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Word account: 10,206 (includinPolice legitimacy is an important topic of criminological research, yet it has received only sporadic study in societies where there is widespread police corruption, where the position of the police is less secure, and where social order is more tenuous. Analysing data from a probability sample survey of adults in Laho...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... the relatively widespread experience of police corruption, we see small proportions of people who agreed that the police are well trained to pursue criminals (12 per cent), responded promptly to calls from the public (3 per cent), does well at controlling violent crime (6 per cent), treats everyone with respect (3 per cent), respects people's rights (3 per cent) and so forth. Table 4 presents people's beliefs about police legitimacy. Compared to European Social Survey estimates (Hough et al. 2013a;2013b), we see relatively low levels of legit- imacy, with high proportions of people disagreeing that they should obey the police if they do not understand the reasons for their decisions (88 per cent), that they should obey the police if they disagree with their decisions (91 per cent), that the police are trustworthy (92 per cent), that the police are usually honest (90 per cent) and so forth. ...
Context 2
... between constructs are specified according to prior work on proce- dural justice theory (Sunshine and Tyler 2003) and people's experience of police cor- ruption (Tankebe 2010). Because no path between latent variables is constrained to zero, the fit is identical to the five-factor CFA model presented in Table 4. Moving from left to right, we find that experience of corruption is negatively cor- related with perceptions of the effectiveness of the police (B = −0.44, ...
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Citations
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The judicial system in Pakistan has a rich historical evolution spanning over a millennium, including significant epochs like the Hindu era, Muslim period, British colonial rule, and post-independence developments. The objective of this paper is to understand the complexity and shortcomings that have defined Pakistan's legal system by comprehensive and critical analysis of the country's judicial history. With a focus on Pakistan's early years of independence, it sheds light on the difficulties to build judicial independence and a strong legal framework by delving into the historical growth of the judiciary and drawing inspiration from influential publications. The research methodology is multifaceted and combines legal analysis, historical research, and critical assessment to identify the underlying causes of the perceived shortcomings in Pakistan's judicial history. Using this historical basis, the study has critically examined the situation of the judiciary today, placing a strong emphasis on constitutional analysis to highlight the discrepancy between the goals of the constitution and their actual application. The research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the difficulties facing the judiciary by identifying anomalies and flaws in the decision-making process through the examination of major cases. It calls a thorough examination given to sociological viewpoints, practical difficulties, judicial corruption, public opinion, and the function of technology. As a result, this paper offers a forward-looking viewpoint and lays the groundwork for upcoming conversations and initiatives targeted at changing Pakistan's legal system.
... The relevant literature transpires that public show reluctance to abide by the law and cooperate with legal authorities when they perceive law enforcement authorities as corrupt (Tenkebe, 2009;Jackson et al., 2014;Akinlabi & Murphy, 2018;Akoensi, 2019;Malone & Dammert, 2021). The public trust in law enforcement organizations is damaged by corruption within the traffic police. ...
... It means that when the drivers experience more corruption they are less likely to comply with traffic rules. This result in line with the prior researchers conducted by Nivette and Akoensi (2019), Akinlabi (2018Jackson, et al., (2014) and Tenkebe, (2010, where they found that when people find police to be corrupt and inefficient, there is less likely that the public will adhere to rules and regulations and even cooperation with police minimized. ...
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This collection engages with debates within ‘criminology’ about matters of colonial power, which have come to be conceptualized through the language of ‘decolonization’. It explores the uneasy relationship between the ‘criminal question’ and colonialism, and foregrounds the relevance of the legacies of this relationship to criminological enquiries. It invites and seeks to pursue a better understanding of the links between imperialism and colonialism on the one hand, and nationalism and globalization on the other, by exposing the imprints of these links on processes of marginalization, racialization, and exclusion that are central to contemporary criminal justice practices within and beyond nation-states. It advances this objective by examining the reverberations of colonial history and logics in the operation of crime control. The volume also aims to explore the critical potential of criminological scholarship, as a field that sits at the margins of several disciplines and perspectives, through a direct engagement with Southern epistemologies and perspectives. To do so, it brings together established and emerging scholars from the humanities and social sciences, who work at the intersections of criminal justice and postcolonial studies.
