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To what extent has the growth of Evangelicalism in Latin America contributed to political participation across the region? A number of scholars of religion and politics in the United States have suggested that Evangelicalism promotes the development of civic skills necessary for political engagement, while the Catholic Church, due to its hierarchic...
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... is, do they actually take the skills they learn in church and apply them to political action as hypothesized? Table 2 reports the results of these models for three types of political participation: working with others to improve conditions in the community, organizing and participating in a protest (past year), or contacting elected officials (past year). In addition to looking for differences in religious affiliation, we also examine whether religious participation above and beyond attending services leads to greater levels of political participation. ...Context 2
... addition to the results for our primary variables of interest, the results in Table 2 highlight the uniqueness of the Latin American context. Identifying as black, for example, is positively associated with all three outcome variables, which in some ways may vary from the historic pattern of participation in the U.S. context. ...Similar publications
In a region where personalistic politics and charismatic leaders have long been a characteristic of the political landscape, there has been little research exploring the relationship between individuals’ identification with leaders and its relationship with political participation. Using original survey data from Argentina in 2016, the findings fro...
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... Accordingly, various traditions engage in politics differently-not only in levels but also forms of political participation-in light of the cultural and organizational contexts of religious traditions (Beyerlein and Chaves 2003;Hout and Fischer 2002;Margolis 2020;Putnam and Campbell 2010;Smith and Walker 2013;Wielhouwer 2009). Black Protestantism, for example, has been a uniquely powerful venue for political mobilization compared to other religious traditions due to its sociohistorical positioning from slavery through reconstruction after the American Civil War, segregation, Jim Crow, and the civil rights movements of the 1950s and 1960s to the present (Audette, Brockway, and Cornejo 2020;Edwards 2016;Harris 1999;Smith and Walker 2013;Wielhouwer 2009). Relative to Catholics and other Protestants, Black Protestant congregations have higher voter guide distribution and frequency of hosting political candidates and organizing voter registration (Beyerlein and Chaves 2003;Harris 1999;Pattillo-McCoy 1998). ...
... For instance, Hougland and Christenson (1983) found that church attendance was related positively to voting, making financial contributions, and working for a political candidate (Glazier 2020). Similarly, Jones-Correa and Leal (2001) found positive relationships between religious service attendance and both electoral and nonelectoral participation in a Latino sample (see also Audette, Brockway, and Cornejo 2020;Djupe and Neiheisel 2012). Harris (1999) also reported that church attendance was positively related to voting, though not collective action, among African Americans. ...
... Given that practicing civic 552 JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION skills and exposure to political messages and recruitment are likely to take place in those nonservice activities, including their measures in the analysis was likely to have religious service attendance become nonsignificant. For example, in their study of a US national sample, Driskell et al. (2008) found that church attendance was not significantly related to political participation, whereas nonservice activities (e.g., religious education or community outreach programs) and organizational involvement (e.g., holding a leadership position) were positively related to political participation (see also Audette, Brockway, and Cornejo 2020). The same pattern of relationships between religious behavior and political participation has been found in a large cross-national sample (Omelicheva and Ahmed 2018), as well as samples of African Americans (Calhoun-Brown 1996), Latinos (Djupe and Neiheisel 2012), and Muslims (Westfall 2019). ...
Prior research tends to find a positive relationship between religiosity and political participation. Explanations of this relationship have focused mostly on religiosity-generated organizational resources (e.g., civic skills), while paying less attention to psychological resources. We simultaneously examined different aspects of religiosity (be-lief, behavior, and belonging) and political participation (electoral and nonelectoral) in a structural equation model with two psychological resources as mediators: (1) "transcendent accountability"-seeing oneself as responsible to God or a higher power for one's impact on other people and the environment, and (2) "religiopo-litical awareness"-perceiving the influence of one's religion and/or spirituality on one's political views and activities. Results from analyzing survey data from a US representative sample showed that transcendent accountability and religiopolitical awareness, whether together or awareness only, mediated positive relationships between religiosity (belief, private and public behaviors, and membership) and political participation (voting and other political activity), highlighting key psychological motivators of political participation.
