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Nests created by long-tailed tits ( Aegithalos caudatus ), Great Britain. Long- tailed tits build their nests from thousands of pieces of lichen, moss, and spiderweb, as well as numerous feathers. The nests are thought to be a result of innate instructions and individual learning. Photograph A shows a nest under construction, while photograph B shows a completed nest. (Photograph A: Alan Shearman/Wikimedia Commons; Photograph B: nottsexminer/Wikimedia Commons). [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at wileyonlinelibrary.com.] 

Nests created by long-tailed tits ( Aegithalos caudatus ), Great Britain. Long- tailed tits build their nests from thousands of pieces of lichen, moss, and spiderweb, as well as numerous feathers. The nests are thought to be a result of innate instructions and individual learning. Photograph A shows a nest under construction, while photograph B shows a completed nest. (Photograph A: Alan Shearman/Wikimedia Commons; Photograph B: nottsexminer/Wikimedia Commons). [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at wileyonlinelibrary.com.] 

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The goal of this paper is to provoke debate about the nature of an iconic artifact-the Acheulean handaxe. Specifically, we want to initiate a conversation about whether or not they are cultural objects. The vast majority of archeologists assume that the behaviors involved in the production of handaxes were acquired by social learning and that handa...

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... of language, tool-making, population-level functional lateraliza- tion and association cortex expansion in human evolution.” 99 We think this line of enquiry is promising with respect to a possible genetic component in handaxe design, but suspect that the capacities in question may well turn out to be much more specific than Stout et al. suggest. Rele- vant points of comparison between tool-making and speech are manual control and articulatory control, action sequences and syntax, as well as mental templates and semantics, with bird song as a promising third relevant field. 100 An obvious concern about the genetic transmission hypothesis is whether the production of an object as complex as an Acheulean handaxe could really be under genetic control. We contend that the idea is not implausible if handaxe production is compared to some complex bird behaviors. We begin by discussing bird song and bird tool-use as “soft” options that involve a combination of genetic influence and social learning. We then discuss a “hard” option — structure building by birds, in which strong genetic determination interacts with the availability of raw material and local environmental conditions but not with much, if any, cultural learning. Bird song, a well-studied behavior, is strongly influenced by genetic predispositions and implemented by dis- crete, well-defined neural circuits. 101 Songbirds, hummingbirds, and par- rots have fixed, species-wide basic songs from which individuals and regional subpopulations develop their own varieties. Auditory-guided vocal motor learning is important, for when members of these taxa are raised in isolation their songs remain simple. The genetically controlled early song of zebra finches ( Taenio- pygia guttata ), for instance, is plastic. The young need several months of social learning to perfect their individual, adult song. 102 It appears that in some bird species, tool use also combines fixed species-wide basic motor behaviors with cultural learning. It has been found, for example, that hand-raised Caledonian crows ( Corvus monedu- loides ) reliably develop leaf-tool manufacture without ever having observed it in others, but never develop the sophisticated behaviors found in wild populations where individuals are exposed to models and competitors. A study by Kenward and coworkers 103 illustrates this. By hand-rearing several crows in isolation, they showed that the tool behavior of isolated individuals was so similar to that in wild ones that it was difficult to avoid the con- clusion that the behavior is innate. They argue against “the extreme pos- sibilities that tool-use depends entirely on social inputs (i.e., is sus- tained exclusively by cultural transmission and thus does not reflect a dedicated evolved adaptation), and that it has a purely individual, insight-based origin.” 103:1340 If that were the case, Kenward and colleagues 103:1340 contend, we would not see “inherited action patterns that must have evolved through selection and that are crucial in sus- taining tool-oriented behavior in adult crows.” The same point has been made with respect to the tool- use behavior of hyacinth macaws, Egyptian vultures, and woodpecker finches, the only other bird species that is known to habitually use stick tools in the wild. 104–106 Thus, if modeled on bird song and bird tool-use, the production of Acheulean handaxes would have involved both genetic transmission and social learning. Raw material selection, the manufacturing process, and basic design principles would have been under genetic control, but fine-tuned through social learning. The latter would have been depend- ent on the presence of role models during sensitive periods, but would not necessarily have involved cultural group-specific templates or explicit instruction. The combination of genetic transmission and social learning is predicted to produce uni- formity of overall design (due to the fixed component) and slight local variance (due to the process of socialization), which is the pattern observed with Acheulean handaxes. It appears that one important reason why archeologists tend to think that the behaviors involved in the production of handaxes were socially learned is that the handaxe chaine op eratoire required multiple decisions at multiple stages, from the selection of the size, shape, and quality of raw material to the final retouch. 