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Immigration is a contentious topic that continues to elicit debates among scholars, practitioners, and the general public. Research on the relationship between immigration and crime has been at the center stage of social science inquiry for many years; however, the evidence is mixed. The aim of the present study is to supplement prior efforts to be...
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... address the question of whether immigration has any impact on violent crime rates, we conducted an ordinary least squares regression (see Table 2). The results for the homicide analysis are presented in the first three columns of Table 2. ...Context 2
... address the question of whether immigration has any impact on violent crime rates, we conducted an ordinary least squares regression (see Table 2). The results for the homicide analysis are presented in the first three columns of Table 2. The model was significant (F = 6.35, p < 0.05) and explained 86% of the variance in homicide. ...Context 3
... results for the sexual assault analysis are presented in model 2 of Table 2. The model was significant (F = 5.40, p < 0.01) and explained 84% of the variance in sexual assault. ...Citations
... These debates often see two groups of individuals offering opposing viewpoints about immigration and crime nexus. Opponents of strict immigration policies believe that immigration does not cause crime; instead, immigration revitalizes a nation's economy (see Boateng et al., 2021;Lee & Martinez, 2002). Whereas supporters of harsh immigration policies claim that immigration leads to crime (see Pryce, 2018). ...
Agreements between Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and local police agencies in the delegation of federal immigration enforcement are a very contentious topic. Local agencies that participate in immigration enforcement do so as partners with ICE in the 287(g) program. It is unclear, however, whether agencies have specific reporting requirements pursuant to these agreements. The purpose of this study was to examine the authorities given to local deputized officers by the 287(g) program and whether data reporting requirements are included. The authors executed a content analysis of 287(g) memorandums of agreement (MOAs) to assess the specific authorities delegated. Results from the analyses revealed that the specific model used in these agreements defines the explicit legal powers local agents have in the enforcement of immigration law. Agencies operating under the “jail enforcement” model have significantly more powers than those operating under the “warrant service” model. While these findings were expected, only a handful of programs operating under the JE model have enforcement and encounter reporting requirements. As such, the 287(g) program lacks proper data reporting safeguards, and implications are discussed.
... Y para justificar aun más este odio fundamentado en un temor estereotipado e irracional, esos grupos son también frecuentemente asociados de manera general con la delincuencia, la radicalización de la sociedad, la glorificación de la violencia y el terrorismo, convirtiéndolos así en un peligro mucho más concreto para la seguridad, libertad y estabilidad de los países receptores. Y esto a pesar de que la mayoría de los estudios en el ámbito argumentan que los inmigrantes cometen menos delitos que las poblaciones nativas (Boateng et al., 2021). Como nota positiva, vale la pena resaltar de nuevo que los mensajes de odio analizados se dirigen mayoritariamente hacia los inmigrantes "ilegales", usando este concepto como principal justificación para el rechazo. ...
