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Prevalence of spousal violence in the last 12 months among 15-to 49-year-old, currently married (or cohabitating) women from 5 former Soviet Union countries: 2005-2012.
Source publication
Objectives:
I examined the individual- and community-level factors associated with spousal violence in post-Soviet countries.
Methods:
I used population-based data from the Demographic and Health Survey conducted between 2005 and 2012. My sample included currently married women of reproductive age (n = 3932 in Azerbaijan, n = 4053 in Moldova, n...
Context in source publication
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Citations
... For instance, the number of married women experiencing IPV increased when their participation in household decision-making was low in some traditionally conservative societies [20,31]. More so, a study undertaken in different transitional countries with political and economic transformations in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and the Caucasus reported contradictory findings [32]. In the study, women with greater economic power and muscles than their partners still experienced IPV [32]. ...
... More so, a study undertaken in different transitional countries with political and economic transformations in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and the Caucasus reported contradictory findings [32]. In the study, women with greater economic power and muscles than their partners still experienced IPV [32]. Also, a survey of 28 low-and middle-income countries resulted in mixed findings concerning asset ownership in IPV occurrence, as this may be challenging and protective for IPV against women [25]. ...
... Nevertheless, the direction and magnitude of the relationship was different across those societies. In the same vein, a study of five countries in transition reported that the impact of this factor on the domestic abuse of wives was significant only in one country [32]. Other research indicated mixed findings regarding the influence of place of residence on violence against married women. ...
This paper seeks to gain insights into complex and multiple influences which may behind the different components of intimate partner violence (IPV) against Jordanian wives. Drawing on a quantitative approach, the paper explores and presents findings of the determinants of domestic violence sustained by female partners during the year preceding a nationally representative survey. The survey is based on national multi-stage random sampling data from the 2012 Jordan Demographic Health Survey (JDHS). The paper applies the social-ecological framework. A method of Leastwise deletion techniques is used to remove missing data. Doing this resulted in 6213 married women used in the data analysis. Logistic regression models are used to estimate/predict different forms of IPV against domestic female partners. The findings of the study suggest that wives are victimized at all levels of the framework. Specifically, family, community, and social levels were the most vital factors affecting victims experiencing IPV. More specifically, wives witnessing their fathers beat their mothers and wives who are scared of their husbands are more prone to sustain violence inflicted by their partners. Furthermore, wives' education, working status, and age at marriage do not predict IPV. Another key finding is that wife empowerment in family relationships is a protective factor against domestic violence against her. The implication is that the patriarchal explanation of domestic violence against wives is valid in the Jordanian cultural context. This study underscores the need to reevaluate the effectiveness of Jordan's general human development programs and women empowerment programs as an essential measure for alleviating IPV inflicted on married women in Jordan.
... In general, participants showed no relationship between AOD use and perpetrating intimate or interpersonal violence. Our Mexican sample may be too young to show that drug use predicts the perpetration of violence as Ismayilova [53] predicted with a sample of older participants. The association between drug use and perpetrating interpersonal and intimate violence may be linked to being older, several life conditions, being a caregiver, having a lower educational attainment, or experiencing certain socioeconomic conditions. ...
The COVID-19 pandemic may have increased interpersonal and intimate violence, harmful use of alcohol and other drugs (AODs), and mental health problems. This study uses a valid path model to describe relationships between these conditions of young Mexicans during the second year of the pandemic. A sample of 7420 Mexicans ages 18 to 24—two-thirds of whom are women—completed the Life Events Checklist, the Alcohol, Smoking, and Substance Involvement Screening Test, the Major Depressive Episode Checklist, the Generalized Anxiety Scale, and the Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) Checklist. Young Mexicans reported higher rates of victimization and perpetration of interpersonal and intimate violence and mental health symptomatology than those noted pre- and in the first year of the pandemic. The harmful use of AOD rates were similar to those reported by adolescents before. The findings suggest asymmetric victimization and perpetration of intimate violence by gender (with women at a higher risk). More men than women have engaged in the harmful use of AODs (except for sedatives, which more women abuse). More women than men were at risk of all mental health conditions. The path model indicates that being a victim of intimate violence predicts the harmful use of tobacco, alcohol, cocaine, and sedatives, depression, anxiety, and specific PTSD symptoms (such as re-experimentation and avoidance symptoms). Being a victim of interpersonal violence resulted in severe PTSD symptoms (including avoidance, negative alterations in cognition-mood, and hyperarousal signs). The harmful use of sedatives predicted depressive symptoms. Men’s victimizing intimate violence model contrasted with that of women, which included being the victim of interpersonal violence and severe PTSD symptoms. The high school youth model had three paths: victimizing intimate violence, victimizing interpersonal abuse, and sedative use, which predicted depression. Our findings could serve as the basis for future studies exploring the mechanisms that predict violence to develop cost-effective preventive programs and public policies and to address mental health conditions during community emergencies.