15 Again, this argument seems reasonable on its face. However, it is not as secure as it first appears. The reason for this is that the construction of nests and other struc- tures by birds often involves long hier- archical sequences even though, as is generally agreed, the required behaviors do not involve much, if any, cultural learning. Eurasian long-tailed tits ( Aegithalos caudatus ) exemplify the potential complexity of nest building behavior. These birds create intricate spherical nests from thousands of pieces of lichen, moss, and spiderweb, as well as numerous feathers (Fig. 3). The final product is accomplished through a combination of innate instructions and individual learning. 107,108 The former specifies materials and methods and a limited repertoire of repetitive, stereotyped actions. There is a chain of stimuli and responses that presup- poses construction rules and local insight, but not necessarily complex, overall planning, conscious decision- making, or a mental image of the ulti- mate goal. The nest is an emergent property of the stimulus-response chain. The bower-birds (Ptilonorhynchi- dae) of New Guinea provide another excellent set of examples. These birds create hut-like shelters and decorate their interiors and the area immedi- ately in front of them with brightly colored objects (Fig. 4). These “bowers” are individually and ecologi- cally variable as a result of individual learning and, possibly, some cultural learning. It is thought, however, that the stability of their basic form indicates that genes underlie their design and construction. 109 As with handaxes, the bowers show a mix of variation and uni- formity. Individual bowers display variation, but share a general form within a species. The same can be said for handaxes: Beneath their variability, general themes are present in all of them. Structure building by birds is also heuristically relevant when trying to clarify exactly what was under genetic control in handaxe manufacture. It probably was not just a simple target form, but rather a predisposition toward the basic behavioral routines involved, such as invasive bifacial reduction while realizing cutting edges in the secant plane, working from the tip down, and keeping symmetry. These routines would have operated in combination with causal understanding, manipulative skill, and intuitive (“folk”) physics. 110 Although Gowlett 111:217 thinks of handaxes as cultural objects, our proposal is consistent with his approach when he argues against the notion of a template as being “hard and fast” and instead talks of “instruction sets [from which] a computer could gener- ate the form of a biface mindlessly.” Unfortunately, genetic evolution usually happens too slowly for researchers to adequately study changes in genetically controlled behaviors such as nest building by birds. The time needed to observe changes in evolutionary trends extends far beyond the current length of study of such phenomena. Direct comparisons between the handaxe and animal behaviors such as birds’ tool use or structure building are therefore difficult. Nevertheless, mounting evidence points to a central role for genes in maintaining aspects of animal technology. We suggest that the same should be considered for Acheulean handaxes. It is important, under the genetic transmission hypothesis, to clarify the nature of the other large cutting tools in the Acheulean industry and the handaxe-like bifaces in the industries that come after the Acheulean. Were these tools also partly genetically determined or were they solely cultural phenomena? McElreath’s 52 discovery that in his study-groups different mechanisms underpinned attitudes toward friends versus kin, respect for elders, and belief in witchcraft clearly indicates that there is no reason to expect all Acheulean tools to involve the same transmission mechanisms. Nevertheless, we are of the opinion that the applicability of the genetic transmission hypothesis should be investigated in connection with the other large cutting tools of the Acheulean, among them cleavers, picks, trihedrals, and unifaces. Cleavers appear to be a particularly good candidate for another large cutting tool that was under at least partial genetic control. Cleavers are bifacially reduced pieces with a straight cutting edge perpendicular to the long axis of the piece. They were mostly made on flake blanks struck from bifacially prepared, usually more or less tortoise-shaped cores. The clea- ver has been argued to be a subcate- gory of the Acheulean handaxe. If this is the case, then parsimony suggests they could have been under partial genetic control as well. We suspect the situation is different with respect to the handaxe-like tools in the industries that came after the Acheulean. As we explained earlier, in Europe the Acheulean was replaced by the industries of the Middle Paleolithic between 300 and 200 Ka. Several European Late Middle Paleolithic industries contain bifacial tools, including the French Mousterian of Acheulean Tradition and the Middle European Keilmessergruppen, also called the Mico- quian. 112,113 The tools in question resemble Acheulean handaxes, but we think it is unlikely that they were under genetic control. There are two reasons for this. First, Late Middle Paleolithic bifaces are actually only superficially similar to Acheulean handaxes. A recent morphometric comparison of Acheulean and Late Middle Palaeolithic handaxes from Western Europe done by Iovita and McPherron 12:69 demonstrated that Acheulean handaxes show an ...

