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Sample visual picture panel. In the reflexive condition (e.g., The soldier told the farmer with glasses to shave himself in the bathroom ), the farmer is the target and soldier is the competitor. For the pronoun condition (e.g., The soldier told the farmer with glasses to shave him in the bathroom ), the soldier is the target and the farmer is the competitor. 

Sample visual picture panel. In the reflexive condition (e.g., The soldier told the farmer with glasses to shave himself in the bathroom ), the farmer is the target and soldier is the competitor. For the pronoun condition (e.g., The soldier told the farmer with glasses to shave him in the bathroom ), the soldier is the target and the farmer is the competitor. 

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BACKGROUND: Theories of comprehension deficits in Broca's aphasia have largely been based on the pattern of deficit found with movement constructions. However, some studies have found comprehension deficits with binding constructions, which do not involve movement. AIMS: This study investigates online processing and offline comprehension of binding...

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... to 77 ( M 5 47.83, SD 5 13.55). There were no statistical differences between the control group and the aphasic group in terms of age or education (see Table 1). All participants also demonstrated good visual and hearing acuity and did not have complicating medical conditions such as psychiatric disturbances, alcohol/drug abuse and pre-morbid speech, language and learning disorders. Patients’ hearing acuity was screened with a pure-tone audiometer at 60db at 500 Hz, 1000 Hz, and 2000 Hz and patients’ vision and oculomotor performance was screened with a task in which patients were asked to look at certain pictures of items on the screen and follow the fingertip of the examiner with their eyes. All participants provided informed consent prior to the study. The aphasic participants were recruited from the Aphasia and Neurolinguistics Research Laboratory at Northwestern University. Aphasia type and severity were assessed using the Western Aphasia Battery (WAB; Kertesz, 1982). The selection criteria for the aphasic participants are as follows. All participants were mildly to moderately impaired, with WAB Aphasia Quotients (AQs) ranging from 62 to 86.4 ( M 5 71.6, SD 5 8.6) and comprehension scores ranging from 8 to 9.8 ( M 5 8.6, SD 5 0.6). (See Table 2.) Their aphasia resulted from a single-episode, left- hemisphere stroke and they were all at least 1 year post-stroke at the time of testing ( M 5 4.8 years). All aphasic participants showed agrammatic speech production and impaired comprehension of complex movement sentences such as passives or object relative sentences in the face of relatively spared comprehension of simple active sentences. Sentence comprehension data derived from administration of the Northwestern Assessment of Verbs and Sentences (NAVS; Thompson, experimental version) are shown in Table 2. The NAVS is a test developed for research purposes in the Aphasia and Neurolinguistics Research Laboratory at Northwestern University to detail aphasic sentence comprehension and production deficits. The test is currently being standardised for publication. Materials for the study consisted of 60 pairs of stories and panels depicting objects mentioned in the stories. Of the story–panel pairs, 40 served as experimental items while the remaining 20 served as fillers. All stories had the same structure consisting of three sentences: an introductory sentence, which introduced two animate NPs involved in the story (e.g., Some soldiers and farmers were in a house ), a second sentence containing the critical transitive event (e.g., The soldier told the farmer with a glasses to shave him/himself in the bathroom ), and a final closing sentence (e.g., And he did ). Filler stories included active critical sentences without a reflexive or pronoun (e.g., The pastor told the choirboy with crutches to sing a song at school ). The rationale for using such filler items was to minimise the expectation of reflexives and pronouns in the critical second sentence. Each test story was used twice, once with a reflexive and once with a pronoun. Four independent raters who were native speakers of English were asked to rate the grammaticality, plausibility, and naturalness of the sentences and stories on a 5-point scale. Only stories that were rated higher than 4 on these parameters by all raters were used as stimuli for the study. Each story was followed by a comprehension probe, which tested offline comprehension of the critical event in the second sentence as seen in (4). For the test stories, the probe questions queried either a pronoun, ‘‘Did the farmer shave the soldier?’’, or a reflexive structure, ‘‘Did the farmer shave himself?’’