... It also reported that greater prevalence of IPV is associated with poor socioeconomic status and women's lack of decision-making power, making women more dependent on their male partners in low-and middle-income countries [19,32,33]. Similarly, a study found that the association between household poverty and IPV was significant in one of five countries in political and economic transitions [34]. However, one study reports contradictory results about the effect of wealth and poverty on of IPV against women [35]. ...
... The findings at the community and societal levels are consistent with a study indicating power imbalance due to patriarchal and traditional practices promoting male dominance [30]. Further, these findings reinforce a study conducted in five countries showing a correlation between household poverty in some neighborhoods and IPV against women [34]. Contrary to studies indicating positive attitudes towards accepting IPV for some reasons [32,33], this study suggests the need for more sensitization drive to reduce IPV in Jordan. ...
This study raised and addressed three questions related to determinants of IPV experiences in Jordan, drawing on a nationwide survey involving a sample size of 6461 married women. Descriptive (percentages) and analytical statistics (logistic regression) were used to analyze the data sets. The findings revealed that the social-ecological perspective is still valid in explaining some factors affecting IPV against Jordanian married women. For instance, the analysis indicated that individual-level factors, such as a wife witnessing domestic violence during her childhood, would increase the likelihood of her experiencing IPV. Also, some family factors appear to be a key factor exposing Jordanian married women to experience IPV, including the societal acceptance that beating wives under some circumstances increases the likelihood of wives being abused by their husbands. Further, being residents of the central region of Jordan and living in poorer households increases the odds of women being abused by their husbands. Based on the findings, families, and government must invest in social and economic transformation agenda to reduce IPV against wives in Jordan, including reorientation at homes, increased safety nets for poorer communities, and educating family members on tolerance and the rejection of domestic violence.
... Participants in this study may be too young to show that drug use predicts the perpetration of violence as Ismayilova (51) has reported with a sample of older participants. The association between drug use and perpetrating interpersonal and intimate violence may be linked to being older, several life conditions, being a caregiver, having lower educational attainment, or experiencing certain socioeconomic conditions. ...
The COVID-19 pandemic may have increased interpersonal and intimate violence, harmful use of alcohol and other drugs (AOD), and mental health problems. The present study uses a valid path model to describe relationships between these conditions of young Mexicans during the second year of the pandemic. A sample of 7,420 young Mexicans ages 18 to 24—two-thirds of whom were women—completed the Life Events Checklist, the Alcohol, Smoking, and Substance Involvement Screening Test, the Major-Depressive-Episode Checklist, the Generalized Anxiety Scale, and the Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) Checklist. Young Mexicans reported higher rates of victimization and perpetration of interpersonal and intimate violence and mental health symptomatology than those noted pre-pandemic and in the first year of the pandemic. Harmful use of AOD rates were like those reported by adolescents before. Findings suggested asymmetric victimization and perpetration of intimate violence by gender (with women being at a higher risk than men, p≤.05). More men than women engaged in the harmful use of AOD (except for sedatives, which more women abuse). In contrast, more women than men were at risk of all mental health conditions. The path model indicates that being a victim of intimate violence predicts harmful use of tobacco, alcohol, cocaine, and sedatives, depression, anxiety, and specific PTSD symptoms (such as re-experimentation and avoidance symptoms). Being a victim of interpersonal violence resulted in severe PTSD symptoms (including avoidance, negative alterations in cognition-mood, and hyperarousal signs). Harmful use of sedatives predicted depressive symptoms. Men´s victimizing intimate violence model contrasted with that of women, which also included being the victim of interpersonal violence and severe PTSD symptoms. The high school youth model had three paths -victimizing-intimate violence, victimizing-interpersonal abuse, and sedative use, which predicted depression. The findings of this study could serve as the basis for future studies exploring mechanisms that predict violence patterns to develop the most cost-effective preventive programs and public policies and to address mental health conditions during community emergencies.