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... Continuity in Acheulean LCTs is often read as a cultural phenomenon upheld through high-fidelity social transmission and restricted innovation (Finkel & Barkai, 2018;Isaac, 1977;Lycett & Gowlett, 2008;Shipton & Nielsen, 2015). Alternatively, the handaxe has been posed as a latent technology, achieved individually from genetic foundations (Corbey et al., 2016;Tennie et al., 2016Tennie et al., , 2017. Genetic arguments are deemed inconsistent with localised standardisation of divergent technological traits, resembling patterns of cultural variation (Hosfield et al., 2018;Wynn & Gowlett, 2018;McNabb, 2020a;Shipton and Nielsen, 2015). ...
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The presence or absence of handaxes endures as the major criterion of Lower Palaeolithic classification, with contemporaneous core-and-flake industries modelled as simpler counterparts to Acheulean technology. This is based on the supposed absence of formal tools, particularly of large cutting tools (LCTs) which are understood to be important within Acheulean lifeways, functioning as butchery knives among other uses. Scrapers from the core-and-flake industry of High Lodge (MIS 13) evidence formalised flake-tool production techniques, geared towards large tools with long cutting edges and acute angles, comparable in many respects to Acheulean handaxes. A holistic set of experiments was designed to test the production, efficiency, and practical utility of these scrapers. The experiments compared these scraper forms against handaxes and Quina scrapers. Their use in roe deer butchery indicates functional differences but demonstrates the appropriacy of both large, refined scrapers, and handaxes for processing carcasses of this size. The results support the inclusion of High Lodge scraper forms within the standard definition of LCTs. This interpretation challenges perceived discrepancies between handaxe and non-handaxe industries and deterministic explanations for Acheulean material culture. The feasibility of alternative LCTs supports the argument that the Acheulean represents socially inherited behaviours rather than latent reinventions.
... As SSBs display recurring and recognizable common features that represent a universal phenomenon (e.g., the selectivity in rock type, the round morphology, and the intersecting negatives and ridges), should we regard them as cultural products (as suggested for the handaxe, see Wynn and Gowlett [61]), or as genetic products (as suggested by Corbey et al. [62]). Corbey et al. propose that LP handaxe production would have involved both genetic transmission and social learning. ...
... Corbey et al. propose that LP handaxe production would have involved both genetic transmission and social learning. Some aspects, such as raw material selection, the manufacturing process, and basic design principles would have been under genetic control, while the fine-tuning phase involved social learning-mainly with specific role models rather than as a direct transmission within a group [62]. ...
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Shaped stone balls (SSBs) were an integral part of human culture across the Old World for nearly 2 million years. They are one of the oldest implements made and used by humans. In this significant era, which was characterised by biological and cultural transformations, these round implements were a stable hallmark throughout the Lower Paleolithic period and beyond. However, while much research progress has been made in other stone tool categories, and despite the increased research efforts in recent years, attempts to define SSB function and typology have remained inconclusive, and broader cultural and cognitive aspects related to their production techniques, use and dispersal have yet to be explored in depth. What is the significance of their continuous presence and wide geographical distribution? What do these imply regarding the cognitive abilities of Oldowan and Acheulian humans? In this paper, we turn the spotlight on these enigmatic items. We address unresolved issues and explore the ergonomic and perceptual properties stimulated by the geometry of these items. We show that stone ball variability matches (modern) human hand palm variability. Moreover, when using SSBs in percussion activities, they are handled with the entire palm. Following, we discuss the role of SSBs in the context of socio-cultural processes. We suggest that SSBs reflect some of the earliest evidence in human history of a specific form that was conceptualised and recurrently acted upon.