El principal objetivo de esta tesis es analizar la relación existente entre la representación de migrantes y refugiados transmitida por los medios informativos y el discurso de odio racista y xenófobo que se propaga de manera masiva en redes sociales, pasando por las actitudes hacia la migración que son reflejadas en las encuestas sociológicas y en las propias plataformas sociales. La hipótesis general es que los medios informativos y la imagen de los migrantes y refugiados que transmiten afectan sobre las ideas, pensamientos, afecciones, actitudes y, finalmente, conductas, que tienen los ciudadanos con respecto a esos colectivos. De esta manera, cuando la imagen predominante difundida sea negativa, las actitudes hacia la migración serán cada vez más negativas, incrementándose el rechazo y, con ello, el odio de tipo racista y xenófobo, el que también influirá sobre esas dimensiones, alimentando así la espiral de odio al reforzar las actitudes y conductas discriminatorias. Con estas premisas, de manera específica, en esta tesis se analizan los marcos connotativos visuales de migrantes y refugiados transmitidos por los principales medios del sur de Europa durante la crisis migratoria, así como el nivel de apoyo a los refugiados expresado por los ciudadanos de esa región en encuestas sociológicas, y terminando por identificar tanto los marcos estudiados como esas actitudes de apoyo o rechazo en los mensajes que se propagan a través de redes sociales, prestando una atención especial al rechazo más explícito, que se expresa en forma de discurso de odio anti-inmigración, por entenderlo como posible detonante de los crímenes de odio. Para ello, se desarrolla una estrategia mixta que incluye desde métodos clásicos como el análisis de contenido manual, hasta técnicas computacionales avanzadas como el topic modeling, el aprendizaje automático supervisado o las poblaciones sintéticas. Los principales resultados evidencian la relación entre los marcos mediáticos de migrantes y refugiados y los mensajes que se propagan en redes sociales en forma de marcos de audiencia, sirviendo los negativos de base argumentativa y motivacional sobre la que se construye el discurso de odio más explícito. En esta línea, a nivel general se confirma que los marcos mediáticos y los marcos de audiencia comparten características similares, que los marcos mediáticos negativos parecen ser, a su vez, sobre los que se construyen los discursos de odio anti-inmigración que se expresan a través de redes sociales, y, además, que las actitudes frente a la migración a nivel social parecen mediar ese camino entre el consumo de ciertos marcos mediáticos
negativos y la conducta final en forma de manifestación verbal del odio en línea, ya que se observaron patrones similares en cada uno de los países en los que se analizaron las diferentes dimensiones. A parte de estos hallazgos empíricos, de manera colateral, con esta tesis se aportan nuevos métodos de investigación aplicados al estudio del discurso de odio online y todos los procesos y dimensiones involucradas, que permiten adaptar la investigación sociológica a los retos y amenazas que presentan los nuevos entornos digitales.
... Different forms of human mobility are named differently based on their normative definitions in international and national texts and that has also been reflected in the terminology of social sciences. The basic difference exists between migration and refugees difference in study design, measurement, selection of the unit of analysis, temporal and local context all affects the outcomes of the research (Adelman et al., 2018;Boateng et al., 2021;. However, if there is a significant relationship between immigration and crime, it is negative. ...
This paper uses bibliometric analysis to evaluate the literature on immigration, crime, and violence to find out how these concepts are studied across disciplines. The paper gave specific attention to the field of Criminology to demonstrate the variation of the use of these concepts in the literature and how much it differs from other disciplines. To meet these expectations, we examined how journals are categorized based on covering how immigration and crime interact in social science disciplines. Moreover, the analysis maps how research articles interact in different journals and what types of topics receive the most attention among researchers by looking at cross-citation data and keyword selection. The findings show that, overall, the number of publications used at least one of the studied items (immigration, crime, and violence) as a keyword increased tremendously in the last two decades. The most studied concept amongst all disciplines is violence, followed by gender and crime with the combination of migration, immigration, immigrants. The topic has been mostly studied from the 'receiving country' perspective and funding leads to an increase in publications. The findings suggest Criminology is the top field producing most of the studies in the field followed by public health-related research. These findings suggest that migration, when it is connected to crime and violence, is considered an individual-and social-level challenge requiring the attention of experts in understanding criminal and deviant behavior as well as experts from public health.
... This has particular salience for migrants, whose relationship with the places they move to is often characterized negatively by non-migrants. Indeed, opposition to migrants is often framed in terms of unease with the changes to place that are associated with migration: concern, for example, with changing religious practices (see, for example, Dunn, 2001;Öcal, 2020); changing linguistic practices (Musolff, 2019); or the association of migration with increased levels of crime (Boateng et al., 2021) or job losses and economic deterioration (Pryce, 2018). As evident in academic literature, the negative perception of changes to place is often not supported by evidence, but it has a powerful hold. ...
In this paper, we provide a new approach to defining and operationalizing integration as “making place.” We distinguish between making place for – a process of accommodation – and making place with – a process of co-production. We emphasize the potential of making place with as an alternative to top-down definitions of integration, and show this in practice through our research with migrants and migrant-supporting organizations in the Republic of Ireland. We conclude that making place with offers new insights into integration as processual, relational and practice-based, thus enhancing our understanding of migration and migrant experiences across diverse socio-spatial contexts.
