el fin de avanzar en hipótesis acerca de los modos de preparación/cocción de los cultivos identificados.
... One such line of evidence, the pottery, was consistent with Cahokian assemblages, comprising mostly jars and bowls, with smaller numbers of seed jars and other vessels such as incised beaker fragments. More than one-third of the jars were identifiable as Ramey Incised-a specialized jar type that resonates with iconographic significance (Pauketat and Emerson 1991) and that has in some instances been used to decoct yaupon holly (Ilex sp.) in the production of the highly caffeinated (and potential emetic) Black Drink (Miller 2015). Decorative motifs on the Ramey jars from the large rectangular building (2a) included nested arcs, a ladder, and the classic swirl ( Figure 5). ...
Plants and animals play a vital role in the human experience, from providing basic sustenance to creating unique social practices that may govern familial, political, or religious experiences; reconstitute identities; or forge social relationships. In this article, we present analyses on the ethnobotanical and zoological remains recently recovered from the Spring Lake Tract, Cahokia, a neighborhood populated from approximately AD 900 to 1275. The assemblage represents a variety of plants and animals that demonstrate the diverse utility of the biota from the region. We conclude that this assemblage indicates that this neighborhood community participated in an array of practices not easily dichotomized into “ritual” or “domestic.” From the perspectives of “Place-Thought” and locality, we emphasize the agency of these entities (plant/animal/human) in the process of creating and sustaining this Cahokian neighborhood.
... Ramey vessels, made by American Bottom potters, and local imitations have been found at many sites across the Upper Midwest marking a northern surge of Mississippian influences during this period (e.g., Hall 1991 (Boszhardt and Stoltman 2016;Theler andBoszhardt 2003, 2006). Pauketat and Emerson (1991) hypothesized that Ramey designs represent the Mississippian cosmos, and the widespread distribution indicated an ideological wave with local interpretations. Stirling phase lithic assemblages continued to include side and tri-notched projectile points and Mill Creek season at Trempealeau is 170 days or 39 fewer than at St. Louis (Weather Spark 2021). ...
A summary of early Mississippian outposts at Trempealeau and Stoddard, Wisconsin with definition of a new phase.
... Pottery, one of the ubiquitous of household artifacts, provides another means to that established methods. Technically, some researches associate social status to ceramic vessel size (Blitz 1993), style/decoration (Pauketat and Emerson 1991), volume (Nelson 1981), and quantity of vessel types and forms (Cowgill;Altschul, and Sload 1984); however, most important ceramic vessels, in fact, are regarded the means (Braun 1983) that are used to process foods, which vary in cost and availability. There are also many studies that were designed mainly to demonstrate the cross-cultural use of food, especially luxury or highcost foods, as a social status marker (Blitz 1993). ...
The recent decade witnessed a remarkable development in the field study of ethnoarchaeological ceramic, as more sophisticated reading has been presented with the framework of social theories and analyses and held multiple variables and different levels of mutability as a way to present a thoughtful understanding of social boundaries. The progressive stage of sequential development is included in the perception of ceramic changes, attached to technological changes, ceramic use, distribution, and social limitations. A number of Malaysian and Southeast Asian studies have coupled with culture and technical framework to examine manufacture variability, the dynamics of culture transformation among generation, and from another hand, the articulation between ceramic technology and social networks. The present article is a theoretical review of ethnoarchaeological issues conducted mainly to remedy ceramic issues within the cultural view. Such a study is an interactive part reflecting on the previous studies presented in the scope of ethnoarchaeology. The course aims to review several cultural issues that emerged in the ceramic field and link them to the influential external factors that cause the formation of several ceramic technologies. The current study contributes to the present social understanding of material culture and society from ethnoarchaeological perspective.
... Archaeologists have long recognized that members of religious groups or cults used seemingly nonutilitarian items bearing so-called Southern Cult (variously deemed the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex or Mississippian Iconographic Interaction Sphere) motifs and symbols (Brown 1976;Galloway 1989;King 2007;Lankford et al. 2011;Reilly 2004;Reilly and Garber 2007;Waring and Holder 1945). Some studies have focused on how these accoutrements were produced, used, and experienced in religious contexts and activities (Baires 2016(Baires , 2017Brown 1997;Emerson 1989;Kelly 2006;Knight 1986;Marceaux and Dye 2007;Pauketat and Emerson 1991;Pauketat and Koldehoff 2002;Reilly 2004Steponaitis 2016;Steponaitis and Knight 2004;Wilson 1999). Even classic "prestige goods" models, widely accepted by Mississippian scholars not long ago, recognized that these items, which bolstered the status of those who handled and used them, only did so because of their association with ritual knowledge referenced during particular ceremonies (Brown et al. 1990;Dye 1995;Muller 1997;Pauketat 1997aPauketat , 1997bPeregrine 1991Peregrine , 1992Steponaitis 1986Steponaitis , 1991Trubitt 2000;Welch 1991;Wesson 1999;but also see Marcoux 2007;Steponaitis 2016;Wilson 2001). ...