... La literatura se ha referido a este fenómeno con el nombre de 'voto evangélico' o 'voto confesional', el cual consistiría en opciones electorales motivadas por estímulos políticos adquiridos dentro del grupo religioso (Rodrigues y Fuks 2015). Los estudios realizados en este aspecto señalan que existen mecanismos a través de los cuales los grupos evangélicos interfieren en el proceso de formación de las preferencias electorales de los fieles, más allá de las etiquetas de las diferentes denominaciones (Rodrigues-Silveira y Cervi 2019), como la participación en servicios de culto con una fuerte carga emocional y el hábito de asistir a las actividades de la iglesia (Audette, Brockway y Castro Cornejo 2020;Lacerda 2018). No obstante, otros autores difieren en cuanto al poder de influencia que tienen las iglesias evangélicas sobre sus fieles en cuanto votantes, y apuntan a que no hay un voto confesional (Semán 2019) sino, más bien, una sensibilidad que pareciera impulsar la defensa del estatus montado sobre las jerarquías asociadas a la familia tradicional y redes que se vuelven atractivas en el contexto del desencanto con los partidos tradicionales y la emergencia de outsiders (Pérez Guadalupe y Grundberger 2018). ...
This article asks to what extent the electoral support of evangelicals for radical right candidates is driven by policy preferences, considering three dimensions: socio-economic, socio-cultural and
authoritarianism. It focuses on the cases of Brazil and Costa Rica, two countries that share the same political outcome: the emergence of two radical right candidates (Bolsonaro and F. Alvarado), with
high electoral success, explained, in part, by a common factor: the support of Evangelical Pentecostal Churches. Using data from LAPOP 2018-19, we test the effect of policy-preferences dimensions, as an alternative hypothesis to the confessional vote and, in addition, we analyze whether there is a reinforcement effect exerted by preferences on religious denomination. We found that only in Brazil the most conservative evangelicals voted more for Bolsonaro, while in Costa Rica, evangelicals supported F. Alvarado regardless of their positioning in the socio-cultural dimension.
... Estudios previos han abordado el impacto que la religión tiene sobre distintas dimensiones de la cohesión social, enfocándose en elementos como la confianza social (Schnabel & Groetsch, 2014), identidad nacional (Schnabel & Hjerm, 2014), participación política (Audette et al., 2020) y capital social (Putnam, 2000), entre otros. Sin embargo, son escasos los estudios que se han planteado el desafío de medir esta relación en forma comprehensiva (ver ejemplo en Hillenbrand, 2020). ...
... Al centrarse en la práctica religiosa, el foco de diferentes estudios ha estado fuertemente influenciado por el concepto de capital social, y el impacto que tiene la participación en organizaciones religiosas, tanto para la confianza como para el desarrollo de habilidades cívicas. Esta relación se ha descrito a partir de elementos como la generación de redes sociales (Putnam & Campbell, 2010;Verba et al., 1995) y la adquisición de habilidades cívicas (Audette et al., 2020). En ambos canales, hay una visión positiva del efecto de la participación religiosa sobre confianza política, traspasando el interés de una esfera hacia la otra. ...
... Ver ejemplo en esta dirección enAudette et al., 2020. ...
Latinoamérica ha experimentado modificaciones sustantivas en los principales componentes de su matriz histórico-cultural, sobre la cual descansa parte de su capacidad para mantener unidas a sus sociedades. El panorama religioso, pasando de un monopolio del catolicismo a dinámicas pluralistas, constituye uno de estos cambios profundos. Si bien este proceso se fue desarrollando paulatinamente a lo largo de todo el siglo XX, durante las últimas dos décadas se ha dinamizado, cambiando el panorama religioso en los países de la región, aunque con diferencias importantes entre ellos. Esta transformación puede implicar una erosión de las creencias y vínculos en los que se basa la cohesión, pero al mismo tiempo puede dinamizar la sociedad civil y la participación política, integrando nuevos sectores de la población e incorporando mayores niveles de pluralidad. Este artículo propone una agenda de investigación amplia en torno al impacto que el cambio en la matriz religiosa latinoamericana tiene sobre las distintas dimensiones de la cohesión social, destacando la multidimensionalidad y la importancia de considerar la relación entre diferentes niveles de análisis.
... And, while it may seem counterintuitive that messages encouraging sacrifice would ever persuade rational individuals, Bénabou and Tirole (2011) stress that religious 5 For a review of this literature, see Neiheisel (2019). 6 For a review of this literature in U.S. and Latin American contexts, see Audette, Brockway, and Castro Cornejo (2020). Also see Djupe and Gilbert (2008) on the importance of small group participation in the U.S. and Smith (2017) on political information sharing in Brazilian churches. ...
