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China's expanding presence in the South China Sea is now a major source of escalating tensions leading to a spiral of confrontation with the United States and the littoral states of east Asia. Under these conditions, conventional analysis suggests that serious conflict is almost inevitable. This article provides an alternative perspective by situat...
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This article analyzes ECS maritime disputes through two lenses: as a globally comparable case study mediated through LOS and as a distinct regional case that differs in several respects from disputes outside East Asia. This study focuses on the Senkaku/Diaoyu island dispute but also examines broader EEZ and ADIZ disputes between China, Japan, and S...
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... The presence of terms such as "maritime delimitation" ( 海洋划界) and "South China Sea" ( 南海) indicates a keen interest in maritime issues. The South China Sea, a critical region for international shipping and resource exploration, is a focal point of contention (Dutton, 2011;Morton, 2016). Chinese scholarship frequently addresses the maritime disputes involving Indonesia, particularly around the Natuna Islands, highlighting the strategic importance of these waters for both economic and security reasons. ...
This paper systematically examines Chinese academic discourse that concurrently addresses Indonesia and Timor-Leste, analysing 137 articles from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) and indexed by the Chinese Social Sciences Citation Index (CSSCI). The analysis reveals significant publication trends, particularly during periods of heightened geopolitical and economic engagement, such as the global expansion of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It identifies predominant themes such as economic cooperation, security concerns, and historical-cultural dynamics. The findings highlight China’s strategic interests and leadership aspirations in Southeast Asia， providing insights into how Chinese scholars perceive and articulate China’s strategic interests and diplomatic efforts in the region involving Indonesia and Timor-Leste.
... In particular, China has become more assertive in the South China Sea (Yahuda, 2013), resulting from the growth of its outsized military power (Grossman, 2019) and its heightened nationalism (Yahuda, 2013). Morton (2016) argued that China's rising presence in the South China Sea is becoming a key source of escalating tensions, leading to a spiral of conflict with the US and other neighbouring Asian countries. As argued by Storey (2020), since the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, as a result of China's assertion of its jurisdictional claims, the US has escalated its condemnation of Beijing's activities and military build-up in the South China ...
The China Threat has risen significantly since 2020. This study examines the roles of China’s territory-related issues, including Senkaku Islands, Xinjiang’s Uyghurs, the South China Sea, a threat of war across the Taiwan Strait, China-India border conflicts, and Hong Kong national security law, in contributing to the China Threat. Based on weekly Google Trends search results from May 2020 to July 2022, this study created a series of time series variables to measure these narratives. In particular, this study finds that, except for the South China Sea, all other issues are connected to the China Threat by the English-speaking public. Also, the Uyghur issue has attracted the most lasting attention. These conclusions are supported by survey results and fundamental analysis. This study contributes to knowledge of the China Threat and to academia as well by presenting a (still) new quantitative method for international relations.
... K. Morton investigates China's intentions in the South China Sea, attempting to determine whether a legitimate maritime order is achievable. Understanding China's goals is critical for understanding Vietnam's responses [8]. Meanwhile, M. Majumdar examines the ASEAN's role in dealing with conflict resolution in the South China Sea. ...
The South China Sea (SCS) conflict has become a critical factor for regional peace and development with growing geopolitical competition between China and the USA. To face the rising threat of China, the study argues that the balance of power theory is relevant to explain why Vietnam attempts to strengthen strategic alliances with the USA, Russia, EU, and India to balance against the rising threat of China in SCS. However, this theory is not able to explain why Vietnam has a bandwagoning policy toward China at the same time. To fill the gap of the previous studies, this study endeavors to put forward the point that as geopolitical rivalry between the two superpowers, the United States and China, intensifies, Vietnam is put in a predicament of balancing the economic and the political choices against the choices of taking a neutral stand against the assertiveness of China in the SCS. Further, the alternative traditional balance options with ASEAN, and Russia are not sufficiently effective for Vietnam to balance against China since the position of both ASEAN and Russia is much weaker than China. This study also suggests that the support of the USA, EU, and its alliance for Vietnam's position creates unbearable costs for China's aggressive behaviors in SCS. By using the mathematical and logical framework, the study suggests that Vietnam tends to adopt a mixed strategy (balancing, bandwagoning, neutrality) in dealing with China's threats.