... In Greater Cahokia, defined here as the interconnected Cahokia, East St. Louis, and St. Louis precincts (see Emerson 2018a; Figure 1), all kinds of special items-Ramey Incised vessels, flintclay figurines, shell bead necklaces, pigments and paints, shell pendants, copper plates and ornaments, blankets, headdresses, shrouds, ear spools, pipes, spuds, and more-were made for and used during religious ceremonies (Baires 2016;Daniels and McElrath 2017;Emerson 1989Emerson , 1997aEmerson , 1997bEmerson , 2003Kelly 2006;Kelly and Brown 2012;Pauketat 1983Pauketat , 1993Pauketat , 2013bPauketat and Emerson 1991;Walthall 1981). However, the identities of the individuals who made these items as well as details of their everyday activities in Cahokian society has been debated (Milner 1998;Pauketat 1994Pauketat , 1997aPauketat , 1997bPauketat , 2004Pauketat and Emerson 1991;Prentice 1983Prentice , 1985Yerkes 1989aYerkes , 1991Yerkes , 1993. ...
... In Greater Cahokia, defined here as the interconnected Cahokia, East St. Louis, and St. Louis precincts (see Emerson 2018a; Figure 1), all kinds of special items-Ramey Incised vessels, flintclay figurines, shell bead necklaces, pigments and paints, shell pendants, copper plates and ornaments, blankets, headdresses, shrouds, ear spools, pipes, spuds, and more-were made for and used during religious ceremonies (Baires 2016;Daniels and McElrath 2017;Emerson 1989Emerson , 1997aEmerson , 1997bEmerson , 2003Kelly 2006;Kelly and Brown 2012;Pauketat 1983Pauketat , 1993Pauketat , 2013bPauketat and Emerson 1991;Walthall 1981). However, the identities of the individuals who made these items as well as details of their everyday activities in Cahokian society has been debated (Milner 1998;Pauketat 1994Pauketat , 1997aPauketat , 1997bPauketat , 2004Pauketat and Emerson 1991;Prentice 1983Prentice , 1985Yerkes 1989aYerkes , 1991Yerkes , 1993. ...
This paper presents material and spatial evidence on skilled crafting from a series of archaeological investigations at the Fingerhut Tract, located in the western portion of the Mississippian period (AD 1050–1400) Cahokia site in southwestern Illinois. Specifically, skilled crafters at the Fingerhut Tract throughout the Mississippian period resided in distinct household clusters and neighborhoods, were part or members of elite families, and assembled multiple exotic materials into accoutrements used in religious ceremonies. Moreover, the special knowledge of these skilled crafters was likely obtained during journeys to distant locations and was passed down through time within particular family, kin, or social groups. Perhaps most important, the evidence indicates that crafting these items was entangled with religious practice and not solely an economic or political pursuit as suggested in earlier prestige good models.
... The decorations present on the plates highlight significant reorientations in the symbolic and religious repertoire during the Moorehead Phase at Common Field and Cahokia. Prior to the early A.D. 1200s, Ramey Incised jars were iconographically potent vessels created in the American Bottom and distributed throughout the Midwestern and Southeastern United States (Emerson 1997a, b;Pauketat 2004;Pauketat and Emerson 1991). These relatively rare vessels brought together symbolism, vessel form, and bodily movement to convey certain ideas about the cosmos. ...
... These jars were semi-globular with sharply inslanting, decorated shoulders. Pauketat and Emerson (1991;Pauketat 2013a) argue that the designs on these vessels were arranged in a quadripartite division and frequently blended together Upper (birds, Thunderer beings, sky vaults) and Under World (serpents, marine shells, water) themes. The orifice of the vessel served as an axis mundi located in the center of the quadripartite division, connecting the physical and sensuous aspects of reaching into a vessel, through the design motif on the shoulders, and tapping into the powers of the cosmos and the materials held within the pot. ...
