Figure 4 - uploaded by Maarten Van Dijck
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After 1875, cheap grain from the United States and Russia flooded the European markets. Many countries like Germany, France, and Sweden turned to agricultural trade protection, while others, like the UK and Denmark, held on to a free trade position. Belgium adopted a middle position, leaving its grain markets open but protecting animal husbandry, d...
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Context 1
... and Socialist party. 2 Finally, the dummy variable OTH indicates membership of a variety of fringe groups and independent Representatives. Figure 4 presents the party affiliation and voting behavior of the different MP's in the four successive votes. Note that, contrary to the Socialist party in 1895, party discipline within both the Catholic and Liberal party was rather weak. ...
Context 2
... Representatives could rely on average more on the protection of religion in society to ensure reelection, and were as such less inclined to stand up for the agricultural interests. Figure 4 shows that the division of the Catholic party between a free trade oriented faction and a protectionist faction as well as the changing balance of power between these factions are the key to understanding Belgium's change in trade policy in the 1880s and 1890s. Figure 10 ...
Citations
CORE Discussion Paper 2014/3, Université catholique de Louvain
We use various economic and pedagogical concepts to understand the specificities of MOOC (Massive Online Open Courses) platforms.
We discuss how the private provision of MOOCs can be sustained. Using the theory of multisided platforms, we analyze five
ways to monetize the MOOC business. We then claim that MOOC platforms can play a key transformative role in the higher education
sector by making teaching practices evolve, rather than by replacing incumbent institutions. Finally, we derive a number of
directions for public policy. (JEL codes: I23, I21, L25, L31, L86)
International negotiations have failed to achieve an ambitious outcome to limit climate risks. A Cournot
outcome where countries determine their mitigation commitments in the full knowledge of those by
others could be an important step. It would avoid a Stackelberg (leader-follower) outcome where one or
more major emitters impose a level of climate risk on the rest of the world. This requires these countries
to have sufficiently similar preferences over global cumulative emissions. We develop a novel stylised
economic growth model to analyse the dynamics of international negotiations. Economies can be
classified according to their committed emissions and the initial level of atmospheric CO2. We define a
new metric, the desired mitigation effort, which provides an empirical methodology for comparing and
evaluating countries’ mitigation commitments. A numerical calibration suggests a degree of
convergence between the major emitters that might allow a Cournot-style agreement at the Paris
Conference in 2015.
This note summarizes and updates our previous survey of the economics of digital piracy (Belleflamme and Peitz, 2012).
