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A symptom common to many industries in China is the proliferation of enterprises. Through a detailed case study based on original data of the automobile industry, it was found that dynamic entry and exit have been taking place. This industry’s peculiar environment, in which even critical inputs such as engines and designs can be outsourced, is an i...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... largest group, SAIC Group, produced 3.62 million vehicles in 2010, which was very close to Honda, the sixth largest automobile manufacturer in the world that produced 3.64 million vehicles in 2010. However, it is hard to say that the SAIC Group is an automobile manufacturer that can be compared with Honda because the companies that form the group, although they are mutually affiliated by capital investment, are not integrated in their business activities (see Figure 3). ...
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Citations
... The relationships between the two are changing as a result of globalisation. For example, Marukawa (2009) analyses the role of suppliers in providing both advanced components and technical support to assemblers in the Chinese motor vehicle industry. These global suppliers with long experience of automotive manufacture are able to provide a broad set of problem-solving services to relatively new Chinese automotive manufacturers. ...
GVC governance theory explains the management of interfirm relationships in the context of offshoring and outsourcing in the latter part of the 20th century. It emphasises the power of lead firms to shape the new global supply chains that were developed at this time. Parsimonious theorising combined with lead firm power has led to criticisms that the theory is determinist and fails to allow for the agency of the non-lead firms that are often referred to as suppliers. Critics have argued that more attention needs to be given to supplier agency and capability formation in the places where value chains touchdown in the global economy. This contribution argues that the weaknesses of GVC governance theory lie in its limited conception of the capability approach to industrial organisation and its focus on efficient government solutions at a given point in time. Introducing a dynamic capability perspective makes it possible to understand the circumstances in which suppliers are likely to possess capabilities that are valuable to their customers and allows a movement away from a static, equilibrium perspective. However, this view of suppliers does not rule out the importance of structural constraints on firm opportunities. The role of architectural manipulation in creating power asymmetries in GVCs is discussed.
... Industrial growth in the auto industry has usually occurred in tandem with increased concentration ratios due to the effects of economies of scale. However, the majority of Chinese auto firms are still operating at much lower levels than the minimum needed for economy of scale (Huang, 2002;Marukawa, 2013). Even in 2009, the year that China 8 Local government officials also care about employment, but because it is not sustainable to keep moneylosing industries for the sake of employment, generating taxes and profits is still the priority (Bai, Du, Tao, & Tong, 2004, p. 402). ...
By comparing three Chinese pillar industries, automobile, petroleum, and machinery, this paper analyzes how the development of uneven institutional configurations bred sectoral variation in transitional China. In 1994, at the dawn of the Chinese socialist market economy, the State Council issued guidelines for national industrial policy and proposed the enactment of similar growth-promoting policies for all pillar industries. The level of policy enactment and the resulting outcomes, however, vary significantly across the industries. Previous literature on China’s rapid industrialization has sought to build a single model encompassing China as a whole, and has emphasized either the state’s institutional capacity or China’s unique governance mechanisms. This study investigates China’s industrialization by taking account of the uneven development of institutional capacity amid macro institutional reforms. Every idea and institution evolved at a different pace in these reforms, and the incremental nature of the reforms further deepened the gaps between sectors. This paper argues that, due to this uneven development, the Chinese state was not strong enough to be considered a developmental state until at least the early 2000s.
... Yet, the contours of Chinese innovation arguably emerged in the less regulated vehicle segments such as light vans and trucks as well as motorcycles. In these segments, competition soon grew fierce as defacto industry standards developed through an early government-sponsored diffusion of truck technology in the 1970s, the uncontrolled diffusion of licensed technology from the Japanese companies Suzuki and Daihatsu in trucks (and small cars) as well as the drainage of licensed technology from the leading Japanese motorcycle companies Honda, Suzuki, and Yamaha (Ge and Fujimoto 2004;Noble et al. 2005;Marukawa 2013). New companies predominately entered those segments by relying on the established supply chains of the incumbent vehicle makers. ...
... This strategy appears to be pervasive in the Chinese auto industry after the turn of the century. As Marukawa (2013Marukawa ( , 2014 explains, in 2004, more than half of the numerous auto manufacturers fully lacked engine design and manufacturing capabilities and sourced all of their engines from the market. Shenyang Aerospace Mitsubishi Engine (SAME), a Mitsubishi JV, for instance, supplied engines to more than twenty companies. ...
China’s rapid economic ascent has been accompanied by brilliant institutionalist scholarship elaborating on the significance of institutional diversity for China’s recent development trajectory. As valuable as these analyses are, their foundation in the transition literature seems to have resulted in their focusing mainly on offering explanations for the characteristics and the (temporary) persistence of institutional diversity rather than on providing insights about the impact of that diversity on such issues as innovation and competitive advantage. This focus has arguably contributed to both, a limited understanding of China’s development model as well as a limited impact of the findings concerning China’s institutional reality on the research program of the comparative capitalisms, specifically on the debate on the benefits and flaws of the so-called Varieties of Capitalism (VoC). Building on recent work on innovation in China, the present paper seeks to provide a typology of architectural innovation, a concept that was originally introduced by Rebecca Henderson and Kim Clark as an extension to the radical/incremental innovation typology, in order to capture the main features of a pattern that appears to be found in a great number of China’s (assembly) industries. After illustrating this pattern with the help of an exemplary case study of China’s passenger vehicle sector, the paper will give a brief discussion of how institutional diversity and the various roles of government relate to the identified pattern of innovation.
Focusing on China’s auto industry, this paper questions how the central government’s
growth-promoting industrial policies failed to realize their intentions but nonetheless
produced rapid growth outside the scope of the policies. The paper explains how other
macro-institutional reforms that accompanied China’s implementation of the socialist market economy—central government reshuffles, central–local fiscal reforms, state–business relations—interacted with the auto industrial policy (AIP) by taking the political process seriously. Drawing on archival sources and interviews, the study argues that even when the functioning of state institutions is deficient, industrial policy in a transitional economy can facilitate rapid growth by relieving the commitment problem and, along with other market-based institutional reforms, opening up a limited amount of market competition. Although limited, this market competition had the unintended effect of promoting rapid growth. Therefore, even with deficient market mechanisms and state institutions, governmental policy interventions that facilitate limited market competition can give rise to development. Although such government interventions, fraught with substantial policy failures, would not work in a developed economy, it is better than no intervention at all in a transitional economy.
