Figure 2 - uploaded by Ettore Recchi
Content may be subject to copyright.
Rise and fall of post-World War II European migration: intra-continental yearly flows from Spain, Italy and Portugal, 1960-1985 (thousands)
Similar publications
The correlation factor model is developed in which the spherically averaged exchange-correlation hole of Kohn-Sham theory is factorized into an exchange hole model and a correlation factor. The exchange hole model reproduces the exact exchange energy per particle. The correlation factor is constructed in such a manner that the exchange-correlation...
We provide a business cycle model in which endogenous ‡uctu- ations in the average markup are the main driving force. Markup ‡uctuations occur due to some form of 'animal spirits', moving …rms within each sector in their entry-exit decisions. By contrast to existing models of the business cycle emphasizing the role of animal spirits, we do not rely...
Citations
... First, society is complex, and it is well possible that some social groups welcome increasing exchange across borders and perceive it as enriching in both economic and cultural terms, whereas other groups see it negatively, be it for fear of labor market competition or threatened cultural identities. The labels 'cosmopolitan' and 'local' (Merton 1949;Recchi 2005;Helbling & Teney 2015) have been used to describe these two archetypes. Transnational mobility and migration can thus lead to a sense of community in some social milieus and to resentment and conflict in others. ...
... Thus, in support of previous research, our results suggest that relocating is costly and a decision that takes ample consideration, even when no legal barriers inhibit movement(McCann et al., 2010;Vadean & Piracha, 2009). These findings may also go part of the way in explaining low rates of mobility observed in the years following the introduction of free mobility within the EU(Recchi, 2005). ...
Circular migration in settings of free mobility has received increasing policy attention. However, due to data constraints, little is known about the mechanisms underlying it. Using linked Finnish and Swedish register data that allow us to follow Finnish migrants across national borders, we analyse whether the determinants of circular migration differ from those of the first and return move. People move freely between Sweden and Finland, as they are in the common Nordic labour market. Event history analysis shows that many moves are temporary and short term. Moreover, the patterns of circular migration reflect those of the first emigration and first return, respectively. Swedish speakers and individuals who are not married are more prone to emigrate for the first and second time, whereas Finnish speakers and married individuals have a higher risk of return migration. This implies that circular migration may amplify demographic features related to emigration and return migration.
... Although successive EU treaties extended the right to free movement within the EU (Recchi 2005), it was not until the incorporation of 12 new member states between 2004 and 2007 (mainly central and eastern European countries) that intra-EU migration rose substantially (Favell 2008b). This migration was predominantly from central and eastern European countries to their western neighbours and was motivated by large differences in the labour market opportunities and earnings. ...
The process of European integration has created a unique transnational space without internal borders. Citizens of the European Union are currently free to move to any of the 28 member states in search of work, education and career opportunities, for family reasons, or to broaden cultural horizons (Recchi 2005; Favell 2008a). Free movement has been at the core of the European integration project from the early days, although it was originally intended only for the economically active population (Baldoni 2003). After the signing of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, which formally introduced the legal concept of a common European citizenship, the right to work and live in any member state was recognized for all EU citizens, irrespective of whether they were economically active or not. As an area currently comprising 28 countries with more than 500 million inhabitants, the European Union can be regarded as an exceptional research laboratory on legal and unrestricted transnational migration ( ...
... Although the single market and EU programmes such as Erasmus expanded considerably the mobility opportunities for workers and students, intra-EU migration increased only moderately before the end of the millennium, and migration from non-EU countries outpaced migration from EU countries. Data compiled by Recchi (2005) for the period 1990-2000 show indeed that whereas the percentage of non-EU migrants to the EU increased by 33%, the percentage of EU migrants merely increased by 10%. In fact, most intra-European migration in Western Europe took place before the single market and Schengen, during the 1950s and 1960s, as workers from Southern Europe migrated to the prosperous north in search of better economic opportunities. ...