... Beyond enhancing procedural fairness in police-citizen encounters, these results suggest efforts to improve general police legitimacy need to 5 OLS regression models were also estimated to test whether SES and the other available covariates moderated the relationship between the procedural justice intervention and perceptions of procedural fairness using a modified latent variable as a robustness check (see Appendices E, F, and G). Based on a review of the literature on policing in Turkey (Kirmizidag 2015) and other developing countries (Akinlabi 2017; Boateng and Darko 2021;Jackson et al., 2014), the revised procedural fairness latent variable was limited to three items: trustworthiness, fairness/neutrality, and politeness. Table 3 Linear regression models of trust and procedural fairness on the interaction of procedural justice with lasso-selected covariates All 7 covariates listed in Table 1 are tested: socioeconomic status, age, male, prior police contact, prior demerits, excessive speeding violation, and police acquaintance. ...
Objectives
The invariance thesis suggests the effectiveness of procedural fairness in enhancing citizens’ views of police is not conditioned by individual differences. In this study, we used data collected from a randomized controlled trial testing the effects of procedural justice on driver perceptions of the police during traffic stops to explore whether perceptions of procedural fairness varied across subjects of differing socioeconomic backgrounds.
Methods
Confirmatory principal components analysis was used to generate a latent variable measuring driver socioeconomic status by income, education, and occupation variables for procedural justice treatment group drivers and ‘routine policing’ control group drivers. OLS regressions tested whether socioeconomic status moderated the relationship between procedural justice and trust, as well as between procedural justice and perceptions of police.
Results
The analyses found that procedural justice intervention improved citizen perceptions of trust and procedural fairness in the police during traffic stop encounters, and these positive impacts did not vary across drivers from differing socioeconomic backgrounds.
Conclusions
These findings support the invariance thesis and suggest that the police can expect universal benefits to their legitimacy during traffic stops of drivers of varying backgrounds by ensuring procedurally just encounters.
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The present study employs a randomized control trial design to evaluate the impact of deterrence and procedural justice on perceptions of legitimacy and cooperation with law enforcement among individuals in Quito, Ecuador. Specifically, a sample of 308 premises where alcohol is sold were randomly assigned to one of two conditions: an experimental group (n = 156) in which officers received training in the implementation of a procedural justice-based script, and a control group (n = 152) in which officers were not provided with any specific instructions. Results indicate that the manipulation of procedural justice was associated with a significant enhancement in perceptions of legitimacy and a greater willingness to cooperate with the police.
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Abstract: The landscape of contemporary international relations is marked by the advent of coercive diplomacy, a strategic maneuver employing threats or pressure to influence a state's behavior. This research delves into the intricate dynamics of strategic coercion that have profoundly shaped Pakistan's diplomatic trajectory. Notably, the United States and India have leveraged coercive doctrines against Pakistan, prompting an analysis of diverse methodologies within these frameworks. Examining Pakistan's responsive strategies across diplomatic, political, and strategic realms, this study unveils the multifaceted nature of counterstrategies. Moreover, it illuminates the intricate web of factors impacting global relations, providing nuanced insights into the diplomatic intricacies of South Asia. This article is pivotal in unraveling Pakistan's strategic stance and its nuanced responses to coercive pressures exerted by significant geopolitical forces. By offering critical insights into the diplomatic milieu of South Asia, it serves as a valuable resource in understanding how nations navigate and react to coercive demands in contemporary geopolitics.
KEYWORDS Pakistan judicial system, judiciary, Politics, criminal justice and law.
... In the legitimacy literature, the comparative context remains abysmal, with imperative research needed to test the generalizability of Western approaches that have not been applied clearly to the Global South (Tyler, 2007;Smith, 2007;Tankebe, 2008;Bottoms & Tankebe, 2012;Tankebe & Liebling, 2013;Bradford et al., 2014;Jackson et al., 2014;Trinkner et al., 2020). Part of the effort in this study is to move beyond the frameworks set within Northern approaches that have dominated the discipline and expand research in the Global South through the analysis of dynamics that shape legitimacy (Carrington et al., 2016). ...
