Table 1 - uploaded by Myriam Welkenhuysen
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Source publication
The occurrence of unrealistic optimism with regard to a genetic risk situation was investigated within a group of female adults (study 1) and a group of adolescents (study 2). In both studies, the indirect method of measurement elicited a significant optimistic bias. Contrary to Weinstein (1982, 1987) we found no relation between the direct or indi...
Context in source publication
Citations
... Patients' dependency on the way the information is provided increases with chance information, such as survival rates after surgery or risk information on side effects. Patients they have their own chance interpretations, which may range from unrealistic optimism [25,26] to risk-individualization, i.e. the belief that one will be the very one person with the bad outcome. ...
Objective
This article describes a paradigm shift in what is considered to be good care for patients living with and after (head and neck) cancer. HNO patients often experience severe and difficult physical and psychosocial problems due to the nature and location of the disease. Many disciplines are involved in their treatment, so their voice is only one amongst many others in the decision making process. For this patient group it seems complicated to put the concept of Shared Decision Making into practice. As a step in this direction, patient reported outcomes which ask patients to select the disconcerting issues and symptoms can be used as a basis for referral, supportive care and treatment decision making. We need to provide more tailored and personalized information that is specific to individual circumstances, preferences and concerns and focuses more on the impact of treatment and access to help and support. Follow up of these patients should be concentrated on both medical and emotional aspects. Practice implicationsA shift in the way caregivers provide their information contributes to a more profound involvement of patients in treatment decisions.
... Such events are exactly those most frequently studied in unrealistic optimism research (Welkenhuysen, Evers-Kieboom, Decruyenaere, & van den Berghe (p. 482), for example, grouped risk responses greater than 10% into a single category "because of the low number of responses in these categories" [32]). Where the majority are less at risk than the average person, the minority who are more at risk must choose a positive number on the -3 to +3 scale that is far away from the majority group in order to balance out the responses. ...
One of the most accepted findings across psychology is that people are unrealistically optimistic in their judgments of comparative risk concerning future life events—they judge negative events as less likely to happen to themselves than to the average person. Harris and Hahn (2011), however, demonstrated how unbiased (non-optimistic) responses can result in data patterns commonly interpreted as indicative of optimism due to statistical artifacts. In the current paper, we report the results of 5 studies that control for these statistical confounds and observe no evidence for residual unrealistic optimism, even observing a ‘severity effect’ whereby severe outcomes were overestimated relative to neutral ones (Studies 3 & 4). We conclude that there is no evidence supporting an optimism interpretation of previous results using the prevalent comparison method.
... Gaining a sense of control over future events gives a feeling of invulnerability and allows one to believe that victimization is manageable (Helgeson 1992). Research evidence from health psychology supports a negative relationship between perceived control and risk perception, such that the greater the perceived control over the outcome of an event, the lower one's personal risk estimate (Welkenhuysen et al. 1996). Ruthig et al. (2008) examined whether perceived control predicted older adults' estimates of their risk for a future health problem, namely, a hip fracture. ...
Although the significance of travel health risks is well documented, the process through which people assess their vulnerability and ultimately take on preventive measures needs clarification. The purpose of this article is to better understand factors underlying travelers’ health risk perceptions and their protective behavior. Using the health psychology literature, a conceptual model that incorporates multilevel psychological constructs was tested with 830 Australian outbound travelers. Worry was an important antecedent to both travel health risk perceptions and risk-protective behavior. Perceived control over health-related risks was not positively associated with risk perceptions but was positively associated with risk-protective behavior. Sensation-seeking propensity was negatively associated with risk perceptions but positively associated with risk-protective behavior. Travel risk perceptions mediated the relationship between the antecedents and risk-protective behavior. Implications for the design of health communication for industry and government are outlined, and future research avenues are also proposed.
... Common deficit in third-person effect is the over reliance on college students and or adults samples. Few researchers studied adolescents (Hingson, Strunin, Berlin, & Heeren, 1990;Welkenhuysen, Everkiebooms, Decruyenaere, & Vandenberghe, 1996;Whalen, et al., 1994;Chapin, 2000). ...