... IPV is more prevalent in low-and middle-income countries (LMICs) than in high-income countries (HICs) [8]. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) report, the prevalence of lifetime IPV was 23% in HICs and 70% in LMICs [9]. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is one of the most common forms of violence against women and includes physical, sexual, emotional abuse, and controlling behaviors by a close or intimate partner. ...
Background
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is one of the most common forms of violence against women and includes physical, sexual, and emotional abuse. The most common IPV victims are women whose partners were financially insecure, uneducated, or substance users. Substance use has been related to an increase in the frequency and severity of IPV. Thus, we aimed to assess the prevalence of intimate partner violence, its spatial distribution, and its association with substance use among women who had ever-married in Ethiopia using the 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) data.
Methods
Data from the 2016 EDHS was used and a total of 4962 ever-married women were involved in the analysis. The spatial autocorrelation statistic (Global Moran's I) was used to determine whether IPV and substance use were dispersed, clustered, or randomly distributed. The statistical software Sat Scan version 10.1 was used to identify the clusters with high IPV rates. A multi-level logistic regression model was used to examine the association of IPV with substance use, and statistical significance was declared at a p-value of less than 0.05 and 95% CI.
Results
Of all ever-married women, 33.2% (95% CI: 31.9, 34.6%) were currently experiencing at least one of the three types of IPV (physical, sexual, and emotional). The highest hotspot areas of IPV were observed in the Gambella and Oromia regions. The ever-married women whose husbands drink alcohol (AOR = 3.34; 95% CI: 2.70, 4.15), chew chat (AOR = 1.60; 95% CI: 1.22, 2.08), and smoke cigarettes (AOR = 1.95; 95% CI: 1.01, 3.79) were significantly associated with IPV.
Conclusion
One in every three ever-married women in this study experienced IPV. Following adjustment for potential confounders, at least one of the three substance uses (alcohol, chat and cigarette) was identified as a significant predictor of IPV. A concerted effort is required to reduce both substance abuse and IPV.
... Exposure to an abusive family environment, traditional masculinity, and misogynist culture reproducing stereotypical views of men and women can contribute to transmitting and reinforcing gender cultures based on unequal relationships. This can result in an inability to recognize the equal rights and dignity of both girls and boys, women and men with the consequential risk of legitimizing violence against women (Alesina et al. 2021;Flood and Pease 2009;Heise 1998;Ismayilova 2015;Sikweyiya et al. 2020). ...
To discuss the cultural roots of violence against women (VAW), this study focuses on individual gender norms, prescriptive gender role expectations, moral justification of VAW, and institutional gender norms that define gender cultures, that provide opportunities for VAW, and legitimize roles and behaviors. We used indicators of gender norms related to VAW from different sources to provide an overview of 12 countries (Armenia, Cyprus, Czechia, Germany, Greece, The Netherlands, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Slovakia, Turkey, and Ukraine). The indicators include individual gender role attitudes and justification of wife beating from the World Values Survey; information on national legislation and institutional discrimination from the Social Institution Gender Index from the OECD; and each country’s position on the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence—a transnational platform with relevant transformative power that has been opposed by anti-Europeanists. Although situations vary significantly in the different countries, this explorative study suggests that eradicating the cultural roots of VAW is more difficult in societies in which rigid traditional gender roles and a strongly patriarchal culture in legislation and institutions are supported by moral views legitimizing violence as a form of punishment for challenging prescribed gender roles.
... Research on the prevalence and correlates of IPV in the former Soviet bloc is scarce, particularly in countries marred by post-independence conflicts. This lack of attention is likely due to limited data, a popular understanding of IPV as a private matter, and cultural factors, including tensions between patriarchal values and the Soviet equalizing ideals (Ismayilova, 2015;UNFPA, 2015). ...
... According to regional research, more than a quarter of women in post-Soviet Eurasia report having experienced violence from partners at some point in life (Devries et al., 2013). The few existing national-level studies in the four conflict-affected countries in the area show similar values for Armenia, and higher estimates (about one third) for Azerbaijan and Moldova (Ismayilova, 2015;UN Women, 2016). The issue appears especially severe in Tajikistan, where more than half of ever-partnered women report some form of domestic abuse during the lifetime (Amnesty International, 2009). ...