... For starters, the signature handaxe form appears in hominin populations that were apparently culturally isolated from one another. In particular, handaxes have been discovered from sites in China where the nearest handaxe possessing population was located over 1,500 km away (Zhang et al., 2010;Corbey et al., 2016). Such a geographical distribution strongly argues for local reinnovation of handaxe design, as opposed to cultural transmission via copying. ...
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Human language sentences are standardly understood as exhibiting considerable hierarchical structure: they can and typically do contain parts that in turn contain parts, etc. In other words, sentences are thought to generally exhibit significant nested part-whole structure. As far as we can tell, this is not a feature of the gestural or vocal communication systems of our great ape relatives. So, one of the many challenges we face in providing a theory of human language evolution is to explain the evolution of hierarchically structured communication in our line. This article takes up that challenge. More specifically, I first present and motivate an account of hierarchical structure in language that departs significantly from the orthodox conception of such structure in linguistics and evolutionary discussions that draw on linguistic theory. On the account I propose, linguistic structure, including hierarchical structure, is treated as a special case of structured action. This account is rooted in the cognitive neuroscience of action, as opposed to (formal) linguistic theory. Among other things, such an account enables us to see how selection for enhanced capacities of act organization and act control in actors, and for act interpretation in observers, might have constructed the brain machinery necessary for the elaborate forms of hierarchically structured communication that we humans engage in. I flesh out this line of thought, emphasizing in particular the role of hominin technique and technology, and the social learning thereof, as evolutionary drivers of this brain machinery.
... The Acheulean complex is considered a conservative cultural phenomenon in tool production methods and the structure of the lithic assemblages as a result of the accumulation of genes responsible for technological behavior (Corbey et al., 2016). The analytical results described above show regional differences between Acheulean assemblages. ...
Chapter
Khor Shambat (Omdurman, Sudan) bearing Acheulean material, is situated on the left-bank Nile valley a few km north of Khor Abu Anga and about 7 km from the Nile valley, 10 km to the north-west of the confluence of the Blue and White Nile. The artifacts occur randomly in the channel or in the channel deposit, the latter forms elongated bars composed of fluvial deposits with a low degree of sorting. The assemblage consists of 34 artifacts made from highly eroded Nubian sandstones. The most common shape of the handaxe from Khor Shambat is the cordiform type with lenticular cross section made on a chunk or cobble. The hand-axes from Khor Shambat were subject to a morphometric analysis together with the assemblage from two other Nubian Acheulean sites. The geometric-morphometric approach to 2D objects attempted to identify differences between the assemblages. The broad chronology of the Acheulean proposed for Khor Abu Anga by Roy L. Carlson might potentially be applicable to the Khor Shambat assemblage, which may fall within the range of 350–200 ka.
... What we see can be described as a trend toward "imposed form" in tool production, going from definitely absent at the Oldowan outset to definitely established in MP/MSA technology. However, while an ability to copy forms is certainly novel, form is still not necessarily know-how (as Tennie, 2023 lays out), and many have indeed raised doubts that large cutting tools indicate any dependence on know-how copying (e.g., Acerbi and Tennie, 2016;Corbey et al., 2016;Snyder et al., 2022;Tennie et al., 2016Tennie et al., , 2017Vaesen and Houkes, 2020). It is also quite plausible that if a selection pressure for more complex technology could not produce know-how copying (due to the "start-up problem"; see Fig. 2B) it could still have yielded other adaptive responses, such as an expanded individual ability to re-invent and plan (including hierarchical planning). ...
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It is widely believed that human culture originated in the appearance of Oldowan stone-tool production (circa 2.9 Mya) and a primitive but effective ability to copy detailed know-how. Cumulative cultural evolution is then believed to have led to modern humans and human culture via self-reinforcing gene-culture co-evolution. This outline evolutionary trajectory has come to be seen as all but self-evident, but dilemmas have appeared as it has been explored in increasing detail. Can we attribute even a minimally effective know-how copying capability to Oldowan hominins? Do Oldowan tools really demand know-how copying? Is there any other evidence that know-how copying was present? We here argue that this account, which we refer to as “Trajectory A”, may be a red herring, and formulate an alternative “Trajectory B” that resolves these dilemmas. Trajectory B invokes an overlooked group-level channel of cultural inheritance (the Social Protocell) whereby networks of cultural traits can be faithfully inherited and potentially undergo cumulative evolution, also when the underpinning cultural traits are apelike in not being transmitted via know-how copying (Latent Solutions). Since most preconditions of Trajectory B are present in modern-day Pan, Trajectory B may even have its roots considerably before Oldowan toolmaking. The cumulative build-up of networks of non-cumulative cultural traits is then argued to have produced conditions that both called for and afforded a gradual appearance of the ability to copy know-how, but considerably later than the Oldowan.