... Pro and anti-immigration factions in the U.S. both provide compelling arguments to support their position on immigration (Butcher & Piehl, 1998;Davis & Deole, 2015;Davis & Smith, 1994;McCann & Boateng, 2020;Wacquant, 1999). Several arguments have been advanced by both factions to support their position on immigration, the most notable ones are the negative and positive consequences of immigration on the socio-economic, cultural, and political values of the U.S. (Adamson, 2020;Berardi & Bucerius, 2014;Pryce, 2016Pryce, , 2018Stephan & Stephan, 2000); the perception that crime rate is associated with immigration (Adamson, 2020;Barker, 2012;Boateng et al., 2021;Ferraro, 2016;Light, 2017;Light & Miller, 2018;Lyons et. al., 2013;Nunziata, 2015); white supremacy, racial prejudice, and xenophobia in the U.S. (McCann & Boateng, 2020;Treitler, 2015); false knowledge, ignorance about immigrants, and failure of local communities to accept immigrants (Gorodzeisky & Semyonov 2016;Major et al., 2018;Pryce, 2018;Tolsma et al., 2008Tolsma et al., , 2009Tummala-Narra, 2020;Wray-Lake et al., 2018); political explanations like party identification, political trust, and ideology (Hajnal & Rivera, 2014;Hawley, 2011Hawley, , 2019Neiman et al., 2006); and demographic characteristics like religion, income, gender, sexual orientation, age, geographical location among others (Bowling & Westenra, 2017;Brown & Brown, 2017;Davis & Deole, 2015;Docquier et al., 2012;Garcia & Davidson, 2013;Haaland & Roth, 2020;Knoll, 2009;Lichter, 2012;Miller et al., 2008;Provine & Sanchez, 2011), among other explanatory factors. ...
Immigration is a contentious topic that continues to generate debates among scholars , practitioners, and the general public in the United States. Recent increase in anti-immigration sentiments in the U.S. have led to the proliferation of studies seeking to explain this phenomenon. However, the results from these studies have been inconsistent and inconclusive due to various factors. The present study adds to these existing studies by examining the predictors of public support for police stops targeted at illegal immigrants and immigrants with a criminal background. Results from our binary logistics regression suggest that political factors, the fear of immigrants , and some socio demographic variables influence public support for police stops targeted at illegal immigrants and immigrants with a criminal background in the U.S. The present findings have serious theoretical and practical implications for understanding immigration, police-immigrant relationships, and public attitude towards immigration policy and immigrants in the U.S.
Word embeddings are efficient machine-learning-based representations of human language used in many Natural Language Processing tasks nowadays. Due to their ability to learn underlying word association patterns present in large volumes of data, it is possible to observe various sociolinguistic phenomena in the embedding semantic space, such as social stereotypes. The use of stereotypical framing in discourse can be detrimental and induce misconceptions about certain groups, such as immigrants and refugees, especially when used by media and politicians in public discourse. In this paper, we use word embeddings to investigate immigrant and refugee stereotypes in a multilingual and diachronic setting. We analyze the Danish, Dutch, English, and Spanish portions of four different multilingual corpora of political discourse, covering the 1997–2018 period. Then, we measure the effect of sociopolitical variables such as the number of offences committed and the size of the refugee and immigrant groups in the host country over our measurements of stereotypical association using the Bayesian multilevel framework. Our results indicate the presence of stereotypical associations towards both immigrants and refugees for all 4 languages, and that the immigrants are overall more strongly associated with the stereotypical frames than refugees.