Present study attempts to develop the third-person effect questionnaire and media exposure list in the context of local and foreign electronic entertainment media. For this purpose the study was divided into three steps. In the first step, on the basis of existing literature of third-person effect and media exposure, six focus groups were conducted. As a result various themes were generated including beautification of religion, adults’ belief that media effect others more than themselves, and adolescents acceptance and idealization of foreign media. In step two, list of items were generated and sent for the experts review. After approval of reviewers, third-person effect questionnaire of 36 items and media exposure list of 16 items was finalized. Further, in third step psychometric properties were established by applying questionnaires on 328 adolescents and young adults. Content and construct validity was established. Gender, age, education, and media exposure differences were also found in third-person effect.
... Second, with one exception (anger), experimental research on the role of discrete emotions in altering perceptions of health risk indicates that negative emotions like sadness or fear influence perceptions of risk in the same direction as it is predicted here Effectiveness of health PSAs for negative mood, and positive emotions like happiness and joy influence perceptions of health risk in the same directions as is predicted here for positive mood (Lerner et al., 2003;Lerner and Keltner, 2001;Fischhoff et al., 2005;Lerner and Gonzales, 2005). Third, data from correlational studies shows that (state and trait) negative mood is associated with overestimation of health risks, while (state and trait) positive mood is associated with underestimation of health risks (Mayer and Volnath, 1985;Alloy and Ahrens, 1987;Welkenhuysen et al., 1996;Gasper and Clore, 1998;Gupton et al., 2001;Vaughn and Weary, 2002). ...
Purpose
The aim of the paper is to investigate the impact of pre‐existing audience mood on responses to health public service advertisements (PSAs). The paper also aims to show the practical and theoretical importance of mood as a variable in health communication.
Design/methodology/approach
Hypotheses regarding the impact of audience mood on the outcome of health PSAs were tested experimentally using health PSAs about vaccination and virus detection behaviors.
Findings
The influence of pre‐existing mood was mediated by the perceived risk of contracting the illness mentioned in the health advertisement. Personal estimations of risk mediated the impact of audience mood on behavioral intent and actual behavior. The more negative one's mood, the higher the perceived risk of contracting the disease mentioned in the message, and the more likely one was to adopt the precautionary behavior recommended by the PSA. Positive mood had opposite effects.
Practical implications
The findings suggest a novel media planning approach to maximizing the effectiveness of health risk messages. Due to the impact of context‐induced mood on perceptions of risk, messages could be more effective if placed in editorial contexts which induce negative mood (e.g. crime investigation reports) versus environments which induce positive mood (e.g. sitcoms), because negative mood makes people think they are more at risk and motivates them to act.
Originality/value
The mood‐and‐risk mediation hypothesis proposed here has never been examined in public health marketing. Findings call for further research on the impact of contextual affect on responses to public health communication. The paper suggests a new placement technique for media planners working in public health advertising.
... Crucially, the optimistic bias appears to affect behavior in tangible ways, which has made it an important target of study in health psychology (Renner & Schwarzer, 2003;Scaife, Miles, & Harris, 2006). There is some evidence that this bias is exhibited regardless of severity of the disease or condition in question (van der Velde, Hooykaas, & van der Pligt, 1992;Welkenhuysen, Evers-Kiebooms, Decruyenaere, & van de Berghe, 1996). Relating this to our study, it would suggest that participants might exhibit an optimistic bias with regard to both the low-and high-severity diagnoses, as opposed to an optimistic bias for high-severity diagnoses in particular. ...
Self-triage, or the decision if and when to seek medical care is crucial, but also intrinsically difficult. The current study evaluates how the presence of competing diagnoses with differing severities influences participants' likelihood of seeking care. Participants were healthy undergraduate students from McMaster University. In a within-subjects design, participants rated the urgency with which they would seek medical care for a series of hypothetical scenarios. Each scenario included symptoms and either a low-severity diagnosis, a high-severity diagnosis, or a differential diagnosis where both high- and low-severity options were presented. Participants rated low-severity diagnoses as less urgent than high-severity diagnoses, as expected. Critically, when presented with both low- and high-severity options, participants rated scenarios with an intermediate level of urgency. Further analyses showed that participants appeared to base their urgency judgments on the low-severity diagnosis and then adjust their ratings upward when presented with a high-severity alternative. The results demonstrate that even when one of the possible diagnoses presented would require immediate care if accurate, ratings of urgency were significantly decreased if another less serious alternative was also suggested, potentially leading to sub-optimal decision-making. Implications of this observed pattern of self-triage decision-making are discussed.