... Based on its aesthetic design features that sometimes go beyond-or even against-its utility as a tool, it has been suggested to be a form of early art that might have evolved to attract mates (Kohn & Mithen, 1999). Archaeologists almost unanimously have assumed that the Acheulean industry is maintained by California program-style social learning and imitation (Corbey et al., 2016). However, its basic design displays surprisingly limited variability across Eurasia and Africa over roughly 1.5 million years. ...
Chapter
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This handbook is currently in development, with individual articles publishing online in advance of print publication. At this time, we cannot add information about unpublished articles in this handbook, however the table of contents will continue to grow as additional articles pass through the review process and are added to the site. Please note that the online publication date for this handbook is the date that the first article in the title was published online. For more information, please read the site FAQs.
... Handaxe morphological variability is among the most well-studied and well-published topics in paleolithic archaeology (Key & Lycett, 2019;Petraglia & Korisettar, 1998;White, 1998White, , 2022. Despite the recurrent narrative emphasizing the homogeneity and longevity of handaxe assemblages on a global scale and the conservatism behind this phenomenon that evokes genetic explanations (Corbey et al., 2016;Corbey, 2020;Richerson & Boyd, 2005;Sterelny, 2004), many researchers have recognized the diversity within what has been deemed as a unified Acheulean "tradition" and tried to dissect the sources and meaning of this variation (Lycett & Gowlett, 2008;Moncel et al., 2018bMoncel et al., , 2018cMoncel et al., , 2018aNowell, 2002;Nowell & White, 2010;Sharon et al., 2011). More specifically, a complex suite of interconnecting factors (Lycett & Cramon-Taubadel, 2015) have been identified to contribute to handaxe morphological variation, including but not limited to raw material variability (Eren et al., 2014;Lycett et al., 2016;McNabb & Cole, 2015;Sharon, 2008), percussor properties (Shipton et al., 2009), functional differences (Key et al., 2016;Key & Lycett, 2017;Lycett & Gowlett, 2008;Machin et al., 2007;White & Foulds, 2018), reduction method/intensity (Shipton et al., 2009;Shipton & Clarkson, 2015), time budgets (Schillinger et al., 2014b), learning processes (Kempe et al., 2012;Lycett et al., 2016), social signaling (Kohn & Mithen, 1999;Spikins, 2012), aesthetic preferences (Gowlett, 2021;Le Tensorer, 2006), knapping skill (Caruana & Herries, 2021;Herzlinger et al., 2017;Stout et al., 2014), and mental templates (García-Medrano et al., 2019;Hutchence & Scott, 2021;Schillinger et al., 2017). ...
Article
Despite the extensive literature focusing on Acheulean handaxes, especially the sources and meaning of their morphological variability, many aspects of this topic remain elusive. Archaeologists cite several factors that contribute to handaxe morphological variability, including knapping skill and mental templates. Integrating these two lines of literature into a broader theoretical framework of cultural reproduction, here we present new results from a multidisciplinary study of Late Acheulean handaxe-making skill acquisition involving thirty naïve participants trained for up to 90 h in Late Acheulean style handaxe production and three expert knappers. We compare the experimental handaxe shapes to the Late Acheulean handaxe assemblage from Boxgrove, UK. Through the principal component analysis of morphometric data derived from images, our study suggested that knapping skill acquisition has a differential effect on the cultural reproduction of different aspects of handaxe morphology. More specifically, compared with elongation and pointedness (PC2), cross-sectional thinning (PC1) is more constrained by knapping skill. Our findings thus shed new light on how skill learning can bias the cultural reproduction of artifact morphology.
