Table 6 - uploaded by Gustav Visser
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South-western suburbs of Bloemfontein: Average erven Aaea ranking, average erven valuation ranking and average percentage of desegregation
Source publication
The paper revisits the city of Bloemfontein more than a decade and a half after the repeal of the Group Areas Act (GAA). The
aim is to determine the extent to which apartheid residential property ownership segregation has changed. The scrapping of
the GAA saw the movement of black property owners into the city’s former white neighbourhoods. Initial...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... erven (%) "White"-owned erven (%) Average municipal erf valuation (Table 6). These average rankings further indicate that the smallest and most cost-efficient erven are found in this part of the city, confirming our earlier suggestion that these erven comprise attractive options for prospective first-time black homeowners in former white designated residential areas. ...
Citations
... The colonial phase was marked by two waves of migration: the large-scale forced migration of farm laborers during the Anglo-Boer war and the migration of Black and colored populations following the construction of the Cape Town and Johannesburg railway. The rapid migration triggered stricter racialized spatial segregation rules for (Rex and Visser 2009). The following period, 1911-1950, marked the expansion of White areas and the displacement of the African population (mainly the Waaihoek). ...
... The following period, 1911-1950, marked the expansion of White areas and the displacement of the African population (mainly the Waaihoek). A sectoral plan established the western part of the railway line for White people, and the eastern, for Black people, and both where to expand outward (Rex and Visser 2009). ...
... Occupying land closer to Bloemfontein was first an opportunity to move closer to work and, later, led to an expectation to enter the real estate market (Marais, Ntema, et al. 2018). Nevertheless, the lack of state policies sponsoring residential integration gave the Black population no access route to private property (Rex and Visser 2009). The sharp increase of informal settlements in the south-eastern peripheries of Bloemfontein reflected the fact that resources were not allocated to address urban migration of Black Africans, and the occupation of marginal land expanded the apartheid city (Rex and Visser 2009). ...
This article analyzes two planned cities—Belo Horizonte (Brazil) and Bloemfontein (South Africa)—to investigate connectivities across geographies and temporalities and reveal the role of urban planning in racial capitalism. Early works in urban sociology underscore the color line in producing differentiation in capitalist development. But color-blind analyses of capitalism have undermined the role of race in the urbanization process and formation of value—of places and people—and how the modern triad—colonial, racial, and capital—is deeply implicated in power modalities. Based on policy analysis, we historicize political choices in discuss urban planning and national developmentalist schemes after redemocratization that produced racial-spatial inequalities. We argue that color-blind urban policies still neglect the role of race in the production of Brazilian and South African cities under the guise of “planning innocence.” This discussion expands our understanding of urbanization and capital accumulation as a dialectical process of black dispossession and the protection of white property in the postcolony.
... In 1991 only 4% of its residents were black, but this increased to 30% in 1996, 53% in 2001and 77% in 2004(Hoogendoorn & Marais, 2008. Evidence also exists of increased desegregation of former white suburbs by middle-income households, although these percentages remain low: from 2.4% in 1995 to 11.4% in 2007 and 15.3% in 2012 (Rex & Visser, 2009;Rex et al., 2014) and 20% in 2017 . Desegregation levels are higher in the suburbs with lower valuations, small stands and near the former black township (Rex & Visser, 2009) and on single residential stands rather than on sectional title stands. ...
... Evidence also exists of increased desegregation of former white suburbs by middle-income households, although these percentages remain low: from 2.4% in 1995 to 11.4% in 2007 and 15.3% in 2012 (Rex & Visser, 2009;Rex et al., 2014) and 20% in 2017 . Desegregation levels are higher in the suburbs with lower valuations, small stands and near the former black township (Rex & Visser, 2009) and on single residential stands rather than on sectional title stands. The number of suburbs with desegregation levels of more than 10% has also increased, from two in 1995 to twelve in 2012 (Rex & Visser, 2009). ...
... Desegregation levels are higher in the suburbs with lower valuations, small stands and near the former black township (Rex & Visser, 2009) and on single residential stands rather than on sectional title stands. The number of suburbs with desegregation levels of more than 10% has also increased, from two in 1995 to twelve in 2012 (Rex & Visser, 2009). Generally, there is little evidence of re-segregation related to ownership, although the southern suburbs have higher percentages of black owners. ...