In many places around the world, young voters participate in politics at low rates. What factors might increase youth political participation? We investigate one possibility: exposure to a religious message that emphasizes the possibility of change through faithful action. We argue that this message, which is common in religious groups that attract large numbers of youth around the world, addresses several barriers to political participation by young voting-age adults. Working in collaboration with the major religious coalitions in Zambia, we randomly assigned young adults (18-35 years old) into civic engagement workshops. Identical informational material, based on pre-existing, non-partisan curricula, was presented in each workshop. Workshops then concluded with one of two randomly assigned, pre-recorded Christian motivational messages based on existing religious programming in Zambia. In some workshops, the concluding message emphasized a Christian obligation to work towards the greater good. In other workshops, the message emphasized the power of faith to make change in the world. We found that the power of faith message moved workshop participants to be more willing to participate in protest, to disavow political violence, and to criticize other people who choose not to participate, relative to pre-workshop measures and to an information-only condition. By contrast, the message focused on an obligation to the greater good did not change political participation, resulting in lower willingness to participate in politics than the power of faith message. We discuss implications for youth political participation and the study of religion and politics.
Supplementary information:
The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11109-022-09794-2.
... And, while it may seem counterintuitive that messages encouraging sacrifice would ever persuade rational individuals, Bénabou and Tirole (2011) stress that religious 5 For a review of this literature, see Neiheisel (2019). 6 For a review of this literature in U.S. and Latin American contexts, see Audette, Brockway, and Castro Cornejo (2020). Also see Djupe and Gilbert (2008) on the importance of small group participation in the U.S. and Smith (2017) on political information sharing in Brazilian churches. ...
The Kellogg Institute for International Studies at the University of Notre Dame has built an international reputation by bringing the best of interdisciplinary scholarly inquiry to bear on democratization, human development, and other research themes relevant to contemporary societies around the world. Together, more than 100 faculty and visiting fellows as well as both graduate and undergraduate students make up the Kellogg community of scholars. Founded in 1982, the Institute promotes research, provides students with exceptional educational opportunities, and builds linkages across campus and around the world. ABSTRACT A significant literature suggests that religious conviction can drive political participation, perhaps because religious people internalize a moral obligation to act toward the common good and/or because religious conviction gives people a sense that their actions will make a difference. This paper presents findings from a community-collaborative pilot study in Zambia that examines these ideas. Zambia is an overwhelmingly Christian state experiencing dramatic democratic backsliding. Zambian churches are among the major providers of civic engagement education and programming. Together with our community partners, we randomly assigned Zambian youth (aged 18-35) volunteers into one-time civic engagement workshops. Identical basic civic educational material was presented in each workshop. Yet, we ended this curriculum with two different sets of pre-recorded Christian motivational messages: In 50% of the workshops, these messages emphasized a religious obligation to sacrifice for the common good. In the other 50%, the messages emphasized the power of faith to make change in the world. We found that the latter message (emphasizing the power of faith) moved workshop participants to be more willing to participate in peaceful protest, to disavow political violence, and to critically evaluate other people who choose not to participate in electoral politics. By contrast, the message focused on sacrifice for the common good did not affect political participation relative to baseline. We discuss how the study advances research on religion and political participation as well as knowledge about Christian civic education programs, which are prevalent but understudied throughout. RESUMEN Un importante consjunto de estudios sugiere que la convicción religiosa puede guiar la participación política, quizás porque la gente religiosa internaliza una obligación moral de actuar a favor del bien común y/o porque la convicción religiosa le da a la gente la sensación de que sus acciones pueden hacer una diferencia. Este artículo presenta los hallazgos de un estudio piloto colaborativo comunitario en Zambia que examina estas ideas. Zambia es un Estado abrumadoramente cristiano que está experimentando un marcado proceso de retroceso democrático. Las iglesias zambianas se encuentran entre las más importantes proveedoras de educación y planificación para el compromiso cívico. Junto con nuestros socios comunitarios asignamos aleatoriamente a jóvenes voluntarios zambianos de entre 18 y 35 años a talleres de compromiso cívico de un encuentro. En cada taller se presentó material educativo idéntico. Pero completamos este curriculum con dos conjuntos diferentes de mensajes motivacionales cristianos pre-grabados. En 50% de los talleres los mensajes enfatizaban la obligación religiosa de sacrificarse por el bien común. En el otro 50% los mensajes enfatizaban el poder de la fe para cambiar el mundo. Encontramos que este último mensaje (el que enfatiza el poder de la fe) hizo que los participante en los talleres estén más dispuestos a intervenir en protestas pacíficas, rechazaran más la violencia política y evaluaran más críticamente a la gente que elige no participar de la política electoral. En contraste, el mensaje que pone el foco en sacrificarse por el bien común cambió la tendencia a participar en política en relación con la linea de base. Discutimos cómo este estudio contribuye a la investigación sobre la religión y a participación política así como el conocimiento acerca de los programas cristianos de educación cívica, que han sido poco estudiados a pesar de ser muy numerosos.