In the culture of poverty approach, it is argued that the poor form a subculture. Crime is common in this subculture. It is claimed that there is a strong link between poverty and crime. In the culture of poverty approach, it is argued that the poor are considered as potential criminals. It is pointed out that an approach that sees the poor as potential criminals will be biased. It is a basic assumption that the culture of poverty is universal. In other words, the relationship between poverty and crime is expected to be similar in every part of the world. The starting point in the preparation of this study is to test the validity of the universal claim in the culture of poverty approach. The analyzes carried out with the 2019 TURKSTAT data supported that the relationship between poverty and crime in Turkey is very limited, and that it is seen in a few types of crime. However, it was expected that there would be a relationship between crime and poverty in many more types of crime. Therefore, Turkey cannot provide serious evidence for the poverty and crime relationship of the culture of poverty approach. This reinforces that the culture of poverty approach does not have a universal feature.
Immigration in Africa has increased significantly in the past two decades, with a record number of people moving to Africa from other non-African countries as well as Africans moving to other countries on the continent. This increase in immigration requires an empirical exploration to understand how Africans feel and think about immigrants. Therefore, the purpose of the current study is to explore the willingness to accept immigrants and foreign workers into their neighborhoods. Analyzing large-scale data from more than 45,000 citizens across 34 countries, we examined individual- and country-level factors using a multilevel hierarchical linear approach. At the individual level, our analysis revealed that gender, religious affiliation, nationalism, fear of extremism, and security are important indicators of willingness to live with immigrants in their neighborhoods. While we did not observe any effect for country-level economic variables, it was revealed that regional location was a vital consideration. These observations are helpful in understanding immigration in Africa as well as offering insights for policy development.
This dissertation attempts to gather the main research topics I engaged during my PhD, in collaboration with several national and international researchers. The primary focus of this work is to highlight the power of model based clustering for identifying latent structures in complex data and its usefulness in the social sciences. This methods have become increasingly popular in social science research as they allow for more accurate and nuanced understanding of complex data structures. In the thesis are presented 3 papers that contribute to the development and application of model-based clustering in social science research, covering a range of scenario. The thesis pays particular attention to the practical applications of the treated methods, providing insights that can improve our understanding of complex social phenomena.
The first chapter of this dissertation introduces the usefulness of clustering model to deal with the complexity of society, and aware of some of the main issues when analysing socio-economic data. Following this conceptual introduction, the second chapter delves more into the technical aspects of model based clustering and estimation. These first two chapters pave the road for the three developments presented thereafter. The third chapter includes the application of a Mixture of Matrix-Normals classification model to the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX), that measures and evaluates countries policies toward migrants’ integration over time. The used model is suitable for longitudinal data and allows for the identification of clusters of countries with similar patterns of migrant integration policies over time. The work is published in Alaimo et al. [2021a]. The fourth chapter uses MIPEX data too, but for a single year, and a finite mixtures of multivariate Gaussian is applied to identify groups of countries with a similar level of integration. Then, the relative proportion of immigrants held in prison among clusters is estimated, exploiting Fisher’s noncentral hypergeometric model. The aim of this work is test the existence of an association between countries’ level of integration of immigrants and the proportion of immigrants in prison. The work is currently in referral process. The fifth chapter introduce the work developed during my visiting research period at University of Lyon, Lyon 2. It specify the Bayesian partial membership model for soft clustering of multivariate data, namely when units have fractional membership to multiple groups. The model is specified for count data, and it is applied on the data of the bike sharing company of Washington DC and on the data of Serie A football players. The last chapter summarizes the main points of the dissertation, underlining the most relevant findings, the contributions, and stressing out how clustering models altogether yield a cohesive treatment of socio-economic data.
This study assesses contemporary attitudes toward the Diversity Visa Lottery program. Specifically, we examine the public’s views about the Diversity Visa Lottery, an immigrant visa program that was criticized by former President Donald Trump. Using a data set that approximates a nationally representative sample of U.S. residents, we found evidence that those who voted for Donald Trump in 2016, those who did not vote for president in 2016, those who identified as conservative/very conservative, and older citizens favor eliminating the Diversity Visa Lottery program. On the contrary, Blacks, the more highly educated, and those who identified as very liberal/liberal oppose eliminating the Diversity Visa Lottery program. The
implications of our findings for group relations, policy, and future research are discussed.
