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Map showing the mines and metallurgical sites dating to the Iron Age in the region of Idalion and Tamassos (produced by A. Agapiou based on digital geological data provided by the Cyprus Geological Survey).
Source publication
The exploitation of Cyprus's mineral wealth, mainly the copper deposits, and other natural resources, such as the forests, formed the basis of the island's economic prosperity and development from prehistoric times until Late Antiquity. The control of the metal resources of the island would have been a primary and pressing preoccupation of the king...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... Idalion is located in the Mesaoria Plain, there are a number of mines that may have fallen under its jurisdiction (Fig. 2)-namely, the mines of Sha and Mathiatis, as well as the smaller ore deposits in the vicinity of Lythrodontas (Bear 1960: 104;Gass 1960: 95) and Agia Varvara ( Gass 1960: 97). A list of slag heaps in the Larnaca district, compiled by Stos-Gale, Maliotis, and Gale (1998: 237) using the archival records of the Hellenic Mining Company, ...
Context 2
... look at a geological map reveals that Tamassos, modern-day Politiko, is located on the northeastern foothills of the Troodos Mountains and within the Pillow Lavas ( Fig. 2). At a relatively small distance to the south and west of Politiko, there are a number of mines. To the southeast lie the copper ore deposits and modern mines of Kambia (Pitharochoma and Peristerka) and Kapedhes, while to the west lie the mines of Agrokipia and Mitsero (Kokkinoyia and Kokkinopezoula) (Bear 1960: 91-104). ...
Context 3
... Idalion is located in the Mesaoria Plain, there are a number of mines that may have fallen under its jurisdiction (Fig. 2)-namely, the mines of Sha and Mathiatis, as well as the smaller ore deposits in the vi- cinity of Lythrodontas (Bear 1960: 104;Gass 1960: 95) and Agia Varvara ( Gass 1960: 97). A list of slag heaps in the Larnaca district, compiled by Stos-Gale, Maliotis, and Gale (1998: 237) using the archival records of the Hellenic Mining Company, ...
Context 4
... look at a geological map reveals that Tamassos, modern-day Politiko, is located on the northeastern foothills of the Troodos Mountains and within the Pillow Lavas ( Fig. 2). At a relatively small distance to the south and west of Politiko, there are a number of mines. To the southeast lie the copper ore deposits and modern mines of Kambia (Pitharochoma and Peristerka) and Kapedhes, while to the west lie the mines of Agrokipia and Mitsero (Kokkinoyia and Kokkinopezoula) (Bear 1960: 91-104). ...
Citations
... The industrial transformation of Faynan, along with the settlement of Tel Masos and the Negev Highlands sites, was short-lived, and lasted little more than a hundred years. The rapid decline was probably the result of the revival of the Cypriot copper trade, which had begun in the late 10 th /early 9 th century BCE, and which was on a bigger scale and with more effective networks than the Arabah copper trade (Kassianidou 2013;Bienkowski 2023). 23 It is likely that demand for Faynan copper decreased, with a consequent impact on its whole production and trade network and viability of settlement. ...
The final report on the Edom Lowlands Regional Archaeology Project concludes that local nomadic tribes created a complex polity at early Iron Age Faynan, in southern Jordan, that was responsible for a radical shift in copper production to an industrial scale. Erez Ben-Yosef has subsequently used these conclusions as the key example in a theoretical argument about the social complexity-and, usually, archaeological invisibility-of nomadic societies. A review of the archaeological evidence from Faynan indicates that the sudden change at the beginning of the 10 th century BCE should not be attributed to local nomads. Evidence from the Wadi Fidan 40 cemetery-both material culture and chemical analysis of teeth-shows that its nomadic inhabitants did not actively participate in the copper industry. There is no evidence of a process of transition from nomadism to sedentarism at Faynan, and its architecture does not reflect any influence or antecedents in the archaeology of nomads. The evidence shows close material culture connections with the western Negev and the major site of Tel Masos. The scenario that best fits the evidence is that Masos took direct control of copper production at Faynan and developed it as an industrial site to exponentially increase the copper trade-Masos had the resources, technical skills, an architectural tradition, and connections to trade networks that the local nomads lacked, and which transformed Faynan. Hundreds of sites in the Negev Highlands were settled by pastoralists who found employment both in production and transport in the burgeoning copper industry. The industrial transformation of Faynan, along with the settlement of Tel Masos and the Negev Highlands sites, was short-lived, and lasted little more than a hundred years.