. The answer to the first probe question was ‘‘no’’ for the reflexive condition and ‘‘yes’’ for the pronoun condition, whereas the answer to the second probe question was ‘‘yes’’ for the reflexive and ‘‘no’’ for the pronoun condition. Half of the stories for each condition included probe questions of the first form and the other half used probe questions of the second form. Hence, overall there were an equal number of questions requiring ‘‘yes’’ and ‘‘no’’ responses. For the fillers, the probe questions were of the form ‘‘ Did the choirboy/pastor sing the song? ’’. The answer to half of the filler probes was ‘‘yes’’ and the answer to the other half was ‘‘no’’ (see Appendix for the complete set of stimuli.) The stories were digitally recorded by a female native speaker of English at a natural pace with standard intonation using SoundEdit (Macromedia). The verbs included in the second sentence were all reversible transitive verbs and the two human referents, (e.g., soldier and farmer ), inanimate objects (e.g., glasses ) mentioned in the stories, and distractor items (human nouns) used on the visual panels (see below) (e.g., patient ) were controlled for lemma frequency, syllable length, and phonological onset. The three human nouns were matched for gender. For each story a visual panel such as in Figure 1 was constructed containing the nouns mentioned in each story. The panel was divided into a 3 6 3 grid with a fixation cross in the centre of the panel. The panel contained four items, one in each corner: the two possible antecedents (e.g., soldier and farmer ) and the inanimate object (e.g., glasses ) that were mentioned in the story and a human distractor (e.g., patient ), which was not mentioned in the story. The inanimate object was included to detract participants’ gaze from the previously mentioned item (e.g., farmer ). This way, eye movements to the pronoun or reflexive would not reflect residual activation of the previous noun. The distractor noun served as a control in comparing looks to antecedents of either the pronoun or reflexive. The position of each item on the panel was pseudo-randomised across stories and the panels in adjacent trials never had the same elements appearing in the same positions. Further, the items appeared equally often in each position across panels. This ensured that all items were equally likely to appear in any of the four positions on any given trial. Further, the positions of the objects were evenly distributed across experimental conditions. Participants were just as likely to see the object in one of the positions for stories for the reflexive condition as they were for stories for the pronoun condition. The pictures for the nouns were obtained from 100,000 ClipArt (GSP Limited) or from www.clipart.com. The pictures were edited as 4 6 3 inch black and white pictures and copied onto the panels with Adobe Photoshop. Pictures for all four nouns for all test stories were matched in style of drawing as well as in size and were rated by four independent raters for differences in prominence of the four pictures that would attract more or less looks than the other pictures in a rest condition. The pictures that were judged to be different in prominence in the panel by more than one rater were edited to match the prominence of the other pictures or substituted with different pictures. The raters were also asked to point to the nouns named, and any pictures that raters had difficulty recognising were omitted or substituted. Two pseudo-randomised scripts were developed. Both scripts contained 20 test stories with reflexives and 20 test stories with pronouns. The stories that included reflexives in script 1 were used with pronouns in script 2 and vice versa. The stories were pseudo-randomly selected for either the reflexive or pronoun condition so that the lemma frequency of items on the panels was balanced across conditions. The same 20 filler stories were used for both scripts. The order of stories in the two scripts was pseudo-randomised so that no more than two stories with the same condition (either reflexive or pronoun) occurred consecutively. The auditory and visual stimuli were assembled into the two scripts using SUPERLAB (Cedrus). Testing was completed in one session of approximately 1 hour. At the beginning of the session participants were given two practice stories before being presented with the test stimuli. Participants were instructed to listen to the stories while looking at the monitor. They were also instructed to verbally answer the questions at the end of the story. The auditory and visual stimuli were presented using SUPERLAB. The auditory stimuli were presented via loudspeakers and the visual stimuli were presented on a Macintosh monitor. First, a blank screen appeared on the computer monitor for 1500 milliseconds. The blank screen served as a signal that the next item was starting. Then a panel appeared on the screen, which remained visible throughout the whole trial. The story began 1000 milliseconds after the panel appeared in order to allow time for scene apprehension. Once the story was complete there was a beep, followed by a comprehension probe that the participants answered orally. After responding, the experimenter pressed the space bar on the keyboard, which advanced to the next trial. The next trial then began with a blank screen, as described above. Eye movements were monitored and recorded by an Applied Science Laboratories (ASL) remote eyetracker model 504 while the participants looked at the panels and listened to the story. The camera assessed eye position by monitoring the offset between the infrared reflection from the surface of the cornea and the infrared reflection off the retina and passing through the pupil. This offset was calibrated for each participant at the beginning of the experimental session, and checked every 10 trials by having the participant look at nine numbers on the screen. Participants were told to move only their eyes, not their body or head, if possible. No chinrest or headrest was used to stabilise movement. The eyetracking data were collected using EYENAL (ASL analysis software). The position and direction of the eye movements were sampled every 16 ms by the remote eyetracker. The measurements of ...

