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The site of Tell Jemmeh near Gaza has long been suggested as the location of an Assyrian administrative centre or even the seat of an Assyrian governor. This paper revisits this issue in the light of the more comprehensive evidence we now have on the site from Van Beek's excavations. Tell Jemmeh yielded both architectural features (in plans and bui...
Contexts in source publication
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... Jemmeh is a prominent mound site located in the region of the north-western Negev and southern coastal plain of Israel, about 12 km south of Gaza and 9 km west of the Mediterranean coast (Fig. 1). The site, which is a natural hill rising 45 m above its vicinity, is located on the southern bank of the Besor River, a seasonal wadi on the ancient route from Arabia to the main coastal gateways of the Mediterranean, and on the border between Canaan and Egypt. During the Late Bronze Age period the site is identified with Yurza, a ...
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... floors, and Room E may have contained an oven. The finds from the different rooms include pottery (Figs 4, 5, 9) in the form of storage and cooking vessels, Assyrian-style pottery, metals, stone vessels and tools, jewellery and other small finds. Two ostraca were found, one in Room A and one in Room E; Room C yielded an arrowhead and a scarab (Fig. 10c, ...
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... TJ. On the other hand the Ashkelon 7th century BC assemblage lacks certain Iron IIB forms that are common in the TJ Phase IV-5 assemblage, such as red slipped and burn- ished carinated bowls (Types BL1-BL4). Therefore, Phase IV-5 probably terminated before the end of the 7th century, dating to its first half. A scarab found in Building I Room C ( Fig. 10g; Keel 2013, 60, Gamma 140) depicts a falcon in a boat; a possible 26th Dynasty date of 664-600 BC is suggested for this scarab. If correct this could be a terminus post quem for the termination of Phase IV-5 and the abandonment of Building I. The late 7th and the 6th centuries BC are not well attested at the site as it was difficult to ...
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... important small finds from the Iron II include horse and rider figurines (Fig. 10a, Phase IV-5, Building II), a bull head bronze weight from Field II (Fig. 10d, general Iron IIB context), scarabs ( 10c) were also found; most of these are, however, from later contexts. All these artefacts are published in detail in the excavation report. (Ben-Shlomo and Van Beek 2014). Ornan identified several stamp seals made in the ...
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... important small finds from the Iron II include horse and rider figurines (Fig. 10a, Phase IV-5, Building II), a bull head bronze weight from Field II (Fig. 10d, general Iron IIB context), scarabs ( 10c) were also found; most of these are, however, from later contexts. All these artefacts are published in detail in the excavation report. (Ben-Shlomo and Van Beek 2014). Ornan identified several stamp seals made in the Assyrian tradition from Petrie's exca- vations at TJ ( Ornan 1997, 268-69, ...
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... important small finds from the Iron II include horse and rider figurines (Fig. 10a, Phase IV-5, Building II), a bull head bronze weight from Field II (Fig. 10d, general Iron IIB context), scarabs ( 10c) were also found; most of these are, however, from later contexts. All these artefacts are published in detail in the excavation report. ...
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... I (Figs 6-9) has the most complete plan (Fig. 11a), but was not completely exposed due to erosion. Several buildings from Petrie's Level E-F at TJ also have a similar plan ( Fig. 11b; Petrie 1928, pl. IX, Buildings EG, EW; see above). This structure with its three elongated units, does not resemble the typical Neo-Assyrian palatial plans, but, may be somewhat similar to that of ...
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... I (Figs 6-9) has the most complete plan (Fig. 11a), but was not completely exposed due to erosion. Several buildings from Petrie's Level E-F at TJ also have a similar plan ( Fig. 11b; Petrie 1928, pl. IX, Buildings EG, EW; see above). This structure with its three elongated units, does not resemble the typical Neo-Assyrian palatial plans, but, may be somewhat similar to that of several auxiliary buildings, probably used for storage (Fig. 11); the Assyrian build- ings are, however, usually much larger. Examples were ...
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... to erosion. Several buildings from Petrie's Level E-F at TJ also have a similar plan ( Fig. 11b; Petrie 1928, pl. IX, Buildings EG, EW; see above). This structure with its three elongated units, does not resemble the typical Neo-Assyrian palatial plans, but, may be somewhat similar to that of several auxiliary buildings, probably used for storage (Fig. 11); the Assyrian build- ings are, however, usually much larger. Examples were found at Neo-Assyrian palaces such as Nimrud ( Fig. 11c; e.g., Mallowan 1966, figs 35, 42, NW palace, NE area), and Arslan Tash ( Fig. 11d; Turner 1968, pl. XVII, Room XXXII-XLII 1 ). The fort at Nush-i Jan, a Median site in western central Iran ( Fig. 1; c. ...
