Table 1 - uploaded by Andrea Schneiker
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With an estimated 3.8 billion Internet users worldwide, new media in the form of Web 2.0 applications and its user-generated content increasingly rival traditional media as the means of circulating and gathering information. Central to the power and importance of social media is its visuality and the speed with which content can circulate. However,...
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... research analysed approximately 7 million YouTube comments made by social media users on a combination of video games and pop videos with a military theme, as well as military equipment videos, both official industry videos and those produced by military enthusiasts (see table 1). The research sought to track and map what people are saying in their social media 20 Jackson (notes 15 and 16). ...
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Citations
... 44 Given institutional and occupational drivers, it is an unsurprising hypothesis that military training and experience is associated with developments of personality traits, including persistent and robust measures of lowered levels of agreeableness, which is also associated with interpersonal conflict and aggression, traits associated with effective or beneficial military service but contrary to civic institutional values. 45 Recruits in the military's elite and regular services are socialized into forming or maintaining political attitudes consistent with occupational, institutional and cultural and political contexts. 46 The nature of the association between military experience and political attitudes, choices or preferences has been subjected to longstanding 47 and ongoing research. ...
Concept review on right-wing extremism (RWE) holds that authoritarianism, nationalism and anti-democracy are the values that most strongly correlate. Evidence suggests these views are prevalent among military veterans. In this paper we test the hypothesis that individuals that are subjected to martialization are more likely to hold RWE values than other individuals. Using the General Social Survey, which permits the operationalization of authoritarianism, nationalism and anti-democracy into 12 dependent variables, we find that individuals with high levels of exposure to martialization show higher probability of preferring a more extreme stance for every single dependent variable modeled for every year included in the analysis. The result suggests that counter-extremism policy must not ignore the overwhelming impact of military experience where “hearts and minds” are shaped.
... One might argue that the shift in different phases in messaging content from Phases 1 to 3 could be seen as the "militarization of terror," as they highlight an internal shift in tactics and strategy by Boko Haram: from initially taunting the Nigerian state and military to actively undermining their claims, to then imitating militaristic visuals in order to gain credibility and gravitas from a wider societal audience. Their use of social media has allowed the transformation of a new type of militarization of terror, a calculated tactic to undermine the hegemony of the Nigerian military, as well as to highlight to a wider audience that they are now the real power brokers within Nigerian society, a form of "targeted militarism" (Jackson et al. 2017). They have co-opted political spaces traditionally used by the Nigerian military and distorted the dynamics of violence threshold in order to further normalize acts of extreme violence. ...
Scholars of international relations frequently explore how states normalize the use of military force through processes of militarization, yet few have analyzed how new information and communication technologies impact on these processes. The essays in this forum address this gap, and consider the political significance of new technologies, new actors, and new practices that shape “Militarization 2.0” and normalize political violence in the digital age. The authors in this forum rely, to varying degrees, on common militarized tropes and dichotomies (such as authenticity, belonging, and (de)humanizing framings) that are key to militarization, including those devices that rest on gender, race/ethnicity, and heteronormativity. Moving beyond a military-centered approach to militarization, the authors’ questions cover ministries of foreign affairs; the embodied performances of celebrity leaders and insurgency groups; arms producers, the military video game industry, and private military and security companies; and violence entrepreneurs. The forum closes with reflections from Cynthia Enloe.
... In Kontexten bewaffneter Konflikte verfügen die lokalen staatlichen Akteure in der Regel nicht über ausreichend Kapazitäten, um entsprechende Vorschriften -so sie denn existieren -auch durchzusetzen und Mitarbeiter privater Sicherheitsfirmen zur Verantwortung zu ziehen. In den Auftrag gebenden Ländern und den Heimatstaaten vieler internationaler Firmen fehlt es im Gegenzug oft an entsprechenden Regulierungsund Kontrollmechanismen und internationale Auftraggeberinnen, so wurde in Afghanistan deutlich, achten bei der Beauftragung privater Sicherheitsfirmen auch nicht immer auf die Einhaltung von Qualitätsstandards durch die Firmen oder deren Verflechtungen mit lokalen Machtakteuren (Schneiker/Krahmann 2016: 5-6 (Jackson et al. 2017). ...
The authors address the role played by digital media in developing an ideological and iden-titarian discourse characterized by fear and moral panic about Others across Europe. In "Online social media and the construction of sexual moral panic around migrants in Eu-rope", they begin with analysing the securitization devices introduced in many countries of the EU and their work along specific gendered, sexual, and racialised lines. The article examines the role of digital media in amplifying the "sexual moral panic" about migration. Taking Italy and Germany as case studies-sites, we argue that digital media have strongly contributed to the dissemination and escalation of fears of invasion and of dangerous sex-ualities framed by constructions of race and gender. Their contribution unveils the ways in which colonialist and racist legacies that are historically sedimented in both Italy and Germany get reorganised "online" (i.e. through social media). These, in turn, produce a very specific post-colonial dimension reinforcing widespread hatred of the Other and new processes of racialisation, which include, among others, gender stereotyping.