... The sociological literature on intra-European mobility has predominantly featured highly educated migrants. Whether we think of the mobility of professionals within transnational corporations (Salt, 1992), the job and career opportunities opened for the EU elites at the European Commission (Georgakakis, 2012), the mobility of young, unattached professionals drawn by the cosmopolitan character of cities such as London, Brussels, or Amsterdam (Favell, 2008), the mobility of scientists across EU academic institutions (Ackers, 2004), or finally, the short-term mobility and transnational personal networks of Erasmus students (Fligstein, 2008), the focus is always on those with high cultural capital (also Recchi, 2005;Recchi and Favell, 2009). This focus is in part justified by the relative novelty of this type of mobility and implicitly draws on pre-EU enlargement human capital economic models that conclude that the highly skilled are those who benefit most from the European single market (e.g. ...
... The recent literature on the sociological impact of European integration (e.g. Recchi, 2005;Recchi and Favell, 2009) has prioritised the study of transnational mobility per se and, consequently, does not provide further insights as to other aspects of marriage between Europeans than the ones discussed in the earlier paragraphs. If one is seriously interested in social group formation in Europe, however, and more specifically, in the potential development of transnational bonds of solidarity that could eventually lead to the division of national social groups into cosmopolitan and local segments (Díez Medrano, 2008Medrano, , 2010, one must empirically examine these binational marriages up close. ...
This article examines recent trends and patterns in binational marriages between European citizens in Spain over a 20-year period and the sociodemographic profile and nationality composition of these binational marriages. The analysis relies on aggregate marriage statistics and on marriage register microdata for 2008–2009. We use odds ratios to monitor trends and characteristics of binational marriages and multinomial regression to further examine the sociodemographic profile of these couples. The analysis of marriage records reveals only a modest rise in Euromarriages over the 1990–2009 period. This moderate increase in Euromarriages points towards a weak social impact of the European single market. Moreover, the analysis also suggests that binational marriages more often involve lesser-educated than more-educated individuals. Finally, findings on the social and nationality compositions of binational marriages conform to theoretical predictions drawn from the literatures of marriage markets, endogamy, and social hypergamy. They show that the affinity between Spaniards and European Union (EU-15) citizens is lesser than that between Spaniards and non-Europeans (i.e. Latin Americans). They also show that patterns of binational marriages are highly gender specific. Whereas the affinity between Spanish women and EU-15 men is higher than the affinity between Spanish women and 'new' European men, the affinity between Spanish men and 'new' European women is higher than the affinity between Spanish men and EU-15 women.
... The analyses of the present article are framed by the assumption that the European Union represents a specific migration space shaped by its own institutional and legal regulations (Baganha and Entzinger, 2004;Ette and Faist, 2007;Favell, 2003;King, 2002;Recchi, 2005;Scott, 2006). In the European Union, national borders no longer function as the barriers that they once constituted, and moving between countries is simplified by the relative geographical proximity of the European nations. ...
... Recently, some authors have pointed to the relevance of cultural motives and institutional programmes 3 for migration (Blotevogel et al., 1993;Castles, 2004;Castles and Miller, 2003;Entzinger, 2000;Findlay et al., 2006;Halfacree, 2004;Hazen and Alberts, 2006;Recchi, 2005). These types of motive are to be found especially among highly skilled individuals, among younger age groups, and student populations. ...
... Beyond crucial economic and professional factors, Scott's results on British migration to Paris highlight ''the significance of cultural preferences'' (factors such as interest in, and accessibility of, a language, historical interests or the culture of a city) for contemporary forms of intra-European migration, which demonstrates, as he puts it, ''the need to bring the cultural agency of world cities into the mobility equation'' (2006: 1114). A number of recent studies contributing to the field suggest that cultural-institutional reasons for migration have become increasingly common since the implementation of the Maastricht Treaty, which not only led to the creation of the Euro and a common foreign and security policy but also to a reduction of the barriers to intra-European labour market mobility and mobility based on institutional European programmes (e.g., Braun and Recchi, 2008;Ette and Faist, 2007;European Commission, 2002;Favell, 2003;Recchi, 2005). Thus, the Maastricht Treaty gave EU citizens a legal entitlement to freedom of movement and settlement, mutual recognition of their educational qualifications and created the formal legal conditions for unhindered mobility for EU citizens and for a (western) European labour market. ...