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... EW; see above). This structure with its three elongated units, does not resemble the typical Neo-Assyrian palatial plans, but, may be somewhat similar to that of several auxiliary buildings, probably used for storage (Fig. 11); the Assyrian build- ings are, however, usually much larger. Examples were found at Neo-Assyrian palaces such as Nimrud ( Fig. 11c; e.g., Mallowan 1966, figs 35, 42, NW palace, NE area), and Arslan Tash ( Fig. 11d; Turner 1968, pl. XVII, Room XXXII-XLII 1 ). The fort at Nush-i Jan, a Median site in western central Iran ( Fig. 1; c. 750-600 BC) also has a roughly similar plan to Jemmeh Building I (Fig. 11g), yet, the Iranian structure is much more massive (Stronach ...
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... typical Neo-Assyrian palatial plans, but, may be somewhat similar to that of several auxiliary buildings, probably used for storage (Fig. 11); the Assyrian build- ings are, however, usually much larger. Examples were found at Neo-Assyrian palaces such as Nimrud ( Fig. 11c; e.g., Mallowan 1966, figs 35, 42, NW palace, NE area), and Arslan Tash ( Fig. 11d; Turner 1968, pl. XVII, Room XXXII-XLII 1 ). The fort at Nush-i Jan, a Median site in western central Iran ( Fig. 1; c. 750-600 BC) also has a roughly similar plan to Jemmeh Building I (Fig. 11g), yet, the Iranian structure is much more massive (Stronach and Roaf 2007, fig. 4.1). Na'aman (2001, suggested that building techniques, such ...
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... for storage (Fig. 11); the Assyrian build- ings are, however, usually much larger. Examples were found at Neo-Assyrian palaces such as Nimrud ( Fig. 11c; e.g., Mallowan 1966, figs 35, 42, NW palace, NE area), and Arslan Tash ( Fig. 11d; Turner 1968, pl. XVII, Room XXXII-XLII 1 ). The fort at Nush-i Jan, a Median site in western central Iran ( Fig. 1; c. 750-600 BC) also has a roughly similar plan to Jemmeh Building I (Fig. 11g), yet, the Iranian structure is much more massive (Stronach and Roaf 2007, fig. 4.1). Na'aman (2001, suggested that building techniques, such as 'rib vault- ing', as attested to at Iron II TJ, were brought by deportees from the region of the Iranian plateau, ...
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... larger. Examples were found at Neo-Assyrian palaces such as Nimrud ( Fig. 11c; e.g., Mallowan 1966, figs 35, 42, NW palace, NE area), and Arslan Tash ( Fig. 11d; Turner 1968, pl. XVII, Room XXXII-XLII 1 ). The fort at Nush-i Jan, a Median site in western central Iran ( Fig. 1; c. 750-600 BC) also has a roughly similar plan to Jemmeh Building I (Fig. 11g), yet, the Iranian structure is much more massive (Stronach and Roaf 2007, fig. 4.1). Na'aman (2001, suggested that building techniques, such as 'rib vault- ing', as attested to at Iron II TJ, were brought by deportees from the region of the Iranian plateau, rather than by Neo-Assyrian architects. Rather earlier, at Tell Shekh Hamad in ...
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... structure is much more massive (Stronach and Roaf 2007, fig. 4.1). Na'aman (2001, suggested that building techniques, such as 'rib vault- ing', as attested to at Iron II TJ, were brought by deportees from the region of the Iranian plateau, rather than by Neo-Assyrian architects. Rather earlier, at Tell Shekh Hamad in the Khabur Valley of Syria, ( Fig. 11f; Pucci 2008, 55, figs 2, 3) a structure with at least 12 rooms has a somewhat similar plan (yet larger); it was dated to the 13th and 12th centuries BC (i.e. to the Middle Assyrian period). The lower floor had a brick paving and contained grain sacks and wooden beams, while an archive with hundreds of tablets came from an upper storey. ...
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... Upper Palace was a storeroom (where some wine jars were found) and had a similar plan ( Fig. 11e; Luschan 1893Luschan -1911Frankfort 1970, 283, fig. 33). This was largely complete and measured around 25 × 15 m. Tomb structures from Nimrud ( Fig. 11h; Hussein 2008, 83-90, figs 12-h-12-k) also reveal a some- what similar plan and building techniques (see ...
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... Upper Palace was a storeroom (where some wine jars were found) and had a similar plan ( Fig. 11e; Luschan 1893Luschan -1911Frankfort 1970, 283, fig. 33). This was largely complete and measured around 25 × 15 m. Tomb structures from Nimrud ( Fig. 11h; Hussein 2008, 83-90, figs 12-h-12-k) also reveal a some- what similar plan and building techniques (see ...
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... late Iron Age buildings are made exclusively of mudbrick, which is used for walling, flooring and arch vaulting (and possibly roofing); different bricks and techniques were used for each of these functions. In many cases walls were preserved up to a height of 2 m or more, and comprised 20 or more well preserved courses (Fig. 12). Walls are built exclusively of mud- brick and show several distinctive features. The walls of Buildings I-III rarely exceed 1 m in thickness, including those which seem to be outer walls. Possibly, the stability of the building was based less on the thickness of the walls, than the inner vaulting and the fact that much of the building ...