... In recent decades, the South China Sea as a central waterway connecting trade routes from Asia and other continents has often been claimed by parties desiring a major expansion in the share of export and import supply chains, especially China (Hung et al., 2013;Morton, 2016). Uniquely, this creates both opportunities and challenges for Indonesia, including maintaining harmonious relations with neighboring countries. ...
An open economy allows for partnerships between countries. The urgency of this paper is to dedicate the government's concern to revitalizing weapons in finance, export–import, and empowering the military sector to maintain economic freedom in 8 countries. The objectivity of the study focuses on Indonesia's cross–border countries. Annual published data sourced from the Global Economy is compiled for 6 periods. Then, the comparative linear regression technique serves to articulate the analysis funds. Since 2016–2021, there are indications that there is a strong determination of arms imports, arms exports, GDP of the military, armed forces personnel, and military spending on economic freedom. Interestingly, it was found that variables that influence economic freedom include arms imports in Australia, Papua New Guinea and the Philippines, then arms exports in Indonesia, Australia and Papua New Guinea. In line with the GDP of the military which also affects economic freedom for Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Singapore and Thailand. Furthermore, only armed forces personnel have a systematic effect on Australia and Vietnam and military spending on Papua New Guinea and Malaysia. Therefore, the research output guides future studies to consider protective national military policy interventions as an alternative to driving national economic independence.
... Southeast Asian media often depict these actions as aggressive, highlighting potential threats to sovereignty and stability (Thayer, 2011;Wang & Womack, 2019), a view generally shared by Western media outlets, which focus on the strategic implications for international maritime law and regional power dynamics (Chang & Beech, 2023). In contrast, Chinese state media present these activities as rightful exercises of China's sovereignty and defensive in nature (Fangyin, 2016;Morton, 2016;Nair, 2022). This divergence in narratives is further complicated by the social, cultural, and political contexts of reporting. ...
This paper discusses the contrast between China's initial peaceful promises and later militarized actions in the South China Sea. It discusses media representations and strategic implications, suggesting the benefits of China's engagement in more diplomatic and positive interactions with territorial claimants. The analysis offers glimpses into the issues surrounding maritime strategy and international perceptions.
... He stressed to build maritime power in the SCS. He also emphasized to utilize the SCS for the marine economy and development(Morton, 2016). ...
This article is written in the background of the growing Sino-US rivalry in the SCS dispute. It discusses the political, military, and economic initiatives of these countries to save their interests in the region. The South China Sea has become the center of Asia Pacific politics in specific and global politics in general. Its geostrategic importance and huge resources have attracted the attention of world powers in this region. China, the regional hegemon, claims the SCS region as its core interest and provides the basis to its claims based on historical usage and a part of the ancient Chinese dynasties. Though the US is a non-resident state in this dispute its defense relations with other claimant states, its long-term interests in this region, and increasing political and military rivalry with emerging superpower China, all these factors have forced the US to play a significant role in this dispute. This research tries to find out the answer to the research puzzle about the factors behind the growing rivalry between the US and China in the SCS. The research has employed qualitative methodology within the post-positivist paradigm. The study is conducted under the lens of Hegemonic Stability Theory. This study concludes that the prevailing situation in the SCS would further get hot if either side behaves assertively to secure interests in the region. The conclusion suggests that peace could only be achieved if both countries show patience and solve this issue through multilateral negotiations.
... Geographically, China's neighbors are extremely complex. Some of these countries are in critical locations near China, such as the Korean Peninsula, Afghanistan, the East China Sea and the South China Sea (Morton, 2016). All the neighboring countries of China, many of which are post-colonial states, are insecure and insecure. ...
In recent years, Sino-Afghan relations have seen unprecedented growth, with China actively involving itself in Afghanistan's political transformation due to its longstanding friendly ties with the country. This marks China's efforts to play a proactive role in Afghanistan. The gradual withdrawal of NATO and US forces since 2014 has prompted China to adopt a new geopolitical approach towards the region. The new phase of Afghanistan-China relations has the potential to transform China from a mere observer into a constructive and intervening force in Afghanistan. This article aims to shed light on China's new diplomatic strategy in Afghanistan by examining its characteristics and implications. It is predicated on the belief that constructive engagement with Afghanistan will yield strategic, economic, and security benefits for China, which directly impact its national security risks and economic opportunities.