... This has led to significant debate about the meaning of tool forms and their ability to inform us about the technological, cognitive, cultural and social capacities of our ancestors (e.g. Binford, 1973;Binford & Binford, 1966;Bisson, 2001;Bordes, 1953Bordes, , 1967Bordes, , 1981Bordes et al., 1972;Bordes & de Sonneville-Bordes, 1970;Chase, 1991;Chazan, 1995;Corbey et al., 2016;Dibble, 1984Dibble, , 1991Holloway, 1969;Kohn & Mithen, 1999;McBrearty & Brooks, 2000;Rolland & Dibble, 1990;Semenov, 1964;Wynn, 1988). The origins of the concept of lithic standardization can be traced back to influential attempts to attribute meaning to stone tool assemblage variability (e.g. ...
Article
Functional data accumulated over the recent decades confirm that tool use mechanics, working edge maintenance, and hafting are important factors determining stone tool form. Yet such data are rarely considered in studies on lithic standardization, and tool hafting has entered the discussion mostly in the form of untested hypotheses. In this paper, we examine the effects of tool use, resharpening, and hafting on lithic standardization by drawing on recent use-wear data on Paleolithic domestic tools and projectiles. We evaluate morphological constraints posed by different tool use tasks and hafting systems, and the effects of these on blank selection. We conclude that the concept of standardization can be useful in making sense of lithic assemblage patterning, but it needs to be redefined to accommodate functional considerations. We advise shifting the focus from stone tool form to working edge qualities and hafted tool design, which drastically alters the perspective on inter-assemblage variability.
... Note that some accounts could count as such alternatives in that they do not technically require the assumption of novel know-how copying, but then they may at times still claim for such copying. One such account-a highly gene-focused account-takes the observed stone tool shapes of the Acheulean as being due to naturally selected adaptations (i.e., somewhat similar perhaps to the weaver bird nest case described above)-but this account then continues to attribute the possibility of novel know-how copying to the preceding Oldowan (Corbey et al., 2016). Other accounts attribute Acheulean stone tool forms to emergent reactions to various a ordances, such as e cient manual handling (e.g., Fedato et al., 2020;Key & Lycett, 2019), to e cient raw materials utilization as a ake source (Ludwig & Harris, 1998), and to e cient transportation of a few specialized tools in the absence of containers (Tennie, 2020). ...
Chapter
This handbook is currently in development, with individual articles publishing online in advance of print publication. At this time, we cannot add information about unpublished articles in this handbook, however the table of contents will continue to grow as additional articles pass through the review process and are added to the site. Please note that the online publication date for this handbook is the date that the first article in the title was published online. For more information, please read the site FAQs.
... They demonstrated that although Acheulean handaxe forms do vary in time and space, little evidence for a fundamental divergence from an essential Bauplan exists. This finding built on earlier work by Isaac, Clark, and Gowlett (Isaac 1977;Crompton and Gowlett 1993;Clark 1994;Gowlett 2006) and has been supported on multiple occasions since (Wang et al. 2012;Gowlett 2015;McNabb and Cole 2015;Lycett et al. 2016;Hosfield, Cole, and McNabb 2018;Wynn and Gowlett 2018;García-Medrano et al., 2019;Key 2019;Shipton 2020;Shipton and White 2020;Caruana and Lotter 2022; although see: Corbey, Vaesen, and Collard (2016) and Gallotti (2016) for alternative perspectives). This includes evidence of the necessity of social learning processes for the efficient and effective reproduction of bifacial LCTs (Morgan et al. 2015;Schillinger, Mesoudi, and Lycett 2015;Lycett 2019;Pargeter, Khreisheh, and Stout 2019;Shipton 2019). ...
Article
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The Acheulean has long been considered a single, unified tradition. Decades of morphometric and technological evidence supports such an understanding by demonstrating that a single fundamental Bauplan was followed for more than 1.6 million years. What remains unknown is whether sites assigned to the Acheulean represent multiple socially-independent iterations of the same technological solution to shared ecological (functional) and ergonomic demands. Here, using the ‘surprise test’, the temporal cohesion of the Acheulean record is statistically assessed for the first time. Chronological data from 81 early and late Acheulean sites are investigated to see if breaks in this record warrant the designation of separate, culturally distinct groupings of sites. No significant results were returned, suggesting the Acheulean to be temporally cohesive and there to be no evidence of cultural convergence from a temporal perspective. When combined with previous morphometric, technological and spatial evidence, the best-fit scenario for the Acheulean continues to be that it represents a single, but variable, tradition.