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... types of bricks were commonly used at the site: rectangular bricks were used in most late Iron Age walls (Fig. 13) and commonly measure 50 × 20 × 14 cm. Square bricks measuring 40 × 40 × 10-12 cm, or greater, were more often used for floors or vaulting (see Figs 14, 15). The rectangular late Iron Age bricks can be distinguished by their clay, which gives them a fine 'chocolate' clay-like 'shiny' appearance, in contrast to the more sandy-grained ...
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... types of bricks were commonly used at the site: rectangular bricks were used in most late Iron Age walls (Fig. 13) and commonly measure 50 × 20 × 14 cm. Square bricks measuring 40 × 40 × 10-12 cm, or greater, were more often used for floors or vaulting (see Figs 14, 15). The rectangular late Iron Age bricks can be distinguished by their clay, which gives them a fine 'chocolate' clay-like 'shiny' appearance, in contrast to the more sandy-grained bricks from earlier periods. ...
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... in various ways: for example as headers. The width of the wall was determined by the length of the brick: one row created a wall 0.5 m thick, wider walls were created by two rows, giving a wall c. 1 m wide. Bricks could also be laid as stretchers with the long side positioned along the wall; in this case at least two rows of bricks were used (Fig. 13). Commonly, a mixture of headers and stretchers was used in walls: in order to strengthen the wall the orientation was changed between courses, and also within a single course (Fig. 12). This arrange- ment was not in common use at contemporary sites in Philistia, but was maintained into the modern period in brick masonry (e.g., Wright ...
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... giving a wall c. 1 m wide. Bricks could also be laid as stretchers with the long side positioned along the wall; in this case at least two rows of bricks were used (Fig. 13). Commonly, a mixture of headers and stretchers was used in walls: in order to strengthen the wall the orientation was changed between courses, and also within a single course (Fig. 12). This arrange- ment was not in common use at contemporary sites in Philistia, but was maintained into the modern period in brick masonry (e.g., Wright 1985, fig. 301; Wright 2005, fig. 156; Van Beek 2007, 266-72). Thus, while these brick-laying methods may not be sourced to Assyrian imperial architecture in particular (see for example ...
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... 13). Commonly, a mixture of headers and stretchers was used in walls: in order to strengthen the wall the orientation was changed between courses, and also within a single course (Fig. 12). This arrange- ment was not in common use at contemporary sites in Philistia, but was maintained into the modern period in brick masonry (e.g., Wright 1985, fig. 301; Wright 2005, fig. 156; Van Beek 2007, 266-72). Thus, while these brick-laying methods may not be sourced to Assyrian imperial architecture in particular (see for example Tell Halaf, e.g., Oppenheim 1950, 137-43), they emphasize at least the professional qualities of the construction workers at ...
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... of headers and stretchers was used in walls: in order to strengthen the wall the orientation was changed between courses, and also within a single course (Fig. 12). This arrange- ment was not in common use at contemporary sites in Philistia, but was maintained into the modern period in brick masonry (e.g., Wright 1985, fig. 301; Wright 2005, fig. 156; Van Beek 2007, 266-72). Thus, while these brick-laying methods may not be sourced to Assyrian imperial architecture in particular (see for example Tell Halaf, e.g., Oppenheim 1950, 137-43), they emphasize at least the professional qualities of the construction workers at ...
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... most outstanding building technique testified in Field IV, Phase 5 and especially in Building I, is mud- brick vaulting, or arch building (Figs 14-19). There may be evidence of brick arches earlier in Phase IV-8 as well, although due to the small exposure of this phase, this cannot be substantiated. ...
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... basic function of the vaults is to carry the weight of the floor in a multi-storeyed building; in addition they were used in doorways. For vaulting special bricks were used that had a narrower side and wedge shape, termed here voussoirs (Figs 16-18). 2 The typical size of these was either 20 × 20 cm (as in Room C, Fig. 14) or rectangu- lar bricks, 50 cm in length (as in Room A , Fig. 15); the narrower side placed on the bottom measured 21 cm while the upper, was wider at 27 cm; their thickness was in the range 12-20 cm. ...
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... cannot be substantiated. The basic function of the vaults is to carry the weight of the floor in a multi-storeyed building; in addition they were used in doorways. For vaulting special bricks were used that had a narrower side and wedge shape, termed here voussoirs (Figs 16-18). 2 The typical size of these was either 20 × 20 cm (as in Room C, Fig. 14) or rectangu- lar bricks, 50 cm in length (as in Room A , Fig. 15); the narrower side placed on the bottom measured 21 cm while the upper, was wider at 27 cm; their thickness was in the range 12-20 cm. The bricks in the centre of the arch were usually wedge-shaped, while those on its sides were rectangular in cross-section. In the ...