... MAA19) and the lump of high tin bronze from Hadjiabdulla (HA33-HA45_7_1) are both consistent with the ores from the area of Asgata-Kalavasos. This perhaps indicates that copper from that mining district, which is the third richest on the island and which probably belonged to the Iron Age polity of Amathus (Kassianidou 2013c), was exported to Paphos (Fig. 13). ...
This paper presents the results of the chemical, microscopic and isotopic analysis of an archaeometallurgical assemblage consisting of slag and metal samples from two Cypro-Classical monuments recently located within the urban landscape of the polity of Paphos, and from two slag heaps in the metalliferous region of the Paphos hinterland. The project identified technological changes and innovations, such as the introduction of new types of fluxes and the optimization of the smelting technology. Furthermore, the analysis of slag samples from one of the two monuments, identified as workshop complex on the plateau of the Paphian citadel, revealed the presence of an iron smithy. This pioneering interdisciplinary study paves the way for the development of a comparative archaeo-metallurgical project that will define the fingerprint of the Paphos copper deposits. The study was carried out in the context of the University of Cyprus-Leventis Foundation Project, “From the metalliferous sources to the citadel complex of ancient Paphos: Archaeo environmental analysis of the mining and the built environment” (acronym MEANING 2017–2019).
... At 95% confidence level, the date ranges extend from 810 to 408 bc (i.e. from CG III through the CA); these samples therefore cannot be associated with the 'early' Iron Age. Moreover, only two of the 45 radiocarbon dates published by Kassianidou (2013) could be as early as the tenth century bc: these are charcoal samples from Kambia (1016-412 bc, 95% confidence level) and from Kition (1014-732 bc, 85% confidence level). Kassianidou (2013Kassianidou ( , pp. 63, 71, 2014 also argued that four radiocarbon-dated samples from Agrokipia Kriadhis (nos. ...
... Moreover, only two of the 45 radiocarbon dates published by Kassianidou (2013) could be as early as the tenth century bc: these are charcoal samples from Kambia (1016-412 bc, 95% confidence level) and from Kition (1014-732 bc, 85% confidence level). Kassianidou (2013Kassianidou ( , pp. 63, 71, 2014 also argued that four radiocarbon-dated samples from Agrokipia Kriadhis (nos. 27-30 in her 2013 study) situate mining operations in the CG period and provide 'solid evidence for the continuation of the copper industry in the Iron Age'. ...
Our understanding of the earliest Iron Age on Cyprus has long remained somewhat obscure. This is the result of both a relative lack of material evidence and the fact that scholarly attention has focused more on the preceding Late Bronze Age and on the subsequent Cypro-Archaic period. As more, and more varied, data have accumulated, there have been calls for a more theoretically informed approach to considering the social changes involved, and even for prehistorians to extend their work into the Cypriot Iron Age. As a response to this, the present study considers a broad range of material and documentary evidence, attempts to reconstruct the political economy, and offers an interpretative framework based on social understandings of Complex Adaptive Systems theory. Using this approach, the authors conclude that, while the enduring realities of Cyprus—its geography, copper resources and long tradition of agropastoralism—continued to shape Cypriot culture, the Iron Age is not simply a continuation of its Bronze Age sociopolitical forms. We argue instead that the earliest Iron Age involved social actors negotiating new politico-economic agendas in response to changing conditions in the Iron Age eastern Mediterranean.
... What were the main commodities justifying these maritime endeavours? Uninterrupted export of copper to the Levant is an alluring option, and much can be argued for continuity in copper production on Cyprus after the Late Bronze Age (Kassianidou 2013). Salamis, Kition, Amathus and Paphos might have continued to produce copper at various stages of the Iron Age, but the fact remains that out of the dozens of items studied, with the exception of one find, Cypriot copper has not yet been positively identified in Iron Age contexts in the Levant: analyses demonstrate the preponderance of Levantine (Arabah) copper in this period (for detailed discussion, see ...