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Citations

... Studies on non-fluent 'agrammatic' aphasia have shown that the locus of the deficit in non-fluent people with aphasia (PWA) is underlined by impairments not only in language production but also in comprehending complex sentences (Caramazza & Zurif, 1976;Grodzinsky, 1991). Within the large amount of sentence processing studies conducted on aphasia, pronouns constitute an important place as this grammatical category is often found to be impaired in PWA speaking many different languages (e.g., Blumstein et al., 1983;Choy & Thompson, 2010;Edwards & Varlokosta, 2007;Friederici et al., 1991;Ruigendijk et al., 2006; see also Arslan et al., 2021 for reviews). The current study addressed how object pronouns and reflexive forms referring to quantified and non-quantified antecedents are worked out in PWA who speak Turkish. ...
... However, outcomes from those studies have shown relatively incompatible results. Some of these studies report non-fluent PWA's distinctive impairments in object pronouns as compared to reflexives Love et al., 1998), whereas other studies indicated an opposite pattern of dissociations pointing to affected reflexive forms (Blumstein et al., 1983) or equal patterns of impairments in both object pronoun and reflexive comprehension tasks (Choy & Thompson, 2010;Edwards & Varlokosta, 2007). ...
... Nonetheless, the increased number of errors made by the participants with aphasia in the mismatch condition implies that their difficulty does not necessarily lie in resolving pronominal variables. Similar levels of impairments in both reflexive and object pronoun variables are not unfamiliar indeed, see Choy and Thompson (2010) who reported equal levels of impairments for their PWA's comprehension of reflexive and object pronoun variables. Our findings are fully compatible with those of Edwards and Varlokosta (2007), who also showed that their PWA performed equally poorly in mismatch conditions in both reflexives and object pronouns. ...
... Pronoun studies in aphasia have mainly focused on the interpretation of pronouns (it, her, him) and reflexives (itself, herself, himself) which have often been reported to be performed differently by PWA. For instance, Choy and Thompson's (2005Thompson's ( , 2010 studies, which used eye-tracking (i.e. a participant views a scene and concurrently listens to a short discourse; also known as the visual world while-listening paradigm), found that individuals with Broca's aphasia exhibit normal fixation patterns at points of referentially dependent items, such as reflexive pronouns embedded in complement phrase constructions, and that the number of fixations to the correct antecedent were significantly greater than those to the incorrect antecedent in the time window corresponding to the reflexive pronoun. So, for example, in the sentence The soldier told the farmer to shave himself in the bathroom, the PWA were able to understand that the correct antecedent of the reflexive pronoun himself was the farmer, and not the soldier. ...
Chapter
This chapter considers what happens when pronoun processing is affected by an acute medical condition or traumatic brain injury (such as a stroke leading to Broca's or Wernicke's aphasia). It also documents what therapies/treatments are being used in the early 21st century to help patients recruit pronoun processing strategies (where possible) during their rehabilitation. The chapter focuses on speakers of English and Greek and considers both pronoun production and comprehension.