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... basic function of the vaults is to carry the weight of the floor in a multi-storeyed building; in addition they were used in doorways. For vaulting special bricks were used that had a narrower side and wedge shape, termed here voussoirs (Figs 16-18). 2 The typical size of these was either 20 × 20 cm (as in Room C, Fig. 14) or rectangu- lar bricks, 50 cm in length (as in Room A , Fig. 15); the narrower side placed on the bottom measured 21 cm while the upper, was wider at 27 cm; their thickness was in the range 12-20 cm. The bricks in the centre of the arch were usually wedge-shaped, while those on its sides were rectangular in cross-section. ...
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... was in the range 12-20 cm. The bricks in the centre of the arch were usually wedge-shaped, while those on its sides were rectangular in cross-section. In the doorways more elongated bricks were used ( Figs 16, 17, 19, termed also 'ribbed bricks'; Van Beek 1987; 2007, 257-59, figs 11.37, 11.46): these were 42-52 cm long, 20 cm wide and 12 cm thick (Fig. 17). The vous- soirs in the vault were closely laid vertically, with a mortar layer of 2-3 cm thickness in between bricks (Fig. 17). The lower layer was often plastered with a thick layer of mud (Fig. ...
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... in cross-section. In the doorways more elongated bricks were used ( Figs 16, 17, 19, termed also 'ribbed bricks'; Van Beek 1987; 2007, 257-59, figs 11.37, 11.46): these were 42-52 cm long, 20 cm wide and 12 cm thick (Fig. 17). The vous- soirs in the vault were closely laid vertically, with a mortar layer of 2-3 cm thickness in between bricks (Fig. 17). The lower layer was often plastered with a thick layer of mud (Fig. ...
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... Figs 16, 17, 19, termed also 'ribbed bricks'; Van Beek 1987; 2007, 257-59, figs 11.37, 11.46): these were 42-52 cm long, 20 cm wide and 12 cm thick (Fig. 17). The vous- soirs in the vault were closely laid vertically, with a mortar layer of 2-3 cm thickness in between bricks (Fig. 17). The lower layer was often plastered with a thick layer of mud (Fig. ...
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... most cases it can be seen that the arch was sprung from within the outer wall of the room (Fig. 14), and not from the floor; this would strengthen its stability. This technique is referred to as the 'pitched-brick' vaulting method (Oates 1973;Van Beek 2007, 345-57, figs 11.36, 11.37), a technique in which the vault bricks are set at an angle inclined to the room's rear wall. So far this technique is only known from Assyrian sites and ...
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... the two cases of the arched doorways or passages laid within the inner walls of Building I (Fig. 19), a somewhat different technique was used: bricks were laid horizontally, with a large key or gap in the top filled with mortar (for comparison from Nimrud see, Mallowan 1966, fig. 360). In the passage between Rooms A-F, two rows of voussoirs measuring 33-38 cm were laid on top of each other (Fig. ...
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... laid within the inner walls of Building I (Fig. 19), a somewhat different technique was used: bricks were laid horizontally, with a large key or gap in the top filled with mortar (for comparison from Nimrud see, Mallowan 1966, fig. 360). In the passage between Rooms A-F, two rows of voussoirs measuring 33-38 cm were laid on top of each other (Fig. ...
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... was either of bricks, pebbles or beaten earth. In Building I the flooring is almost exclusively made of bricks (yet, no fired bricks were identified at TJ). Commonly, thin rectangular bricks were used, laid in several parallel rows (Figs 14, 15), seemingly under- lying the walls above them (Fig. 14); square bricks (40 × 40 × 10-12 cm) were also used in floors, though less often. The bricks were placed rather closely together on the floor (Fig. 15); where cavities occurred these were filled with mortar (Fig. 19). This brick flooring was used in the basement floor as well as in the ground floor in Building I, where they were ...
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... made of bricks (yet, no fired bricks were identified at TJ). Commonly, thin rectangular bricks were used, laid in several parallel rows (Figs 14, 15), seemingly under- lying the walls above them (Fig. 14); square bricks (40 × 40 × 10-12 cm) were also used in floors, though less often. The bricks were placed rather closely together on the floor (Fig. 15); where cavities occurred these were filled with mortar (Fig. 19). This brick flooring was used in the basement floor as well as in the ground floor in Building I, where they were supported completely by the brick vaults (Fig. 15). Some of the flooring bricks are quite similar to those used in Khorsabahd (reflecting a 'Sargonic cubit'; ...
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... thin rectangular bricks were used, laid in several parallel rows (Figs 14, 15), seemingly under- lying the walls above them (Fig. 14); square bricks (40 × 40 × 10-12 cm) were also used in floors, though less often. The bricks were placed rather closely together on the floor (Fig. 15); where cavities occurred these were filled with mortar (Fig. 19). This brick flooring was used in the basement floor as well as in the ground floor in Building I, where they were supported completely by the brick vaults (Fig. 15). Some of the flooring bricks are quite similar to those used in Khorsabahd (reflecting a 'Sargonic cubit'; e.g., Loud and Altman, 1938: pls 83-84), yet the bricks at TJ may ...