When Homes Apart: South Africa’s Segregated Cities (edited by Anthony Lemon) was published in 1991, the city Pietersburg (which was not featured as a chapter in the book) was renowned as a white Conservative Party stronghold and heartland of Afrikanerdom. The chapter is a chronicle of how an erstwhile pure white and outright racist town transformed into a provincial capital city in a non-racial society with a completely new identity to become possibly one of the most integrated cities of its size in the country. The chapter first provides a historical context to the colonial birth and growth of the apartheid city. The focus then turns to a review of the first attempts to undo the spatial legacy of apartheid through urban planning in the 1990s through the 1998 land development objectives which laid the foundation for the first spatial development framework (SDF) of 2007. The chapter concludes by documenting residential desegregation as the city’s most distinctive contemporary characteristic. Whereas black residents were the minorities in the past, they were expected to become the majority as socio-economic mobility takes place and more black families become middle class. By 2016 the percentage of black home-owners had increased dramatically in some suburbs where they represented more than three quarters of the residents, for example Flora Park (79%) and Penina Park (77%) whereas Ivy Park (90%) was almost completely re-segregated.
... In 1991 only 4% of its residents were black, but this increased to 30% in 1996, 53% in 2001and 77% in 2004(Hoogendoorn & Marais, 2008. Evidence also exists of increased desegregation of former white suburbs by middle-income households, although these percentages remain low: from 2.4% in 1995 to 11.4% in 2007 and 15.3% in 2012 (Rex & Visser, 2009;Rex et al., 2014) and 20% in 2017 (Marais et al., 2019). Desegregation levels are higher in the suburbs with lower valuations, small stands and near the former black township (Rex & Visser, 2009) and on single residential stands rather than on sectional title stands. ...
... Evidence also exists of increased desegregation of former white suburbs by middle-income households, although these percentages remain low: from 2.4% in 1995 to 11.4% in 2007 and 15.3% in 2012 (Rex & Visser, 2009;Rex et al., 2014) and 20% in 2017 (Marais et al., 2019). Desegregation levels are higher in the suburbs with lower valuations, small stands and near the former black township (Rex & Visser, 2009) and on single residential stands rather than on sectional title stands. The number of suburbs with desegregation levels of more than 10% has also increased, from two in 1995 to twelve in 2012 (Rex & Visser, 2009). ...
... Desegregation levels are higher in the suburbs with lower valuations, small stands and near the former black township (Rex & Visser, 2009) and on single residential stands rather than on sectional title stands. The number of suburbs with desegregation levels of more than 10% has also increased, from two in 1995 to twelve in 2012 (Rex & Visser, 2009). Generally, there is little evidence of re-segregation related to ownership, although the southern suburbs have higher percentages of black owners. ...
Apartheid planning in Mangaung created racial separation and spatial fragmentation over an axis of 65 km which included an independent homeland (Thaba Nchu) and an ethnic city (Botshabelo). However, Mangaung still exhibits many of the spatial attributes created by apartheid planning. There is continued racial and class segregation. However, the CBD has desegregated. Urbanisation processes have normalised with Bloemfontein the main area to which people migrate (as opposed to Botshabelo and Thaba Nchu). The most unforeseen change has been the studentification and subsequent desegregation of suburbs adjacent to the two universities. Considering the future, the desegregation of many of the former white suburbs and urban sprawl will continue and Botshabelo’s functionality as a dormitory town will change. However, the spatial legacy of apartheid planning will remain for the near future.
... Historically, Bloemfontein has been highly segregated in terms of both class and race (Krige, 1991). Towards the end of the 19 th century, legislation was introduced to separate different race groups (Rex, Visser, 2009). Such interventions were expanded over time. ...
... Separation was reinforced by industrial areas, transport premises, and cemeteries. From 1950 onwards, planning was strategically aimed to enforce the Group Areas Act which led to the establishment of Botshabelo in 1979 (55 km east of Bloemfontein toward Maseru) for accommodating the African population and to resettling the se Sotho speakers in Thaba Nchu after Bophuthatswana gained independence (Rex, Visser, 2009). As illustrated, Bloemfontein has an extensive history of segregation, be it either racial or economic. ...
... The study area is subdivided into three areas of interest, the northern suburbs (affluent upper class), western and southern suburbs (middle-class areas), and the eastern outlying areas and southern townships (lower-class areas) (Fig. 1). Since the abolishment of Apartheid the existing form of race division was mainly replaced by class division, which in essence regulates the spatial mobility of the poor (Rex, Visser, 2009). Table 1 provides some socio-economic insights into the study area's demographic, socio-economic characteristics of upper, middle, and lower class respectively, high stands out as the obvious 'more white' affluent area, ranking the highest in overall income levels. ...
... Historically, Bloemfontein has been highly segregated in terms of both class and race (Krige, 1991). Towards the end of the 19 th century, legislation was introduced to separate different race groups (Rex, Visser, 2009). Such interventions were expanded over time. ...