... Strategically located, it has a geographical structure of no other sea area adjacent to China and is therefore vital to China's modern navy. Control of the South China Sea is a prerequisite for the future development and modernization of China's navy and aerospace industry (Garcia, 2019;Morton, 2016;Rahman & Tsamenyi, 2010). However, the activities of China impact the balance of power in the South China Sea and threaten the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region (Mearsheimer, 2010;Sơn, 2014). ...
... Numerous works contain research on the South China Sea issue, including the calculations and disputes between major powers and ASEAN nations. For instance, between the United States and China regarding the South China Sea, there are works such as (Mearsheimer, 2010;Cường, 2011;Qingchuan, 2011;Toshi & Holmes, 2011;Cronin, 2012;Hossain, 2013;McDevitt, 2014;Tabbasum & Sobea, 2014;Mosyakov, 2015;Zhou, 2015;Morton, 2016;Cường, 2017;Scott, 2018;Zhao, 2018;N. A. Cường et al., 2020;A. ...
Although it is not the most significant feature on the strategic map of the United States, it is firmly in favor of the South China Sea, maintaining its status as an area of international waters for the foreseeable future. It will allow for the unimpeded passage of cruise ships and commercial transport vessels. Even though the United States and China are the two actors with the most influence on the political situation in the South China Sea, and even though Vietnam is an indispensable subject in this area, the strategic interests of the United States and China are considered to be crucial for each country. Vietnam is an indispensable subject in this area. Because the South China Sea is so strategically important to China, the United States, and Vietnam, it is likely that these three countries will come into conflict over it shortly. Which political maneuvers and decisions on the part of these two global superpowers affect the current situation in the South China Sea? Moreover, what other options does Vietnam have when it comes to those behaviors?
... Because of this dispute, there is disagreement over whose rules apply in the South China Sea and where each state's exclusive economic zones (EEZs) within the South China Sea are located (Hayton 2021). This situation is compounded by China's refusal to participate in third-party resolution (Morton 2016). ...
... However, with its recent phoenix-like rise from the ashes to become the main challenger of US dominance in world politics and economics, China now tries to become the effective norm shaper/norm maker in the region, if not globally. At the same time, however, Chinese leadership must take a balanced approach as it seeks to act as a norm maker, treading a fine line between aspirations to become a major maritime power and the pragmatic need to work with its neighbors and the United States to maintain regional stability (Morton 2016). Fravel (2011) points out that during the past 25 years, China has pursued a strategy of delaying the resolution of the dispute. ...
... Finally, China and the United States disagree about the liberties granted by international law in a country's territorial waters, particularly concerning the balance between navigational access by foreign powers and national security (Dolven, Lawrence, and O'Rourke 2021;Morton 2016). The most important institutionalized international norm that defines adequate behavior within international waters and can be recognized as part of the military order is the UNCLOS, which defines, among other aspects, the innocent passage of military ships (freedom of navigation) as a crucial right. ...
... This sphere, where the coastal states have a common interest, can become a basis for the functional cooperation that might lead to an increase in trust among the SCS coastal states. About 40% of the global trade passes through the SCS (Morton 2016). Though the shortest way from Europe to Asia is through the Arctic, the absence of the adequate infrastructure for supertankers, harsh weather conditions, costs make the SCS route the most attractive shipping artery. ...
... The "9-dash line" is based on the rights "formed over a long course of history" and it was used by China previously, but it was officially presented to the international community as a response to the Joint Submission by Malaysia and Vietnam and submission by Vietnam to the CLCS. This line is a line of allocation (Smith 2010) and, according to legal scholars (Morton 2016;Beckham 2010;Nong 2012) and the Arbitral Tribunal for the South China Sea Arbitration (PCA 2016), is not based on the rules of the law of the sea. The Philippines asked the Tribunal to clarify the source of maritime rights and entitlements in the South China Sea. ...