... There has been much less focus on the role of the political activities of religious institutions, particularly congregations (Beyerlein and Chaves 2003;Smith 2008). While more focused on an individual-level approach, a number of studies use measurements of engagement in religious communities as a factor in political and civic engagement (e.g., Sarkissian 2012; Audette et al. 2020). Yet, other studies examine how engagement in political rhetoric and behavior may encourage growth of the religious institution (Audette and Weaver 2016;Perry 2013). ...
... In total, 23 of the 50 contemporary JSSR articles, and 35 of the 52 Voluntas articles, attended to non-Western geographies in studying the intersection of religiosity and generosity (Adler and Offutt 2017;Audette et al. 2020;Bennett and Einolf 2017;Dowd and Sarkissian 2017;Drydakis 2010;Finke and Martin 2014;Hayford and Trinitapoli 2011;Luria et al. 2017;Lussier 2019;Manglos-Weber 2017;McKendry-Smith 2016;Meyer et al. 2011;Minton et al. 2016;Offutt 2011;Offutt et al. 2016 Strichman et al. 2018;Veerasamy et al. 2015;Weber 2013;Zanbar and Itzhaky 2014). This proportion of articles attending to non-Western geographies is considerably higher than that same geographic scope within studies of religiosity and spirituality generally , and thus indicates that intersecting these topics results in a greater degree of attention beyond the U.S. and Western Europe than does studying religiosity alone, without this topical intersection. ...
... With regard to the intersection with religiosity, several studies already described also engage in Latin America (Bennett and Einolf 2017;Finke and Martin 2014;Luria et al. 2017;Schnable 2016;Wright and Palmer 2018;Offutt 2011;Adler and Offutt 2017;Audette et al. 2020;Probasco 2016). Adding to this body of scholarship, Layton and Moreno (2014) found in a national study in México-National Survey on Philanthropy and Civil Society (Spanish acronym: ENAFI)-social capital and trust are key predictors of donations to and volunteering for religious causes. ...
This paper provides a meta-analysis of the intersection of (a) religiosity and spirituality with (b) generosity, philanthropy, nonprofits, and prosociality. The study is informed by three informational sources, chronologically: (1) informational interviews with scholars and practitioners based within and studying regions outside of the U.S. and Western Europe; (2) discovery search of purposefully selected extant publications, especially focusing on the last decade of contemporary scholarship; and (3) systematic search of relevant peer-reviewed publication outlets since 2010. Reviewed publications are categorized by level of analysis into macro, meso, and micro approaches. Across each level and source, publications are also geo-tagged for their geographic scope. Particular attention is paid to the under-studied world regions of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. The results reveal that Asia is the most studied and Latin America the least studied, and that meso-level approaches are the most common while micro-level are the least common. Additionally, a map of publication counts reveals within-region inequalities by country. Implications of the analysis are drawn for future studies, particularly ways to advance this interdisciplinary field.
... Within meso-level studies, Audette et al. (2020) compared Catholics with Protestants in Latin America by political participation. Looking at 18 countries in Latin America, those who participated in church activities, beyond simply attending services, were overall significantly more likely to engage in political activities, such as working with others to solve community problems, participating in a protest, and contacting elected officials. ...
This paper seeks to advance the global study of religiosity and spirituality by conducting a meta-analysis of major approaches in the field. While the field, and thus the collected publications, are dominated by Western approaches, particular attention is paid in this analysis to publications from geographies that are not from the United States or Western Europe, especially these world regions: Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Similarly, while the study of religiosity is considerably centered around Christianity, this analysis extends beyond Christianity, to the extent possible in extant studies, to include publications investigating other world religious traditions, such as African spirituality, African witchcraft, Afro-Caribbean religious traditions, Buddhism, Confucianism, folk religions, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, Mormonism, Neo-paganism, New Religious Movements (NRMs), Shamanism, Sikhism, Spiritism, Taoism, and spirituality generally. A total of 530 publications were reviewed, and the studies are categorized by unit of analysis into: Macro, micro, and meso-level. Measurement constructs include religious demography, culture, belonging, behaving, believing, bonding, religious salience, spiritual identities, religious networks, occupations, congregations, denominations, and faith-based organizations. Non-Western sources and approaches are analyzed toward furthering future research in under-studied world regions. Implications are drawn for the field, such as the need to geo-code publications at the country level.
While church attendance is linked to many forms of civic and political engagement, the relationship between church attendance and protest participation is underexplored. Drawing on three waves of the Cooperative Election Study, I examine whether church attendance is positively and significantly associated with protest participation among both the general US adult population and specific religious traditions. I find that church attendance is a positive and significant predictor of protest participation among the general population, Catholics, Mainline Protestants, Black Protestants, and Jews. However, church attendance is only moderately associated with protest participation for Evangelicals. These findings further our understanding of the relationship between church attendance and protest participation and civic engagement more broadly.