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... × 10-12 cm) were also used in floors, though less often. The bricks were placed rather closely together on the floor (Fig. 15); where cavities occurred these were filled with mortar (Fig. 19). This brick flooring was used in the basement floor as well as in the ground floor in Building I, where they were supported completely by the brick vaults (Fig. 15). Some of the flooring bricks are quite similar to those used in Khorsabahd (reflecting a 'Sargonic cubit'; e.g., Loud and Altman, 1938: pls 83-84), yet the bricks at TJ may be less standardized. Plain pebble floors are used in Building II, as well as beaten earth floors, as commonly used in the Levant during the Bronze and Iron Ages. ...
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... cubit'; e.g., Loud and Altman, 1938: pls 83-84), yet the bricks at TJ may be less standardized. Plain pebble floors are used in Building II, as well as beaten earth floors, as commonly used in the Levant during the Bronze and Iron Ages. Three rooms of a vaulted mudbrick complex recal- ling TJ Building I were unearthed in an excavation at Nimrud (Fig. 11h, Hussein 2008, 83-90, figs 12- h-12-k). These were narrow rectangular rooms similar to those at TJ Building I. The structure from Nimrud belonged to a burial complex and was prob- ably somewhat earlier than TJ Phase IV-5, with some inscribed finds dated to Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BC). Similar Neo-Assyrian vaulted tombs were found at Assur ...
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... 11h, Hussein 2008, 83-90, figs 12- h-12-k). These were narrow rectangular rooms similar to those at TJ Building I. The structure from Nimrud belonged to a burial complex and was prob- ably somewhat earlier than TJ Phase IV-5, with some inscribed finds dated to Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BC). Similar Neo-Assyrian vaulted tombs were found at Assur (Hausleiter 1999, fig. 4) and Humaidat near Mosul (Ibrahim 2002). Another possibly similar struc- ture was recorded from Palace F at Khorsabad (Loud and Altman 1938, pl. 75: Rooms 27-31). A large court- yard building from Tell Halaf also illustrates an example of a vaulted (?) basement storey under the main floor (Oppenheim 1950, 203-08, fig. 103), as does a ...
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... at Assur (Hausleiter 1999, fig. 4) and Humaidat near Mosul (Ibrahim 2002). Another possibly similar struc- ture was recorded from Palace F at Khorsabad (Loud and Altman 1938, pl. 75: Rooms 27-31). A large court- yard building from Tell Halaf also illustrates an example of a vaulted (?) basement storey under the main floor (Oppenheim 1950, 203-08, fig. 103), as does a similar construction at Nimrud 'burnt palace' (Mallowan 1966, fig. 187) (see also Loud and Altman 1938, 32-33;Turner 1970, ...
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... possibly similar struc- ture was recorded from Palace F at Khorsabad (Loud and Altman 1938, pl. 75: Rooms 27-31). A large court- yard building from Tell Halaf also illustrates an example of a vaulted (?) basement storey under the main floor (Oppenheim 1950, 203-08, fig. 103), as does a similar construction at Nimrud 'burnt palace' (Mallowan 1966, fig. 187) (see also Loud and Altman 1938, 32-33;Turner 1970, ...
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... two main classes of vessel appear in this group: bowls (Figs 21-23) and beakers (or goblets/ bottles; Fig. 24), both characterized by an everted flaring rim and relatively wide opening and prominent ridges on the body. The bowls can be generally divided into two groups: carinated globular, usually thin- walled bowls (Fig. 21), and thicker shallow open bowls with flatter bases (Figs 22, ...
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... bowls are the most common AS pottery type at TJ (Fig. 21). They have a flaring rim, usually thin or very thin, sharp carination, often with one or two pro- minent ridges (e.g. Fig. 21b, c, i, j, n) -modelled and smoothed on the outer surface of the bowl and located just above the carination (e.g. Fig. 21c). In most cases the carination is roughly at mid-height of the bowl, but some examples ...
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... bowls are the most common AS pottery type at TJ (Fig. 21). They have a flaring rim, usually thin or very thin, sharp carination, often with one or two pro- minent ridges (e.g. Fig. 21b, c, i, j, n) -modelled and smoothed on the outer surface of the bowl and located just above the carination (e.g. Fig. 21c). In most cases the carination is roughly at mid-height of the bowl, but some examples show a higher carination line (Fig. 21n, o). The base when preserved is rounded (Fig. 21d, k) or almost flat (Fig. 21a). The bowls ...
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... bowls are the most common AS pottery type at TJ (Fig. 21). They have a flaring rim, usually thin or very thin, sharp carination, often with one or two pro- minent ridges (e.g. Fig. 21b, c, i, j, n) -modelled and smoothed on the outer surface of the bowl and located just above the carination (e.g. Fig. 21c). In most cases the carination is roughly at mid-height of the bowl, but some examples show a higher carination line (Fig. 21n, o). The base when preserved is rounded (Fig. 21d, k) or almost flat (Fig. 21a). The bowls vary in size and thickness; some are eggshell thick throughout (i.e. thickness around 1 mm, Fig. 21g), or, only near ...