Excavations at Tel Dor, a Phoenician site on the northern coast of Israel, produced one of the most varied and best-stratified assemblages of Cypriot Iron Age ceramics ever found outside Cyprus. A long-term investigation of the nature of socio-economic liaisons between Dor and Cyprus, inter alia, by identifying through ceramic typology and petrography the specific Cypriot production centres that sent their products to Dor is currently in progress. This paper focuses on the analytical identification of production centres first suggested by macroscopic observations; temporal trajectories and cultural implications are addressed only preliminarily. The results indicate that the Cypriot vessels that reached Dor were only produced at Salamis, Kition, Amathus and Paphos, and that the vista of imports at Dor keeps changing throughout the period under consideration. This is the most comprehensive analytical study of Cypriot Iron Age ceramic fabrics to date. It has the potential to build a foundation for provenance studies of Cypriot Iron Age ceramic fabrics and the interconnections they embody. It is constrained, however, by the fact it was mainly production centres represented at Dor that were studied.
... Although, because of the added lead, it is hard to determine the exact source of the copper, the presence of arsenic and antimony rules out the use of Arabah copper. This is in accordance with the archaeologically evident abrupt end of the Arabah copper industry in the late 9th century BCE (Ben-Yosef and Sergi, 2018), and with the growing complexity of metal supply systems (including lead) towards the later part of the Iron Age (Kassianidou, 2012(Kassianidou, , 2013Masson, 2015;Yahalom-Mack et al., 2014;Wood et al., 2019). ...
The source of Egypt’s copper supply during the Third Intermediate Period (1070–664 BCE) is largely unknown. Here we present new data from chemical (elemental) and lead isotope (LI) analysis of royal Egyptian artifacts of the 21st Dynasty (ca. 1010 BCE) – a period which until now was represented in the LI record only by a single artifact. Our finds identify the source of the copper in the Arabah region providing a basis for our historical reconstruction of the copper exchange network in the southern Levant at the turn of the first millennium BCE. We also analyzed two objects from the 24th and 25th Dynasties (8th c. BCE), which revealed a marked change in Egyptian copper metallurgy in both the composition (from Cu with traces of Sn to leaded copper with traces of As) and the supply chain (the Arabah ores are excluded). As the sampling involved museum artifacts, we performed X-ray imaging as a means to avoid sampling of any later metallic modifications and ensure the correct sampling process.
... Muhly et al. 1982), only a handful of articles have been published on the ancient mines of Cyprus (e.g. Constantinou 1992a;Kassianidou 2000; also see the OSM). Moreover, some of these articles date to the early twentieth century (e.g. Bruce 1937), namely at a time when Cypriot archaeology generally and the archaeology of mining and archaeometallurgy specifically were not yet fully developed scientific disciplines. ...
... A key aim of recent research has been the absolute dating of the slag heaps and the smelting activities at Skouriotissa (for a description of the methodology, see Kassianidou 2004;Kassianidou 2013a;Shaar et al. 2015). As slag heaps are artificially produced over time, they are often stratified and can be dated either by associated pottery and other archaeological artefacts, or more precisely through radiocarbon dating of organic material collected from within the strata (Bachmann 1982: 6). ...
... As slag has been quarried during modern times by large machinery, there are large sections through the slag heap in which the stratigraphy is clearly visible. Over the past 25 years, systematic recording and dating of slag heaps throughout Cyprus has been undertaken (Kassianidou 2004(Kassianidou , 2013aManning 2013;Socratous et al. 2015). The most important result of this absolute dating is the conclusion that copper smelting had not ceased by the time of Galen's mid second-century BC visit (see the OSM)-as argued by several modern authors (e.g. ...
Extensively worked in antiquity, Skouriotissa remains the only active copper mine on the island of Cyprus. The modern, open-cast operation, however, has almost completely obliterated the earlier mining landscape. Here the authors report the results of investigations, including dating, of the ancient topography of the mine. They incorporate spatial data derived from archival sources, recent fieldwork and absolute dating into a geographical information system to reconstruct the ancient mining landscape around Skouriotissa. Their approach holds promise for understanding other mining regions in Cyprus and beyond, by providing an example of how diverse source material can be used to reconstruct landscapes now destroyed or buried by open-cast mining operations.