... The term X i is a vector of individual-level controls, including respondents' educational level (attained the compulsory 9-years cut-off), urban/rural residence, employment status, total number of children, age at first union and age difference with partner. It further includes a variable measuring whether the woman's father ever battered her mother, or whether herself was beaten by him after age 15, and a binary indicator for partner's alcohol use (Ismayilova, 2015). As some may be considered "bad controls," that is be themselves outcomes to the treatment (Angrist & Pischke, 2008), I first run models without these variables and added them later to improve precision and examine their specific association with IPV. ...
Objective
This study examines the legacy of experiencing armed conflict in childhood and adolescence on women's later risk of intimate partner violence (IPV) in four ex‐Soviet countries.
Background
Prior research is largely concerned with male soldiers and perpetration, and rarely considers when, during the life course, conflict occurs. This study focuses on civilians, women's victimization and pays attention to the age at conflict exposure. This aspect is crucial to understand if war has lasting consequences for family violence, beyond contemporaneous effects. This paper further contributes by providing insights on driving mechanisms.
Method
The study combines cross‐national data on IPV from the Demographic and Health Surveys ( N = 17,787) and geo‐referenced conflict information from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program. Using linear models with fixed effects, it compares the IPV outcomes of women exposed to conflict before the end of their teens with nonexposed peers and older women.
Results
Young‐age conflict exposure is associated with greater adult IPV risk. Childhood exposure (ages 0–10) matters the most, especially for physical forms of IPV. Results are not driven by migration. Analyses of potential pathways show no relationship between war and changing marriage market conditions, or attitudes towards IPV in women. Conversely, men experiencing conflict in late adolescence (16–19) are more likely to condone violence against partners. Furthermore, women's childhood exposure to conflict correlates with having a violent father.
Conclusion
War in young‐ages has long‐term implications for family violence. These appear in part related to greater exposure to family violence, and to a normalization of the use of violence in future potential perpetrators.
... Individual-level independent variables included younger age, lower education, and poor. We used binary coding to manage complexity and coding decisions were made using previous literature examples [4,7,14,45]. Younger age was coded 1, if women were 15 to 29 years old; and 0 if they were 30 years and older. ...
Background: Physical intimate partner violence (IPV) risk looms large for younger women in Bangladesh. We are, however, yet to know the association between their intersectional social locations and IPV across communities. Drawing on intersectionality theory's tenet that interacting systems of power, oppressions, and privileges work together, we hypothesized that (1) younger, lower educated or poor women's physical IPV experiences will be exacerbated in disadvantaged communities; and conversely, (2) younger, higher educated or nonpoor women's physical IPV experiences will be ameliorated in advantaged communities.
Methods: We applied intercategorical intersectionality analyses using multilevel logistic regression models in 15,421 currently married women across 911 communities from a national, cross-sectional survey in 2015. To test the hypotheses , women's probabilities of currently experiencing physical IPV among intersectional social groups were compared. These comparisons were made, at first, within each type of disadvantaged (e.g., younger or poor) and advantaged (e.g., older or nonpoor) communities; and then, between different types of communities.
Results: While our specific hypotheses were not supported, we found significant within community differences, suggesting that younger, lower educated or poor women were bearing the brunt of IPV in almost every community (prob-abilities ranged from 34.0-37.1%). Younger, poor compared to older, nonpoor women had significantly higher IPV probabilities (the minimum difference = 12.7, 95% CI, 2.8, 22.6) in all communities. Similar trend was observed between younger, lower educated compared to older, higher educated women in all except communities that were poor. Interestingly , younger women's advantage of higher education and material resources compared to their lower educated or poor counterparts was observed only in advantaged communities. However, these within community differences did not vary between disadvantaged and advantaged communities (difference-indifferences ranged from − 0.9%, (95% CI, − 8.5, 6.7) to − 8.6%, (95% CI, − 17.6, 0.5).
Conclusions: Using intersectionality theory made visible the IPV precarity of younger, lower educated or poor women across communities. Future research might examine the structures and processes that put them at these precarious locations to ameliorate their socioeconomic educational inequalities and reduce IPV in all communities. For testing hypotheses using intersectionality theory, this study might advance scholarship on physical IPV in Bangladesh and quantitative intersectionality globally.
... Moldova has the highest alcohol consumption in the world, especially in rural regions and men are especially affected (World Health Organization, 2018). While alcoholism is related to morbidity and mortality, it is furthermore the strongest risk factor associated with domestic violence in Moldova (Ismayilova, 2015). A study shows that seven out of ten women from rural areas of the country (six out of ten in urban areas) have suffered at least once in their lifetime from violence in intimate relations (World Health Organization et al., 2016). ...