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... rim, usually thin or very thin, sharp carination, often with one or two pro- minent ridges (e.g. Fig. 21b, c, i, j, n) -modelled and smoothed on the outer surface of the bowl and located just above the carination (e.g. Fig. 21c). In most cases the carination is roughly at mid-height of the bowl, but some examples show a higher carination line (Fig. 21n, o). The base when preserved is rounded (Fig. 21d, k) or almost flat (Fig. 21a). The bowls vary in size and thickness; some are eggshell thick throughout (i.e. thickness around 1 mm, Fig. 21g), or, only near the Figure 18 Reconstruction of vaulting supporting a floor in Building I. Figure 19 Completely preserved doorway between Rooms A and ...
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... often with one or two pro- minent ridges (e.g. Fig. 21b, c, i, j, n) -modelled and smoothed on the outer surface of the bowl and located just above the carination (e.g. Fig. 21c). In most cases the carination is roughly at mid-height of the bowl, but some examples show a higher carination line (Fig. 21n, o). The base when preserved is rounded (Fig. 21d, k) or almost flat (Fig. 21a). The bowls vary in size and thickness; some are eggshell thick throughout (i.e. thickness around 1 mm, Fig. 21g), or, only near the Figure 18 Reconstruction of vaulting supporting a floor in Building I. Figure 19 Completely preserved doorway between Rooms A and F in Building ...
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... minent ridges (e.g. Fig. 21b, c, i, j, n) -modelled and smoothed on the outer surface of the bowl and located just above the carination (e.g. Fig. 21c). In most cases the carination is roughly at mid-height of the bowl, but some examples show a higher carination line (Fig. 21n, o). The base when preserved is rounded (Fig. 21d, k) or almost flat (Fig. 21a). The bowls vary in size and thickness; some are eggshell thick throughout (i.e. thickness around 1 mm, Fig. 21g), or, only near the Figure 18 Reconstruction of vaulting supporting a floor in Building I. Figure 19 Completely preserved doorway between Rooms A and F in Building ...
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... above the carination (e.g. Fig. 21c). In most cases the carination is roughly at mid-height of the bowl, but some examples show a higher carination line (Fig. 21n, o). The base when preserved is rounded (Fig. 21d, k) or almost flat (Fig. 21a). The bowls vary in size and thickness; some are eggshell thick throughout (i.e. thickness around 1 mm, Fig. 21g), or, only near the Figure 18 Reconstruction of vaulting supporting a floor in Building I. Figure 19 Completely preserved doorway between Rooms A and F in Building ...
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... bowls vary in size and thickness; some are eggshell thick throughout (i.e. thickness around 1 mm, Fig. 21g), or, only near the Figure 18 Reconstruction of vaulting supporting a floor in Building I. Figure 19 Completely preserved doorway between Rooms A and F in Building I. ...
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... bowls vary in size and thickness; some are eggshell thick throughout (i.e. thickness around 1 mm, Fig. 21g), or, only near the Figure 18 Reconstruction of vaulting supporting a floor in Building I. Figure 19 Completely preserved doorway between Rooms A and F in Building I. ...
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... examples have a diameter of 18-26 cm and a height of 6-8 cm. Many bowls of this type were Figure 20 A collective photo of reconstructed AS pottery from TJ. Figure 21 Assyrian-style pottery from TJ: globular bowls. ...
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... to horizon- tal rim and a more v-shaped body (Figs 22 e-h, 23 a, b); they usually have a delicate ridge under the rim. According to the petrographic analysis (Ben-Shlomo 2014) one of the open bowls (Fig. 23a) is made of non-local clay, and may have been imported from Syria or elsewhere. Similar bowls are documented at Nimrud (see, Gilboa 1996, fig. 3:14). ...
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... Empire during the Late Iron Age Levantusage of Sargonic cubit for the square bricks (KoganZehavi 2007, 83, the same measurements -40 × 40 × 10 cm -as were used at Khorsabad, as well as the square bricks at TJ), brick flooring and the general reconstructed plan of a large courtyard surrounded by elongated rooms (Kogan-Zehavi 2007, 79-85, fig. 12). However, Assyrian-style pottery was only found in small quantities. Of course, only a small part of the Assyrian structure north of Tel Ashdod has yet been excavated. The erection of this Assyrian centre was probably connected with the subduing of the Yamani revolt at Ashdod by Sargon II, and should be seen in the context of the ...
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... further examples come, however, from terri- tories of vassal kingdoms on the southern edge of the empire, Philistia and Edom, as at Ruqeish (Oren 1993a, phases II-III), Tell Abu Salima ( Petrie and Ellis 1937;Reich 1992, 221, fig. 17; Stern 2003, 223), Balakhiyah (at Gaza) (Humbert and Sadeq 2000, 105-20), Tel Sera (Oren 1993b), Tel Haror (Oren 1993c), possibly Rishon Le-Zion ( Levy et al. 2004; also with a podium) and Busayrah (Bennet 1982;Bienkowski 2002). A fort at coastal Tell Qudadi, on the Yarkon River, was also suggested as Neo- Assyrian (Fantalkin and Tal ...