... There are several examples in the literature where the number, or percentage, of respondents exhibiting optimistic bias, pessimistic bias, or no bias has been examined. (38,46,50,51 ) It must be reiterated that optimistic bias is a group effect, individuals may have good (and accurate) reasons to believe that they are less at risk than other people. Thus, respondents in the " optimistic " group have not necessarily shown an unrealistic optimism at a personal level. ...
It is believed that food hygiene precautions in domestic kitchens are an important strategy in efforts to reduce the incidence of sporadic food poisoning, but recent research has shown that people who have suffered food poisoning handle the same types of foods and adopt similar food hygiene precautions in their kitchens to the rest of the population. This suggests the need to examine other factors. A case-control study of sporadic Salmonella food poisoning was conducted to investigate several domestic kitchen risk factors. Measures of perception of risk, knowledge, and control associated with food poisoning in case and control respondents are reported here. It was found that perceived personal risk from food poisoning in the home was less than perceived risk to other people. In contrast, ratings of personal knowledge about food poisoning and personal control over food poisoning in the home were seen to be greater than other people's knowledge and control. There were no differences between the cases and the controls in their ratings of knowledge about food poisoning or their control over food poisoning. However, cases perceived their personal risk from food poisoning to be higher than controls. Both case and control samples exhibited optimistic bias but this was reduced in the case sample, suggesting that experience with food poisoning may reduce optimistic bias.
... For example, it has been found that optimistic bias is lower for problems perceived to be more likely to occur (Weinstein, 1987;Eiser et al. 1993), for problems that individuals have had some experience of (Weinstein, 1987;van der Velde et al. 1992;Lek & Bishop, 1995) and for problems to which more thought has been given (Eiser et al. 1993). There is some evidence that individuals exhibit more optimistic bias about problems they believe they can control (Weinstein, 1980(Weinstein, , 1982(Weinstein, , 1987Kulik & Mahler, 1987;DeJoy, 1989;van der Velde et al. 1992;Hoorens & Buunk, 1993;Harris, 1996; however, see Harris & Middleton, 1994;Lek & Bishop, 1995;Welkenhuysen et al. 1996). Furthermore, optimistic bias has been demonstrated for problems associated with the belief that if the problem has not yet appeared, it is unlikely to occur in the future (Weinstein, 1982(Weinstein, , 1987. ...
... In addition, perceived similarity to this stereotype is associated with more perceived personal risk (Lek & Bishop, 1995). However, optimistic bias has not been found to be related to perceived severity (van der Velde et al. 1992;Welkenhuysen et al. 1996), or for the level of knowledge concerning the risk (Welkenhuysen et al. 1996). Much of the research investigating factors associated with optimistic bias has combined results for all of the hazards assessed. ...
... In addition, perceived similarity to this stereotype is associated with more perceived personal risk (Lek & Bishop, 1995). However, optimistic bias has not been found to be related to perceived severity (van der Velde et al. 1992;Welkenhuysen et al. 1996), or for the level of knowledge concerning the risk (Welkenhuysen et al. 1996). Much of the research investigating factors associated with optimistic bias has combined results for all of the hazards assessed. ...
Food consumption patterns are influenced by a number of factors, including social and cultural factors. It is difficult to effect dietary change, and one possible barrier to dietary change is optimistic bias. Research indicates that individuals tend to believe that they are less likely to experience negative events, and more likely to experience positive events than their peers; this phenomenon is known as optimistic bias. It has been argued that optimistic bias may have a negative impact both on self-protective behaviour and on efforts to promote risk-reducing behaviours. The present article reviews the literature investigating optimistic bias specifically in the food domain. The review indicated that many food and nutrition issues are associated with optimistic bias. This has important implications for health-promotion activities in the food domain. The paper also describes key aspects of the methodology used to investigate optimistic bias and details the conditions under which optimistic bias has been demonstrated. The importance of identifying the causes of optimistic bias is discussed, and empirical attempts designed to reduce optimistic bias by countering the causes are reviewed. Finally, directions for future research are suggested.