... Separation was reinforced by industrial areas, transport premises, and cemeteries. From 1950 onwards, planning was strategically aimed to enforce the Group Areas Act which led to the establishment of Botshabelo in 1979 (55 km east of Bloemfontein toward Maseru) for accommodating the African population and to resettling the se Sotho speakers in Thaba Nchu after Bophuthatswana gained independence (Rex, Visser, 2009). As illustrated, Bloemfontein has an extensive history of segregation, be it either racial or economic. ...
... The Bloemfontein area covers ±330 km 2 and is home to ±256,000 residents, of which the majority reside in low-income township areas. The study area is subdivided into three areas of interest, the northern suburbs (affluent upper class), western and southern suburbs (middle-class areas), and the eastern outlying areas and southern townships (lower-class areas) (Fig. 1) of Apartheid the existing form of race division was mainly replaced by class division, which in essence regulates the spatial mobility of the poor (Rex, Visser, 2009). Table 1 provides some socio-economic insights into the study area's demographic, socio-economic characteristics of upper, middle, and lower class respectively, high stands out as the obvious 'more white' affluent area, ranking the highest in overall income levels. ...
Growing trends of fear and insecurity in cities have sparked the re-visitation of gating, posing significant problems for citizens and policy makers alike. Gated developments are a global phenomenon occurring in diverse countries in both the developed North and developing South. Metropolitan areas in South Africa have also witnessed a rapid increase in the number and spread of gated developments since the late 1980s. Development of enclosed neighbourhoods has become increasingly popular, gaining widespread support for their utopic lifestyle and safety features. On the whole, high levels of crime and fear of crime have led to the construction of defensible space, in the form of gated developments, resulting in elevated levels of segregation. This paper provides a spatial analysis on gated developments in the non-metropolitan setting of Bloemfontein. The pattern and timeframe of gating in this city is shown to be similar to those found elsewhere in South Africa and, indeed, globally. Overall, it is the contention that gating is a trend not only seen in large metropolitan areas, but across the entire urban hierarchy of South Africa, and, as a consequence, requires investigation far beyond its metropolitan regions to more fully understand gated developments.
... Studies of urban racial segregation in South Africa in the 1990s and 2000s showed that black people were moving into areas previously reserved for other races -although some have chosen to stay in townships due to property ownership, links and identitiesbut that whites were not moving into black areas (Crankshaw, 2008;Kracker Selzer and Heller, 2010;Christopher, 2005;Donaldson and Kotze, 2006;Rex and Visser, 2009;. The politics of the transition enabled the establishment of some informal settlements housing black African populations on land adjacent to white, coloured and Asian suburbs (Saff, 1996), but new settlements of this sort have been rare since then. ...
This study explores the spatial transformation of urban South Africa since the ending of Apartheid rule two decades ago. It places this experience within the context of countries which have also gone through a “loosening” of political control and of related controls over spatial arrangements. The paper provides a discussion of South Africa’s spatial trends between 1996 and 2011, focusing on urbanisation; urban form; and socio-spatial segregation, and exploring the extent to which changes identified are shaped by the state, private sector investment, and the everyday actions of households and individuals. It shows that South Africa’s urban spatial transformation, post-Apartheid, is both idiosyncratic and comparable. The consequences of spatial controls, and of their loosening, have been diverse across countries, but also within countries. Loosening has led to differing relationships between state, citizenry and private enterprise, and to complex new crossing points between these groupings, affecting spatial change. In South Africa, significant trends have been: movement to the major cities where employment growth is stronger; levels of racial desegregation; and densification of parts of cities and towns, along with peripheral growth and employment decentralisation. Many of the changes however are differentiated across space and between settlements. While proactive state policies have had some impact (not necessarily in the direction of desired spatial transformation), and there are complex interrelationships, our empirical studies suggest that the major weight of evidence is towards the roles of private enterprise and people in shaping spatial change, enabled in part by forms of state loosening.
... Firstly, this investigation seeks to determine the extent to which further residential desegregation has taken place in Bloemfontein since the 2007 study of Rex and Visser (2009). Secondly, although the last South African Census was conducted in 2011, the results thereof were not available whilst this study was being conducted. ...
... Moreover, this investigation is concerned with desegregation in terms of property ownership, not occupation. Lastly, the method of using different databases to infer racial classification has been successfully employed by Kotze and Donaldson (1998), van der Merwe (1999a, 1999b), Wood (2000), Lemon and Clifford (2005), as well as Rex and Visser (2009). ...
... Finally, it was possible to determine to what extent Black-owned residential property desegregation (hereafter referred to as 'desegregation') has taken place in the former White suburbs of Bloemfontein since 1994, by comparing the 2012 data source with the 1995 data source of Kotze and Donaldson (1998) and the 2007 data source of Rex and Visser (2009). ...
The investigation responds to the low ebb in racial property ownership desegregation discourse in South Africa.