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... to the Canaanite god Ba'al: 'for Ba'al and for Padi' (Zukerman 2011, 469;Gitin 2012, 232). The use of the Assyrian palace-type plan at Philistine Ekron, and possibly at TJ, may have had a similar inspiration, and could have also been used as a power symbol. A name list mentioning both Semitic and non-Semitic (Aegean?) personal names (see above, Fig. 10f; Naveh 1985) may indicate that the Philistine element was still identifiable in the later part of the Iron Age. Similar, contemporary evidence of the use of non- Semitic names in Iron II Philistia comes from ostraca from Ashdod, Ashkelon, Tell es-Safi/ Gath (Naveh 1985;Maeir et al. 2008;Zukerman 2011), and the royal inscription of Tel ...
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... architectural plans at TJ do not clearly resemble palatial or imperial Assyrian architecture (as does the architecture of the Ashdod-Ad Halom site, for example); there is no evidence of a brick podium. The plan of Building I is somewhat similar to Assyrian tomb structures, rather than to administrative centres (Fig. 11), while the plan of Building II is unclear. No administrative documents, seals, sealings or other objects that might indicate that Assyrian bureaucratic activities took place on the site have been recovered, although major administrative build- ings may, of course, be located in nearby unexcavated areas. Furthermore, the locally-made AS ...
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This article proposes and tests a novel interdisciplinary method for reconstructing the ancient humans' environment by using plant imprints on pottery. Sherds with plant imprints may provide a valuable source for reconstructing certain components of the ancient vegetation, and the imprints may represent a link to the potter's immediate environment,...
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... At the same time, both Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II documented their investment in the region, which included the establishment of trade stations and the elevation of local tribal leaders as imperial agents, while Sargon II settled people in the region that had been dislocated from the Zagros (Naʾaman and Zadok 1988). Against this background, scholars attributed the founding of new settlements, erection of forts, and rebuilding of towns to the Assyrians and their proxies (Naʾaman 2004;Ben-Shlomo 2014;Thareani 2016a;Fantalkin 2018). Following that, the location of most colonial possessions is telling, suggesting that the strategic and economic importance of the region of Gaza as gleaned from the Assyrian sources might be the reason for building projects and rearranging infrastructure in the lands ruled directly by the empire. ...
Assyria has a special place in the history of ancient Israel, conventionally known as the vanquisher of the Kingdom of Israel and the subjugator of the Kingdom of Judah, initiating an imperial era that would end only with the rise of the Hasmonean state. The rapid and brutal conquest of the southern Levant during the 730s and 720s BCE brought the destruction of the major southern Levantine polities and the eradication of their local social landscape by large-scale atrocities and the deportation of communities. Imperial administrators and soldiers governed the depleted conquered territories. They monitored the subjugated rulers of the remaining polities, who were forcefully integrated into the empire, obliged to send their best belongings as tribute and their best of men as labor or soldiers. While this image is justified, it is only one, albeit major, aspect of the multifaceted Assyrian–southern Levantine interaction. In the mid-9th century BCE, indirect Assyrian impact is seen in their expansionist policy that forced the Israelite kings to strengthen their military abilities and form alliances with northern peers. By the early 8th century, the main impact of Assyria was the weakening of Damascus, which allowed Israel to become the leading polity in the southern Levant for several decades even though Israelite kings had to pay tribute to Assyria once or twice. Assyria’s conquest of the southern Levant during the late 8th century led to the subjugation of the Kingdom of Judah and its neighbors and their integration within the imperial sphere. In this context, the southern Levantine elites were attracted to the empire (but also resisted it) and were exposed to non-local objects and ideas that they appropriated and entangled with their way of living. In the end, a century of Assyrian colonialism completely altered the southern Levant—politically, demographically, and culturally—and nothing looked the same when the empire rapidly collapsed in the late 7th century BCE. In what follows, I review the impact the Assyrian conquest had on the inhabitants of Israel and Judah and the significance of the encounters between the locals and the Assyrian courts and the latter’s agents. I begin with a short historical synopsis followed by four topics: the structure of the Assyrian Empire in the southern Levant, the impact of the deportations on the local social landscape, the Assyrian economic involvement in subjugated polities, and the colonial encounters and the appropriation of Assyrian ideas by the locals.