... We focus on two linguistic constructions in German: pronoun resolution and relative clauses. These constructions are well-suited for our modeling goals because IWA have difficulty processing them (Burchert, de Bleser, & Sonntag, 2003;Choy & Thompson, 2010;Caplan et al., 2015;Adelt et al., 2017;Pregla et al., 2021). Furthermore, given that cue-based retrieval is intended as a general model of sentence processing, it is necessary to investigate different constructions and test whether the proposed implementations are able to account for the entire range of data. ...
... That is, IWA experience difficulties identifying the agent and theme of the verb (who did what to whom) based on morpho-syntactic cues alone. Similarly, IWA also experience difficulties comprehending binding relations, that is, pronouns and reflexives (e.g., Justin told [Thomas i to shave himself i ]; Edwards & Varlokosta, 2007;Choy & Thompson, 2010). Caplan et al. (2015) discuss the different theories that aim to explain why these constructions are challenging for IWA 5 . ...
... Laurinavichyute, Jäger, Akinina, Roß, & Dragoy (2017) reported mixed results for German. In the aphasia literature, Choy and Thompson (2010) and Engel, Shapiro, & Love (2018) found that IWA had difficulties in pronoun resolution, but these studies did not target the gender mismatch configurations that Pregla et al. (2022) tested, and that we model in the present work. ...
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... For individuals with aphasia (IWA), the literature has pointed to a number of theoretical accounts of processing disruptions that lead to comprehension impairments. These processing limitations have been conceptualized in different ways including slowed syntactic operations (Burkhardt, Avrutin, Piñango, & Ruigendijk, 2008;Haarmann & Kolk, 1991;Piñango, 2000), weakened syntax (Avrutin, 2006), lexical access deficits (Blumstein & Milberg, 2000;Burkhardt et al., 2008;Love, Swinney, Walenski, & Zurif, 2008;Milberg, Blumstein, Katz, Gershberg, & Brown, 1995;Prather, Zurif, Love, & Brownell, 1997;Swinney, Prather, & Love, 2000;Yee, Blumstein, & Sedivy, 2008), lexical integration deficits (Choy & Thompson, 2010;Hagoort, 1997;Thompson & Choy, 2009) and reductions in cognitive resource and allocations (Caplan, Waters, & Hildebrandt, 1997, pp. 542-555;Caplan & Waters, 2013;Hula & McNeil, 2008;Murray, 2018;Murray, Holland, & Beeson, 1997;Nozari, Mirman, & Thompson-Schill, 2016;Villard & Kiran, 2015). ...
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... The RRH predicts that correct responses in sentence comprehension should result predominantly from normal syntactic processing (as opposed to accidentally correct responses because of guessing in every trial) while incorrect responses should result from impaired syntactic processing. 1 In line with this prediction, Caplan et al. (2007) found that the self-paced listening times in IWA differed between correct and incorrect trials, and that the listening times were qualitatively similar to control participants in correct trials. Visual world studies also found that the proportion of fixations to the target picture (henceforth target fixations) differed between correct and incorrect trials in IWA (Arantzeta et al., 2017;Choy and Thompson, 2010;Dickey et al., 2007;Dickey and Thompson, 2009;Hanne et al., 2011;Hanne et al., 2012;Hanne et al., 2015;Hanne et al., 2016;Meyer et al., 2012). In correct trials, target fixations of IWA and control participants were qualitatively similar (Arantzeta et al., 2017;Dickey et al., 2007;Dickey and Thompson, 2009;Hanne et al., 2011;Hanne et al., 2015;Hanne et al., 2016;Meyer et al., 2012). ...
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... Laurinavichyute, Jäger, Akinina, Roß, and Dragoy (2017) reported mixed results for German. In the aphasia literature, Choy and Thompson (2010) and Engel et al. (2018) found that IWA had difficulties in pronoun resolution, but these studies did not target the gender mismatch configurations that tested, and that we model in the present work. ...