... 26 This has been found for those at high risk 27 and for those making estimates about their genetic risk. 28 This optimistic bias has been found to be greater among adults than adolescents 29 30 and it may be that unrealistic optimism leads to an expectation of receiving a negative result and, therefore, raised anxiety on receipt of a positive test result. ...
To determine whether, following predictive genetic testing for familial adenomatous polyposis (FAP), children or adults receiving positive results experience clinically significant levels of anxiety or depression, and whether children receiving positive results experience higher levels of anxiety or depression than adults receiving positive results.
Two studies, one cross sectional and one prospective.
208 unaffected subjects (148 adults and 60 children) at risk for FAP who have undergone genetic testing since 1990.
Dependent variables: anxiety, depression; independent variables: test results, demographic measures, psychological resources (optimism, self-esteem).
Study 1. In children receiving positive results, mean scores for anxiety and depression were within the normal range. There was a trend for children receiving positive results to be more anxious and depressed than those receiving negative results. In adults, mean scores for anxiety were within the normal range for those receiving negative results, but were in the clinical range for those receiving positive results, with 43% (95% CI 23-65) of the latter having scores in this range. Regardless of test result, adults were more likely to be clinically anxious if they were low in optimism or self-esteem. Children receiving positive or negative results did not experience greater anxiety or depression than adults. Study 2. For children receiving a positive test result, mean scores for anxiety, depression, and self-esteem were unchanged over the year following the result, while mean anxiety scores decreased and self-esteem increased after receipt of a negative test result over the same period of time.
Children, as a group, did not show clinically significant distress over the first year following predictive genetic testing. Adults were more likely to be clinically anxious if they received a positive result or were low in optimism or self-esteem, with interacting effects. The association between anxiety, self-esteem, and optimism suggests that counselling should be targeted, not only at those with positive test results, but also at those low in psychological resources.
... This unexpected finding is intriguing and merits further study. & Hooykaas, 1994 Weinstein, 1982 Weinstein, 1987 Weinstein, Sandman, & Roberts, 1990 Welkenhuysen et al., 1996 Heine & Lehman, 1995 K. M. Taylor & Shepperd, 1998 a (Continued) ...
... A number of studies have examined whether the optimistic bias varies as function of worry or anxiety (either situational or dispositional). Although a few studies found no relation between anxiety and the optimistic bias (Nesse & Klaas, 1994; Welkenhuysen et al., 1996), in general, greater anxiety is associated with less optimistic bias (Butler & Mathews, 1987; Dewberry, Ing, James, Nixon, & Richardson, 1990; Eysenck & Derakshan, 1997; Linville, Fischer, & Fischhoff, 1993; Myers & Brewin, 1996; Vaughan, 1993; Weinstein, 1982 Weinstein, , 1983 Weinstein, , 1987). As is often the case, however, only a handful of these studies examined the relation between anxiety and the optimistic bias using the indirect method. ...
... Consequently , people high in trait anxiety should show less optimistic bias for a variety of events, and not just for events primed by a given situation. Although we found five studies (Butler & Mathews, 1987; Eysenck & Derakshan, 1997; Myers & Brewin, 1996; Nesse & Klaas, 1994; Welkenhuysen et al., 1996) examining trait anxiety and the optimistic bias, only three used the indirect method to assess the optimistic bias. One of the studies (Welkenhuysen et al., 1996) found no relation between trait anxiety and the optimistic bias among fifth graders estimating their risk and a random couple's risk of having a newborn child with a genetic disease. ...
The optimistic bias is defined as judging one's own risk as less than the risk of others. Researchers have identified numerous personal and situational factors that moderate the extent to which people display the bias. It is unclear, however, whether these moderators affect the bias by influencing people's personal risk estimates or their risk estimates for a target. A review of moderators of the optimistic bias reveals evidence for both influences. Moderators associated with negative affect (negative mood, dysphoria, trait and state anxiety, event severity, and proximity of feedback) and control related moderators (perceived control and prior experience) appear primarily to affect personal risk estimates. Positive mood affects target risk estimates. Finally, moderators that surround the comparison process appear to have different effects. Specifically, the type of comparison target appears to affect target risk estimates, whereas attention to personal risk-related behaviors affects personal risk estimates.