The single story of Moldova as the “country without parents” is unsettling. While it is true that villages in Moldova, as in other post-Soviet regions and global peripheries, are affected by intensive outmigration and labor mobility, the image is incomplete. In this article, I propose a different telling of this story: one that looks at and challenges the structural power relations visible in people’s lives in rural Moldova. It is a telling that points to the overall subsistence crisis in Europe and the relationship between neocolonial entanglements and agricultural care chains. As such, this article aims to bring together reflections on labor migration, well-being in rural areas and the global care economy while seeking to decolonize subsistence production through the abolition of the international division of (re)productive labor.
... Intimate partner violence (IPV) represents a public health concern with possible geographically contingent determinants (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006, 2015Heise, 1998;Heise & Kotsadam, 2015;Jewkes, 2002). Although 35% of women worldwide experience IPV (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006, 2015Heise & Kotsadam, 2015), the prevalence of IPV against women varies between countries (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006;Heise & Garcia-Moreno, 2002;Heise & Kotsadam, 2015;Kovacs, 2018;Sanz-Barbero et al., 2018). ...
... Intimate partner violence (IPV) represents a public health concern with possible geographically contingent determinants (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006, 2015Heise, 1998;Heise & Kotsadam, 2015;Jewkes, 2002). Although 35% of women worldwide experience IPV (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006, 2015Heise & Kotsadam, 2015), the prevalence of IPV against women varies between countries (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006;Heise & Garcia-Moreno, 2002;Heise & Kotsadam, 2015;Kovacs, 2018;Sanz-Barbero et al., 2018). Gender-based structural stigma (i.e., the male-centric ideology, laws, and policies surrounding women that perpetuate gender inequality in some countries more than others) might both perpetuate and protect against women's IPV risk (Heise, 1998;Heise & Kotsadam, 2015;Ivert et al., 2020;Kovacs, 2018;Rahman et al., 2011;Sanz-Barbero et al., 2018;Zapata-Calvente et al., 2019). ...
... Gender-based structural stigma (i.e., the male-centric ideology, laws, and policies surrounding women that perpetuate gender inequality in some countries more than others) might both perpetuate and protect against women's IPV risk (Heise, 1998;Heise & Kotsadam, 2015;Ivert et al., 2020;Kovacs, 2018;Rahman et al., 2011;Sanz-Barbero et al., 2018;Zapata-Calvente et al., 2019). However, existing research has documented women's risk of IPV as a function of subjective perceptions of gender-based structural stigma (Gracia & Herrero, 2006;Heise & Kotsadam, 2015;Ismayilova, 2015;Zapata-Calvente et al., 2019), and few studies have examined IPV against minority women as a function of gender-based structural stigma (González & Rodríguez-Planas, 2018;Rahman et al., 2011;Raj & Silverman, 2002). ...
Reducing structural drivers of intimate partner violence (IPV), including gender inequity in education, employment, and health, surrounding women worldwide represents a clear public health priority. Within countries, some women are at disproportionate risk of IPV compared to other women, including sexual minority women, immigrant women, and women in poverty. However, limited research has assessed women’s IPV risk and related circumstances, including police involvement following IPV experiences and IPV-related worry, across sexual orientation, immigration status, and socioeconomic status in a population-based survey of women across countries. Further, few studies have examined IPV against minority women as a function of gender-based structural stigma. This study aimed to determine whether gender-based structural stigma is associated with IPV and related circumstances among European women; examine minority-majority IPV disparities; and assess whether structural stigma is associated with IPV disparities. We used the population-based 2012 Violence Against Women Survey (n = 42,000) administered across 28 European Union countries: 724 (1.7%) identified as sexual minority, 841 (2.0%) as immigrant, and 2,272 (5.4%) as living in poverty. Women in high gender-based structural stigma countries had a greater risk of past-12-month IPV (AOR: 1.18, 95% CI = 1.04, 1.34) and IPV-related worry (AOR: 1.09, 95% CI = 1.04, 1.15) than women in low structural stigma countries. All minority women were at disproportionate risk of IPV and IPV-related worry compared to majority women. Associations between gender-based structural stigma and IPV and related circumstances differed across minority status. Country-level structural stigma can possibly perpetuate women’s risk of IPV and related circumstances. Associations between structural stigma and IPV and related circumstances for sexual minority women, immigrant women, and women
in poverty call for research into the IPV experiences of minority populations across structural contexts.