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... Early studies showed that, for sentences with filler-gap dependencies, patients failed to reactivate the antecedent to the trace at the site where the trace is structurally licensed (Swinney et al., 1996;Zurif et al., 1993). Subsequent studies, however, found that aphasic patients were able to build dependency structures, though with a temporal delay for both filler-gap dependencies (Burkhardt et al., 2003;Love et al., 2008Love et al., , 2001 and referential dependencies involving pronominals (Burkhardt et al., 2008;Love et al., 1998;Peristeri & Tsimpli, 2013;Pin˜ Ango & Burkhardt, 2005), whereas other studies (Choy & Thompson, 2010;Dickey & Thompson, 2009;Thompson & Choy, 2009) have found timely processing of both structures, but nevertheless with impaired comprehension. The deficit patterns among patients relative to unimpaired people are accounted for in different ways. ...
... One potential limitation of the present findings is that the Cross-Modal Priming paradigm may not be the most ideal for detecting sentence processing abilities in real time (Choy & Thompson, 2010;Thompson & Choy, 2009) in that processing can only be evaluated at pre-selected probe points (PP1 and PP2 in the present study). In this regard, methods such as eye-tracking while listening may be able to pinpoint more precisely where, within the processing stream of sentences, processing costs are incurred for healthy listeners and go awry for people with aphasia. ...
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Background: Research on how patients with Broca’s aphasia and concomitant agrammatism process dependency structures online offers a window into the understanding of how language is organized in the mind. Previous studies have shown that patients evince differential performances on dependency structures generated at different levels of linguistic representation. The present study extends this line of research to investigate patients’ online processing of referential dependencies involving ambiguous pronominal interpretations. Aims: Mandarin, unlike English, allows the object to be missing (null) in some contexts, rendering these null pronominal forms as ambiguous between two interpretations (strict vs. sloppy), which are generated in different levels of linguistic representation. This study examined Mandarin-speaking healthy and agrammatic aphasic participants’ processing of the two interpretations of the null pronominal form such as Zhangsan qile ta de ma, Lisi ye qile e “literally: Zhangsan rode his horse and Lisi rode, too”, where Lisi rode either Zhangsan’s horse (strict) or Lisi’s horse (sloppy). Methods & Procedures: Two experiments, employing a Cross-Modal Picture Priming paradigm, manipulated three probe picture conditions (strict, sloppy, control) and two probe positions (at the verb phrase offset and 400 ms afterwards). Experiment 1 tested neurologically unimpaired controls in order to establish the time course of processing as a standard of comparison. Experiment 2 tested patients with agrammatic aphasia. Outcomes and Results: Immediately at the verb phrase offset where the null object is structurally licensed, unimpaired individuals primed both the strict and the sloppy interpretations, with no significant difference in reaction times between the two conditions. At the position 400 ms after the verb phrase offset; however, unimpaired participants did not show priming of either of the two interpretations. Patients showed the opposite pattern: at verb phrase offset, they did not show threshold-level priming of either of the two interpretations; 400 ms afterwards, they showed priming of both the strict and sloppy interpretations, with the strict interpretation eliciting significantly longer reaction times than the sloppy interpretation. Conclusions: Patients’ delay in priming both the strict and the sloppy interpretations shows that patients evince a temporal delay when processing dependency structures, which may arise from patients’ deficit with lexical integration. Additionally, patients spent significantly longer reaction times on the strict interpretation relative to the sloppy interpretation, which confirms the prediction that that the former, which is generated in the level of discourse, is computationally more costly than the latter, which is generated in the level of semantics.
... digit span). A third account that predicts pronoun processing difficulty is the delayed lexical integration account (Choy & Thompson, 2010;Thompson & Choy, 2009), which holds that sentence comprehension difficulty arises in aphasia due to delays in integration of lexical information into sentence interpretation. This account stands on data from eye-movement monitoring studies that measured both eye-fixations and end-of-sentence behavioural responses to visuals depicting the referents for object pronoun and reflexives while PWA listened to sentences online. ...