Although Gaza was among the largest and most important cities of the southern Levant, it has played a relatively minor role in recent reassessments of the reoccupation of the Palestinian coast and its administration in the Persian period. The widely-held scholarly view that Gaza fell outside of direct Achaemenid control, in a coastal zone conceded to a confederation of Arabian tribes ruled by the king of Qedar, is a primary factor in according it a separate status from the other cities of Philistia. This article argues that the sources do not support the notion that Gaza and its environs belonged to an Arabian district. Rather, Gaza, like the other coastal cities of Philistia, seems to have been redeveloped in the late sixth century BCE by Phoenician agents, likely from Tyre. While Gaza held a distinct position as the main outlet of Arabian and Egyptian trade, it was culturally and economically oriented around the wider Phoenician maritime network and integrated into a dense network of Achaemenid military and administrative infrastructure in the region. In the early fourth century BCE, however, the loss of Egypt and the eclipse of the Qedarites fundamentally transformed the nature of Achaemenid authority in the region. Gaza may have been lost during much or all of this period, and the Achaemenid response is visible across this border region. Nevertheless, Gaza retained its central commercial position across these disturbances.
One of the most interesting contexts investigated so far at Carthage is the so-called Chapelle Cintas, located within the area of the Tophet sanctuary, which comprises some scant architectural remains and two mostly ceramic assemblages. However, the relationship between this evidence and the sacred area has often been questioned, along with other issues such as the chronology and interpretation of the architecture and the finds. After exploring the archaeological data, I argue that the newcomers to Carthage deliberately chose to found this sanctuary in an area where previous architectural remains and other evidence were still visible, according to a pattern also known from the Tophets at Sulky, Motya and Tharros. On this occasion, and again later, special rituals were performed in this part of the sanctuary, where some cult instruments were also buried. This low mound not only emerges as an appropriate space to emphasize a connection with the ancestors and the homeland, but also to negotiate and build the identity of the community and its newcomers.
During the first millennium BCE, extensive trade networks linked the South Arabian and Mediterranean worlds. While these trade networks are well known for their transport of highly lucrative materials, these connections afforded myriad economic and diplomatic opportunities for the intermediaries located along its routes, and held significant bearing on the political economies of southern Levantine kingdoms. While the wealth and opportunity afforded by the Arabian trade to these kingdoms are frequently invoked—particularly in relation to Edom—such references, and related discussions of the Arabian trade, are often restricted in their chronological scope and reliant on limited data. Recent scholarship on Edom, however, has substantially contributed to a more detailed understanding of settlement trajectories and shifts in sociopolitical organization, which, combined with recent archaeological research on varied aspects of the Arabian trade, necessitate an expanded synthesis of the trajectory of this trade and its relation to Edom. This work thus presents first an outline of the diachronic trajectory of the Arabian trade in relation to the southern Levant using textual and material culture data, and second, analyzes it within the context of sociopolitical developments in the late Iron Age kingdom of Edom. Ultimately, this work argues for a close association between the flourishing of long-distance trade in the southern Levant and the presence of sedentary sociopolitical complexity in southern Transjordan, as evident in the kingdoms of Edom and later Nabataea.
The 7th century in the southern Levant is characterized by Assyrian rule and subsequent Egyptian domination. Despite the relatively violent nature of this century, and abundant historical documentation, occupations both in the southern Levant and Lebanon are dated with low resolution. This deficiency was mainly created by a lack of destruction layers within this century, resulting in a dearth of chronological anchors for ceramic developments. At Tel Shiqmona, a unique purple-production centre that had been frequently destroyed, an unparalleled sequence of five layers of late Iron Age destructions/abandonments has been preserved, spanning a little over 100 years. These enable the definition of detailed typological developments of Phoenician transport jars. Being a widely distributed commercial vessel, exhibiting frequent typological changes and originating from a limited number of workshops, these jars constitute the best chronological index yet for the late Iron Age Levant. This paper presents the Tel Shiqmona sequence, outlines the typological development of the jars and explains their chronological designations. The benefits of defining archaeological sub-divisions within the 7th century BCE are highlighted by two examples: the chronology of Tyre; and settlement/geopolitical dynamics in the Assyrian province of Megiddo. It is argued that this chronological tool can be applied broadly around the Mediterranean.
Recent studies of cultural interaction in the Assyrian empire have focused on the process of assimilation and the production of alterity. In this article, I argue that Assyrian royal rhetoric goes beyond emphasizing simple difference, instead using depictions of cultural diversity to demonstrate the truly universal nature of the empire. I elucidate this rhetoric by comparison the world fairs of the 19th and early 20th-centuries. These fairs advanced European imperialism by allowing visitors to explore the vast extent of empire. I argue that the enumeration of exotic tribute in Assyrian texts and the iconographic depiction of foreigners on reliefs similarly served to concretize Assyrian power. Unlike modern European empires, however, Assyrians did not consider ethnicity to be constitutive of citizenship. Thus, while the Assyrian approach to diversity was certainly instrumentalizing, it was also inclusive of cultural difference. In this respect, the Assyrian understanding of human diversity shares much in common with the way the empire treated other types of difference, ranging from topographic variation to biodiversity. From the imperial vantage point, each of these elements had the potential to be tamed in a way that highlighted the control of the king over the four quarters of the world.