One of the main issues in migration research concerns the reasons migrants have for crossing borders. It is assumed in the research that migration is primarily economically driven. In recent studies, however, the importance of social and cultural reasons for migration has become apparent. In this context, the present contribution discusses the reasons for the migration of Europeans from Italy, France, the United Kingdom, and Poland who moved to Germany (Berlin) between 1980 and 2002. In this case, it can be shown empirically that purely economic reasons play a lesser role in migration than is generally assumed, whereas social and cultural motives actually have a much greater influence. Primary data gathered in Berlin early in 2002 form the empirical foundation of the study. Multinomial logistic regressions are used to discuss the function of social-structural differences (e.g., nationality, age, gender, education, social origin) in the formation of individual reasons for migration.
... As mentioned above, in fact, several pieces of empirical research reveal that romance, adventure and quality of life motivate intra-EU migration even more than economic betterment. Due to convergence among member states, on purely economic grounds migration within Western Europe should have declined substantially in the last decades -but it did not (Recchi 2005 and. Thus, taking to the extremes the agency component of free movement, Aradau et al. (2010) come to argue that European citizenship has created a tension between nationality and territoriality, and that it would be more fruitful to account for mobility across EU member state borders as a (possibly unconscious) political act of denationalised sociality. ...
... However, they have always taken (and still take) place, and in our age this phenomenon also concerns regional dimensions. At the European level, for example, we can refer to contacts through work, to increased mobility or to mixed families -couples with different nationalities (Bettin Lattes and Bontempi 2008;Garcia Faroldi 2008;Recchi 2005;Recchi and Nebe 2003). But, apart from interaction and contacts among individuals, is there any kind of actor that can contribute to this horizontal process of identity building? ...
... However, they have always taken (and still take) place, and in our age this phenomenon also concerns regional dimensions. At the European level, for example, we can refer to contacts through work, to increased mobility or to mixed families -couples with different nationalities (Bettin Lattes and Bontempi 2008;Garcia Faroldi 2008;Recchi 2005;Recchi and Nebe 2003). But, apart from interaction and contacts among individuals, is there any kind of actor that can contribute to this horizontal process of identity building? ...
... However, they have always taken (and still take) place, and in our age this phenomenon also concerns regional dimensions. At the European level, for example, we can refer to contacts through work, to increased mobility or to mixed families -couples with different nationalities (Bettin Lattes and Bontempi 2008;Garcia Faroldi 2008;Recchi 2005;Recchi and Nebe 2003). But, apart from interaction and contacts among individuals, is there any kind of actor that can contribute to this horizontal process of identity building? ...
... The geographic horizon of the migrational movements we are examining is constituted by the emerging European migration space (Ette and Faist 2007;Favell 2003;Recchi 2005;Strüver 2005). We attach great importance to this space because the legal framework affords special opportunities for free movement and access to other labour markets. ...
... Our analysis proceeds on the assumption that ongoing European integration as a form of supra-nationalisation has given birth to an autonomous European migration space (Baganha and Entzinger 2004;Ette and Faist 2007;Favell 2003;King 2002;Recchi 2005;Strüver 2005). This assumption is set against the background of specific political and legal arrangements that affect migration between member states of the European Union. ...
German migration within Europe has so far received little attention from researchers. This is especially true of migrants with intermediate qualifications (vocational training, technical school, master craftsman's certificate). The present contribution is devoted to this phenomenon and examines the reasons why people belonging to this particular group migrate. To do this we pick up on central theoretical arguments in migration research, on the basis of which we examine the relevance of economic and social factors for Germans who migrate within Europe. It emerges that, empirically, for Germans with intermediate qualifications, economic factors are crucial. In particular, unemployment, low or falling wages, as well as poor working conditions in Germany constitute important push factors, while job offers, higher wages and better working conditions in the destination countries constitute the main pull factors. In comparison, social networks are less important factors in migration, since only in a few cases did the interviewees have solid contacts abroad. The empirical results of the study are based on the analysis of available population statistics and 40 problem-centred, biographical interviews carried out between October 2006 and April 2007 in various regions of Germany (Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, Bremen, Lower Saxony, Berlin).