... Additional data is required in order to substantiate these observations. It should be noted, however, that evidence for the exploitation of copper from the Solea region during the Cypro-Archaic and Cyproclassical periods has been presented (Kassianidou, 2013). ...
In this study, the shape of socketed bronze arrowheads is analysed and expressed as a series of mathematical trends which are then compared to chemical and lead isotope composition, as well as to the categorization of traditional non-computerized typology. It is shown that while traditional typology has statistical validation, additional important information can be gleaned from 3-D geometric morphometric shape analysis (3DGM), particularly when combined with material analyses. For example, arrowheads that are traditionally categorized as a single type demonstrate minute shape differences that correlate with the sites where they were found. This micro-variability, detected only through 3DGM, has potential cultural, chronological and regional implications. Most importantly, this pilot study shows that chemical and isotopic composition is correlated to a specific shape trend, revealed through computerized analysis, rather than to the traditional typological classification. This opens up new vistas for a more advanced analysis of archaeological finds.
... The dates cited (Kassianidou 2004, 40) have now been published in full (Kassianidou 2013, 73-74, Appendix I) and range from 810-408 BC (95% confidence): that is, they are C-G III or more likely Cypro-Archaic in date, not 'early Iron Age'. In fact, of the 45 radiocarbon dates published by Kassianidou (2013) in her study on IA copper metallurgy on Cyprus, only two could be as early as the tenth century BC (charcoal from Kambia, 1016-412 BC at 95% confidence level, and from Kition, 1014-732 BC at 85% confidence level). ...
... The third source of silver: Conventional wisdom has been that silver was not mined in Cyprus until modern times (e.g., Kassianidou 2012Kassianidou , 2013. This notion, however, has recently been challenged (J. ...
... The third source of silver: Conventional wisdom has been that silver was not mined in Cyprus until modern times (e.g., Kassianidou 2012Kassianidou , 2013. This notion, however, has recently been challenged (J. ...
Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies, 8, 1, 1-21. open access at : https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.8.1.0001
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A recent reanalysis of compositional and lead isotope legacy data from the early silver hoards of the southern Levant (ca. twelfth–ninth centuries BCE) identified that not only was most of this hacksilver mixed but that it probably derived from the Pyritic belt of southern Iberia, the Taurus mountains in Anatolia, and a third unknown source. We propose that the unknown component of Tel Dor’s hacksilver was silver potentially derived from ores mined at Kalavasos on Cyprus. The presence of Cypriot silver in the southern Levant complements finds of Phoenician pottery on Cyprus, supporting that there was continuity of trade from the end of the Bronze Age to the beginning of the Iron Age between Cyprus and the Levant. Furthermore, our findings suggest that the technology required to smelt and cupellate argentiferous jarosite ores was first practiced on Cyprus prior to risky and costly ventures to Iberia.
keywords: Tel Dor, silver, jarosite, Phoenicians,
mixing lines, lead isotopes
... As the position of the copper-bearing pillow-lava zone is in its position in-between but also remote to the coastal settlement foci, relationships between matte-production and copper-refining are unlikely found to be exclusive. This may have changed during the Early Iron Age, when territorial concepts had been established in the frame of the wellknown Cypriot kingdoms (Kassianidou, 2013). ...
Metallogenic ore deposits can be construed and understood in different ways: it is easy for archaeologists and historians to oversimplify the mineralogical complexity of an ore deposit when conceptualising deposits as deliverers of raw materials such as copper or gold. Deposits are most of the time not monometallic; rather they are a mixture of various minerals that can significantly influence the metallic end products. Provenance data are often critically discussed on the basis of the explanatory value of ore mineralogy; however, archaeometallurgists may describe the complex mineralogical and chemical composition on a highly detailed level, disregarding the question of relevancy to the understanding of early societies, who tended to understand their environment on more empirical and practical levels. Archaeological theories are too often developed without regarding the specific quality of archaeometrical record, which needs detailed discussion about its quality and information value. Intense communication and close cooperation of specialists from diverse academic and scientific backgrounds are key in taking the study of metal resources forward.
