Figure - uploaded by Lasse Hämäläinen
Content may be subject to copyright.
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... total, there are 161 different compound names for girls and 120 for boys. Tables 1 and 2 show the 25 most common first given names for boys and girls in our data, including a comparison with the popularity of these names in Moscow and among the Finnish-speaking children in Finland. The exact counts for names with less than 10 bearers are not shown in Tables 1 and 2 for identity protection reasons. ...Context 2
... 1 and 2 show the 25 most common first given names for boys and girls in our data, including a comparison with the popularity of these names in Moscow and among the Finnish-speaking children in Finland. The exact counts for names with less than 10 bearers are not shown in Tables 1 and 2 for identity protection reasons. For the Moscow data, percentages cannot be given because we do not know the numbers of all children born in Moscow. ...Context 3
... has been very popular in Finland in the last few decades, whereas in Russian it became widely used only recently. Tables 1 and 2 would look somewhat different if different transliterated forms of the same Russian names were counted together. For example, Alexander, Aleksandr, Aleksander and Alexandr would make a total of 196, becoming the second-most popular boys' name. ...Context 4
... total, there are 161 different compound names for girls and 120 for boys. Tables 1 and 2 show the 25 most common first given names for boys and girls in our data, including a comparison with the popularity of these names in Moscow and among the Finnish-speaking children in Finland. The exact counts for names with less than 10 bearers are not shown in Tables 1 and 2 for identity protection reasons. ...Context 5
... 1 and 2 show the 25 most common first given names for boys and girls in our data, including a comparison with the popularity of these names in Moscow and among the Finnish-speaking children in Finland. The exact counts for names with less than 10 bearers are not shown in Tables 1 and 2 for identity protection reasons. For the Moscow data, percentages cannot be given because we do not know the numbers of all children born in Moscow. ...Context 6
... has been very popular in Finland in the last few decades, whereas in Russian it became widely used only recently. Tables 1 and 2 would look somewhat different if different transliterated forms of the same Russian names were counted together. For example, Alexander, Aleksandr, Aleksander and Alexandr would make a total of 196, becoming the second-most popular boys' name. ...Similar publications
The purpose of this study is to add to the literature on entrepreneurial universities by investigating entrepreneurial culture (EC) in higher education institutions (HEIs). The authors investigate how students experience EC and which factors explain their perceptions of EC. The study is based on a survey of HEI students in Finland with 1277 respons...
Citations
... Väitöskirjan perustana on neljä artikkelia, joissa käsitellään 1) kaksikielisten 2000-luvun suomalais-venäläisten perheiden lasten etunimien valintaa (Eskola 2015a), 2) äidinkieleltään venäjänkielisten lasten nimenvalintaa vuosina 2000-2018 (Eskola & Hämäläinen 2019), 3) suomalaisten etunimien käyttöä ja mukautumista Venäjällä venäjänkielisissä ympäristössä ja nimenkantajien suhtautumista siihen (Eskola 2020) sekä 4) suomalaisten ja venäläisten nimenkantajien suku- ...
Arvioitu teos: Ksenia Eskola: Suomalaisuus ja venäläisyys henkilönnimistössä. Nimikulttuurien kohtaaminen Suomessa ja Venäjällä 2000–2018. Helsinki: Helsingin yliopisto 2021. Johdanto-osa 76 s. + liitteet ja neljä artikkelia. isbn 978-951-51-6851-1. Johdantoosa saatavilla verkossa osoitteessa http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-51-6852-8.
The area between Romania and Ukraine has been the site of frequent language contact for many centuries. This contact has impacted the onomastic store of both nations. This study analyzes anthroponyms (family and first names) in the border area between Ukraine and Romania, along the Tisza River. This study investigates the frequency and etymological origin of family names in the Ukrainian/Romanian communities on both sides of the Tisza. It explores the factors that may have facilitated the spread of Ukrainian/Romanian names beyond their linguistic communities of origin; and it discusses the cultural identity of the two minorities as expressed by their anthroponymic trends. Based on the results of a corpus of historical data gathered between 2000 and 2021, the findings of this research show how language contact, migration, fashion, and tradition can influence anthroponymic choices and reflect ethnic identity.
This paper is a sociolinguistic analysis of the anthroponymic changes in northwest Romania, Certeze commune, Satu Mare county, from where a large part of the population has emigrated, definitively or temporarily. The article follows the impact of migration in the innovation of first names and aims at deciphering the sociolinguistic mechanisms that underlie the choice of names. The period under investigation includes the post-revolutionary age and the beginning of migration, the increase in the rate of migration, the economic crisis, and the remigration of emigrants. 88 ADELINA EMILIA MIHALI The study tries to provide answers to questions regarding 1) the dynamic of anthroponymic preferences in the period between the years 2000 and 2020 in Certeze, 2) the predominant types of names, according to structure, origin and semantics, and 3) the motivations behind the names in Romania and in the diaspora.
This paper is a sociolinguistic analysis of anthroponyms from Borşa, Maramureş county, Romania, in the context of migration. The research illustrates the dynamic of anthroponyms, the frequency of foreign names and bilingual nominal structures, as well as the sociocultural factors underlying the choice of names. The corpus of the article consists of first names of newborns, extracted from civil and parish registers of Borşa and verified, in part, through a questionnaire filled in by the parents. The time interval proposed for the analysis spans 18 years (2000– 2018), including the period in which migratory flows multiply and many migrants return. Thus, the onomastic material subjected to research is representative of anthroponymic multiculturalism in Romania.
What can first names tell us about populations of the past, as well as our present day? This article uses the number and distribution of first names given to newborns in France from 1800 to 2019 as an indicator of the degree of individualization, i.e. parents’ willingness to give their child a unique identity and to make others regard it as unique. Newborns receive more distinct names, from fewer than 2,000 names per year in the 1900s, compared to more than 13,000 per year since 2010. Fewer newborns are given one of the Top-10 most frequently given names of the decade, from 65% of newborns in 1810–1819 to 10% in 2010–2019. Fashion for first names has been also changing more quickly since the early 20 th century, i.e., the most popular names currently remain in fashion for a shorter period of time. Overall, in France as elsewhere in the West and in the world, more and more parents are choosing for their children – particularly for their daughters – relatively new, distinctive and individualizing names. The analysis of first names can thus help social scientists, including historical demographers, measure the process of individualization and compare it across countries – a task that has been notoriously difficult to this day.
Ksenia Eskolan suomen kielen alaan kuuluva väitöskirja tarkastettiin Helsingin yliopistossa lauantaina 10. huhtikuuta 2021. Vastaväittäjänä toimi dosentti Sirkka Paikkala ja kustoksena Jyrki Kalliokoski. Ksenia Eskola: Suomalaisuus ja venäläisyys henkilönnimistössä. Nimikulttuurien kohtaaminen Suomessa ja Venäjällä 2000–2018. Helsinki: Helsingin yliopisto 2021. Väitöskirja on luettavissa osoitteessa http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-51-6852-8.