... working memory) to process sentence material, leading to failures in interpretive processes. Delayed lexical integration (Choy & Thompson, 2010;Mack, Ji, & Thompson, 2013;Thompson & Choy, 2009) Integration of lexical information during sentence processing is delayed, evidenced with longer eye-fixations to referents for noun phrases; object pronoun and reflexives in English are equally impaired. Increased Interference (Dickey, Choy, & Thompson, 2007;Dickey & Thompson, 2009;Hanne, Sekerina, Vasishth, Burchert, & De Bleser, 2011) PWA are susceptible to thematic-role assignments that are not licensed in a sentence, and hence, strong activation of non-target interpretation interferes the intended interpretation. ...
... To be able to compare PWA's processing ability of reflexives to object pronouns, we have subset data from the meta-set with studies that directly compared reflexives and object pronouns. In this data subset the following studies directly compared object pronouns vs. reflexives: in comprehension (Baauw & Cuetos, 2003;Baauw et al., 2011;Bos et al., 2014;Caplan et al., 2015;Choy & Thompson, 2010;Edwards & Varlokosta, 2007;Gavarró, 2008;Grodzinsky et al., 1993;Hickok & Avrutin, 1995;Ruigendijk et al., 2006) in elicited production (Sanchez-Alonso et al., 2011) and in both the modalities (Martínez-Ferreiro, 2010). Fig. 6 shows the forest plot for standardised mean differences between reflexive and object pronoun conditions. ...
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Pronouns constitute a heterogeneous class of linguistic elements, allowing for expression of referential relationships. Pronouns have an important place in daily communication which speakers and listeners rely heavily on for. Aphasia literature has evidenced that pronoun processing is impaired in people with aphasia (PWA), although explanations underpinning pronoun impairments are mixed. To address this, through a systematic literature review, we identified 42 studies which examined pronoun processing (both production and comprehension) in 474 PWA across 16 different languages. An initial meta-analysis was conducted on the overall data with all PWA and pronoun conditions with an outcome measure indicating whether or not pronoun processing is individually impaired in PWA. Further meta-analytic models were built to compare certain conditions of particular interest (e.g. reflexives vs object pronouns, object vs subject wh-pronouns) in an attempt to further disentangle the explanations behind their difficulty in use. Outputs from our meta-analysis suggest that: (i) a form of pronoun impairment is consistently present in aphasia regardless of aphasia type, fluency or language spoken; (ii) pronoun variables show selectivity in their impairment, for instance, reflexives are better preserved over object pronouns, and the subject-advantage in who-pronouns is language-selective; and (iii) other important linguistic variables that largely predict pronoun impairments include aspects like argument position of subject/object phrases, case marking, cliticization, and the presence of relative clause constructions. These outputs are discussed in relation to neurolinguistic hypotheses that predict pronoun impairments in aphasia.
... The results also suggested that both the groups generated similar representations during comprehension. Choy and Thompson (2010) investigated online processing and off-line comprehension of binding constructions, namely, reflexive and pronoun constructions in PWA. The tasks and eye movement measures used were similar to the Dickey and Thompson (2009) study. ...
Article
Aim The aim of this scoping review is to identify the eye tracking paradigms and eye movement measures used to investigate auditory and reading comprehension deficits in persons with aphasia (PWA). Method MEDLINE via PubMed, Cochrane, CINAHL, Embase, PsycINFO, OTseeker, Scopus, Google Scholar, Grey Literature Database, and ProQuest Search (Dissertations & Theses) were searched for relevant studies. The Covidence software was used to manage the initial and full-text screening process for the search. Results and Discussion From a total of 1,803 studies, 68 studies were included for full-text screening. In addition, 418 records from gray literature were also screened. After full-text screening, 16 studies were included for this review—12 studies for auditory comprehension in PWA and four studies for reading comprehension in PWA. The review highlights the use of common eye tracking paradigms used to study language comprehension in PWA. We also discusse eye movement measures and how they help in assessing auditory and reading comprehension. Methodological challenges of using eye tracking are discussed. Conclusion The studies summarized in this scoping review provide evidence that the eye tracking methods are beneficial for studying auditory and reading comprehension in PWA.