This study examines perceptions of criminal justice legitimacy in the Kingdom of Morocco. Through qualitative interviews from thirty-six participants, data were collected over six months in Tangier, Morocco. The results reveal the underlying frameworks that participants utilized to conceptualize criminal justice legitimacy through religiously oriented critiques. The broad spectrum of experiences and perceptions on whether the criminal justice system aligned with participants’ own moral/religious interpretations produced four categories: (1) the Moroccan criminal justice system as congruent with their religious interpretation and legitimate; (2) the system as deviant from its essence and can be legitimate only if it reforms to its pre-colonial Islamic origin; (3) the system as an illegitimate, alien, anti-Islamic institution that is irreconcilable with their religious interpretation; and (4) and finally, those that identify the criminal justice system to be a secular institution centering legitimacy in the realm of universal human and civil rights rather than religious beliefs. The overall results provide alternative insights into criminal justice legitimacy, and address literature limitations with policy implications on southern criminology.
... Furthermore, police corruption was also related to situations where police take advantage of a situation to solicit or extort money in exchange for overlooking offence[s] (Prenzler & Ronken, 2001;Sayed & Bruce, 1998). Such assistance in this context seems to imply a promise of a particular action or omission, such as avoidance of procedural justice-corruption yielding injustice (Jackson et al., 2014, Hope, 2015. ...
A culture of corruption within an institution, such as the police, could be indicative of a failure from various directions. The Ghanaian public often views the police service as the most corrupt of all their institutions. This paper aims to explore the issue of street-level police corruption and why it exists from the perspective of police officers, delving into their understandings, critiques, and explanations of this phenomenon. Based on qualitative interviews with Ghanaian police officers, this article reveals two factors that characterise street-level police corruption in Ghana. First, corrupt practices may be instigated by members of the public (e.g. through bribes) without any pressure from the police themselves. Second, police officers adopt various neutralisation techniques to rationalise their involvement in corruption. This article examines how police officers interviewed for this study normalised corruption to gain a better understanding of the prevalent nature of police corruption in Ghana.
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Objectives
Test the effects of a recent police stop and a recent police stop at gunpoint on changes in attitudes towards the police among residents of Brazil’s biggest city.
Methods
A three-wave longitudinal survey of São Paulo residents (2015–2019) measured people’s beliefs about police legitimacy, expectations of police procedural fairness, effectiveness, and overpolicing, whether they were recently stopped by the police, and whether officers had pointed a gun at them during that stop. A novel causal estimand focused on the effect of change in treatment status is estimated using matching methods for panel data combined with difference-in-differences.
Results
While estimates are too imprecise to suggest an effect of a recent police stop on attitudinal change, recent police stops at gunpoint decrease public expectations of procedural fairness, increase expectations of overpolicing, and harm public beliefs of police legitimacy.
Conclusions
Under a credible conditional parallel trends assumption, this study provides causal evidence on the relationship between aggressive policing practices and legal attitudes, with implications to public recognition of legal authority in a major Global South city.
... These processes may result in public reluctance to support the State in their commission of the death penalty if the processes underpinning the rule of law and sentencing are thought to be haphazard or corrupt. Similarly, legitimacy can also depend on the extent to which the State effectively responds to crime as a basis of securing social order, especially in more fragile contexts of State legitimacy and insecurity (Jackson et al., 2014). If the death penalty is thought to play a key role in deterring crime in situations of national insecurity and weak social order, public support for the death penalty may be higher. ...
Research on public attitudes to the death penalty has been predominantly understood through single nation-states, especially within the USA. Examinations of international differences in citizens’ support for the death penalty have been scarce, particularly among continents with a high volume of retentionist nations (e.g. Asia). In this paper, we draw on a dataset of 135,000 people from across 81 nations to examine differences in death penalty support. We find that residents of retentionist nations are generally more supportive of the death penalty than those from abolitionist nations. But this general difference masks important differences both within and between countries. At the country-level, residents of abolitionist nations with autocratic political systems and those with higher homicide levels were more likely to support the death penalty than residents of other abolitionist nations. At the individual level, greater support for a strong dictatorial-type leader and perceptions of political corruption are associated with increased support for the death penalty, but only in abolitionist nations. By contrast, more frequent religious worship, perceived egalitarianism in a nation, and support for the political performance of government reduced death penalty support in abolitionist nations but increased support in retentionist nations, while belief in individual responsibility and critical views towards ethnic minorities increased support for the death penalty across both abolitionist and retentionist nations.