The paper provides a review of recent desegregation studies in South Africa and its empirical reflection in the
secondary city of Bloemfontein. The investigation supports current discourses focused on desegregation of
residential property ownership in urban South Africa. Drawing on the Bloemfontein experience, it is
demonstrated that significant progress has been made in this type of desegregation.
... Other important post-1991 case studies in South Africa, focussing mostly on parts of cities, were done on Cape Town (Turok 2001;Lemanski 2006), the Durban Metropolitan area (Morris and Hindson 1997), Tshwane/Pretoria (Horn 2005), Bloemfontein (Rex and Visser 2009) and Polokwane (Donaldson and Kotze 2006). Crankshaw (2008) also included employment and income dynamics in his studies on Johannesburg. ...
Forced racial-residential segregation is a phenomenon that creates spatial legacies in a city structure which inhibits equal development and access to opportunities. The legacy of apartheid embedded segregation into the spatial structure and the spatial distribution of the urban population of South Africa. The paper makes use of census data to analyse racial-residential (de)segregation on sub-place level in the city of Tshwane to make a relative comparison with the city in its post-apartheid form. The researchers use statistical measures, population shift analysis, relative income distribution and an original segregation-desegregation classification system to position the city within a continuity-discontinuity continuum. The study concludes that the city of Tshwane at present displays the residential pattern of a ‘disconnected continuity’ because it still has high levels of residential segregation which, at one level, can be explained by a spatial pattern which, is in many respects, significantly different and driven by new socio-spatial and planning dynamics whilst, at another level, still retains the legacy of the apartheid city.
... The church was originally built for the semi-rural community on the outskirts of the city. As the city grew, and the abolishment of apartheid (and the group areas act no 41 of 1950) led to the development of informal settlements and a dramatic change in the population of the area [7]. The white Afrikaans congregation declined in membership and merged with a different congregation. ...
Adapting existing buildings to accommodate new functions is more desirable than complete demolition. The design of an existing building plays a distinct role in whether transformation is possible. Redundant places of worship represent significant investments: financially, emotionally and in terms of embodied energy. The study aimed to determine whether certain design approaches in religious architecture are more suited to adaptation and reuse in the context of the city of Bloemfontein in central South Africa. This has been done through the analysis of case studies within the city limits that have either been demolished or adapted to serve new functions. Within the South African context permanent construction is favoured. Adaptations of existing buildings are thus of a more static and permanent nature. Adaptation is done through partial demolition and reconstruction. It was found that Religious buildings in Bloemfontein which no longer function to serve a congregation-especially those with the historic auditorium design approach-are more likely to be demolished than adapted. This is due to the inherent symbolism, centrality and morphology of the auditorium design favoured during the early 20 th century in South Africa. Two churches in Bloemfontein with this design type have been demolished and a third will be within the year. Two cases of successful adaptation are discussed as well as examples of demolition and dereliction. The success of adaptation in case studies, along with recommendations for design approach are discussed.
... (a) The state's housing strategy, which centers on building low-cost houses mostly at the edge of towns, has had a limited effect on apartheid geographies, with market forces being more significant [on low-cost housing see Huchzemeyer (2004)]. (b) Residential desegregation has been restricted to former white, coloured, and Indian areas and has not extended to poorer former African areas (Crankshaw, 2008; Donaldson and Kotze, 2006; Haferburg, 2002; Kotze and Donaldson, 1998; Lemon and Clifford, 2005; Maharaj, 2002; Maharaj and Mpungose, 1994; Prinsloo and Cloete, 2002; Rex and Visser, 2009). (c) There does not, with a few exceptions, seem to bèresegregation' in the same way as has happened in parts of the US: that is, initial desegregation being followed by`white flight'. ...
Much research on racial desegregation in South Africa uses residential data to track how richer black South Africans are moving from apartheid spaces to higher income suburbs; how racial privilege is giving way to class privilege. Drawing on geographers’ relational conception of space and anthropologist Sherry Ortner’s notion of a ‘class project’, in this paper I show the importance of geographies of schooling to class formation. The study tracks how schools and two groups—township residents and poorer shack residents—affect and navigate access to schools in Durban. Of importance to class formation, the study finds that children of relatively poor, but not the poorest, township dwellers can commute very long distances to attend prestigious schools. Consequently, racial mixing is more evident in South Africa’s schools than in its residential areas—the opposite scenario to that found in many other countries. Yet children born to very poor residents of urban informal settlements face considerable barriers when trying to access well-resourced schools: although they are legally entitled to attend prestigious schools located close to informal settlements, they can often live with extended families hundreds of miles away in rural areas. This new geography of schooling leads to the marginalization of some children but the perception of, and potential for, intergenerational class mobility among a quite significant group of black South Africans.