... The orifice of the vessel served as an axis mundi located in the center of the quadripartite division, connecting the physical and sensuous aspects of reaching into a vessel, through the design motif on the shoulders, and tapping into the powers of the cosmos and the materials held within the pot. Ramey vessels may have reflected particular Cahokian narratives about the cosmos and their attempts to spread that narrative (Pauketat and Emerson 1991). ...
As Cahokia experienced its prolonged abandonment and violence spread throughout the Midwest and Southeast, thousands of people left the American Bottom region and either established new communities or integrated into others. Tracing where Cahokians went has been difficult to discern archaeologically, begging the questions: How do we distinguish between diasporic and other kinds of population movements? And what might a diasporic community born of thirteenth and fourteenth century violence look like? This article discusses the Common Field site in southeast Missouri and explores the possibility and utility of considering Common Field a diasporic community by highlighting the role of nostalgia in diasporic movements.
... Louisans and Cahokians seem to have facilitated the production of a regionally homogeneous shell-tempered domestic jar form (i.e., Powell Plain), and they did this while encouraging the old village potters and their apprentices to manufacture only a select subset of their former repertoire for use in Cahokia's central rituals. In addition, Cahokian religious leaders appear to have sponsored the manufacture and distribution of symbolically charged and iconic Ramey Incised jars across the American Bottom during centralized rites of intensification, including feasting and Black Drink ceremonialism (Pauketat and Emerson 1991). These jars are strongly linked to the Black Drink rituals that were an integral part of the twelfth-century life renewal-fertility religion that marked the Cahokian apotheosis (Emerson 2015(Emerson , 2018c. ...
Archaeological and isotopic evidence from Greater Cahokia and several prominent outlier sites argues against simple diaspora models either for the rise or fall of this pre-Columbian urban phenomenon. Besides indications that a culturally diverse population was associated with the city throughout its history, we argue that a spiritual vitality undergirded its origins such that many movements of people would have been two-way affairs. Some Cahokians who ultimately left the city may have been members of foreign lineages in the beginning.
... Transformations in practices of relating during the creation of the Cahokian homeland included the innovation of new pottery types and uses (born of the transformative space afforded by gatherings of foreign populations). Significant among these was the iconic Ramey Incised jar during the twelfth century Stirling phase, which Pauketat and Emerson (1991) argued embodied Upper World and Below World. Many have identified this material piece of Cahokia as a means of relating back to the physical (and cosmological) Place of Origin. ...
... Many have identified this material piece of Cahokia as a means of relating back to the physical (and cosmological) Place of Origin. Ramey Incised vessels found outside of the American Bottom have been discussed as trade items, emulations, and messengers in missionizing (Pauketat and Emerson 1991). Alongside these vessels are other materials, objects, and practices identified as key pieces of Cahokia-including Burlington and Mill Creek cherts, bi-and tri-notched projectile points, platform mound construction, and wall-trench buildings. ...
... The long-distance movement of objects identified as Cahokian ("Cahokian calling cards" according to Pauketat 2004) has long called into question the social and historical processes behind those movements. Early theories included centering Cahokia as a gateway to trade between the Plains and Eastern Woodlands as well as along the Mississippi River (Kelly 1990), highlighting the out-migration of Cahokian residents themselves (Conrad 1990) as political refugees (Emerson 1991) or political emissaries (Pauketat 2004), or more recently, considering the circulation of material pieces and persons through missionizing and pilgrimages (Baires et al. 2013;Butler 2017;Pauketat 2013b;Pauketat et al. 2015). Notably, these theories of population movement typically reference processes occurring in the eleventh and twelfth century Lohmann and Stirling phases. ...
“Diaspora” is typically used in reference to large-scale population dispersals across borders of modern nation-states. This concept has particular connotations with regard to political dynamics and the creation of social identities of difference; however, similar movements of people who retain an identity of a collective “homeland” may be useful for understanding some aspects of cultural influence and complexity in the Mississippian Southeast. Here, we consider the debate over concepts of “diaspora” and “homeland,” identifying aspects of diaspora theory that provide a useful lens through which to understand Cahokia’s impact in the greater Southeast, specifically in the construction of a physical, ancestral, and/or metaphorical Place of Origin as referential “homeland.” We then consider the implications of this Central Place in the context of abandonment and small-scale out-migrations within the Greater Cahokia region. While certain non-human bodies and material practices are “carried away,” others are abandoned altogether. We consider what these choices can tell us about the process of dissolution of this once-created Place of Origin, Cahokia.
