Figure 1 - uploaded by James Nichol
Content may be subject to copyright.
Map of South Ossetia
Source publication
In the early 1990s, Georgia and its breakaway South Ossetia region had agreed to a Russian-mediated ceasefire that provided for Russian -peacekeepers" to be stationed in the region. Moscow extended citizenship and passports to most ethnic Ossetians. Simmering long-time tensions escalated on the evening of August 7, 2008, when South Ossetia and Geor...
Citations
... strefach buforowych, w sąsiedztwie Osetii Południowej i Abchazji, wprowadzono misję monitoringową UE. Wbrew ustaleniom wojska rosyjskie kontynuowały jednak swoją działalność i przesuwały się w głąb terytorium Gruzji (Nichol, 2009). wojskowymi kontrahentami, aby szkolili różnego rodzaju specjalne jednostki wojskowe. ...
Th is article examines drone usage by Russia and Georgia in Five-Day War during 2008. Rapidly increasing the use of lethal drones profoundly shapes the ability of various countries and armed groups to wage war. Th is could have serious consequences for regional security. Th e rapidly increasing use of drones and robots as well as data-driven military analysis are likely to have a signifi cant impact on the future of hostilities in military operations. In this article, the authors want to answer the most important questions related to this fi ve-day war: what were the causes of Russo-Georgian war, who started this war, who were the winners of this war and who lost it, who helped to end this war. Authors emphasize that the war showed weaknesses in NATO and EU security systems, as they did not react eff ectively to the forced border change and Russia's territory occupation of an independent state. Th e war also showed cracks in Europe between Western powers that wanted to maintain good relations with Russia and Eastern European Countries at the same time.
... strefach buforowych, w sąsiedztwie Osetii Południowej i Abchazji, wprowadzono misję monitoringową UE. Wbrew ustaleniom wojska rosyjskie kontynuowały jednak swoją działalność i przesuwały się w głąb terytorium Gruzji (Nichol, 2009). wojskowymi kontrahentami, aby szkolili różnego rodzaju specjalne jednostki wojskowe. ...
This article examines drone usage by Russia and Georgia in Five-Day War during 2008. Rapidly increasing the use of lethal drones profoundly shapes the ability of various countries and armed groups to wage war. This could have serious consequences for regional security. The rapidly increasing use of drones and robots as well as data-driven military analysis are likely to have a significant impact on the future of hostilities in military operations. In this article, the authors want to answer the most important questions related to this five-day war: what were the causes of Russo-Georgian war, who started this war, who were the winners of this war and who lost it, who helped to end this war. Authors emphasize that the war showed weaknesses in NATO and EU security systems, as they did not react effectively to the forced border change and Russia’s territory occupation of an independent state. The war also showed cracks in Europe between Western powers that wanted to maintain good relations with Russia and Eastern European Countries at the same time.
... Otro detonante del conflicto fue la invasión de territorio aéreo por parte de cuatro aviones militares rusos sobre Osetia, lo que llevó al recrudecimiento del ambiente hostil en la frontera, causando altercados militares entre ambos bandos (Nichol, 2009). El presidente ruso Dmitri Medvédev, ante estas acciones mencionó que "no permitiremos que nuestros compatriotas sean asesinados con impunidad. ...
Gracias a los avances teóricos y a la apertura de las Relaciones Internacionales a diferentes enfoques sociales y lingüísticos se ha logrado ampliar el espectro al momento de identificar problemáticas y asuntos de una investigación, una de estas ventajas es la de poder analizar los discursos de diferentes dirigentes políticos e instituciones estatales para poder vislumbrar su entramado de conceptos, significados e ideas referentes a un tema. En este trabajo lo que se pretende es, por medio del análisis del discurso entender la manera en que se entiende la seguridad que evoca Estados Unidos y Rusia, para así poder tener mayor información a la hora de analizar las acciones que responden en nombre de la “Responsabilidad de proteger”.
... Gürcistan'ın sahip olduğu bu stratejik avantaj aynı zamanda Gürcistan'ın kırılgan siyasi yapısını, doğal gaz projelerinde devre dışı bırakılan ülkelerin hedefi haline getirmiştir. Ağustos 2008'de İran'a nazaran Gürcistan üzerindeki etkisi daha yoğun olan ve bölgedeki batı yanlısı eğilimleri daha ciddi bir tehlike olarak gören Rusya'nın, Gürcistan'ın Güney Osetya ve Abhazya'da yaşanan etnik çatışmalara müdahil olmasını, bu bağlamda yorumlayan çalışmalar mevcuttur (Nichol, 2009), (Skarbo & Petre, 2008), (BBC News, 2008). ...
Breaking down the natural gas export monopoly of Russia against to the European countries is one the very challenging issues of European authorities in the past thirty years. Despite the introduction of the Norwegian and Algerian gas to the European market in recent years, European countries are still in search of the alternative gas exporter countries to meet their increasing gas consumption. When the expectations of European countries were combined with the relative stabilization of political structure in both South Eastern European and Caucasian countries, the alternative Eurasian natural gas pipeline projects came to the European agenda gradually. In this study, it will be analyzed that both the economic and political situation of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia in terms of their participation to the ongoing Eurasian natural gas projects that plans to deliver natural gas resources of the Caspian Basin to Europe. Within this context, after the brief introduction to explain what those Eurasian natural gas projects are, it will be given information, analyzed and discussed that the current positions of the Caucasian countries against these projects. It is important that the evaluation of the Eurasian Natural Gas Pipeline Projects in the case of the Caucasian countries makes the final step more reliable which will strengthen the economic integration and regional cooperation of Caucasian countries.
... In the case of Russia the fault was provoking it and clearly overreacting while Georgia should be blamed for launching the attack on the rebel provinces and thus initiating the war (Independent International Fact-Finding Mission, 2009). Although both sides have been trying to take advantage of the report's conclusions David Kabadze and Marina Vashakmadze, analyzing the conflict for the Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), note that the world news headlines accompanying the report have usually highlighted the Georgia's fault, thus contributing to Moscow's victory in the Russian-Georgian propaganda struggle following the warfare (Kabadze & Vashakmadze, 2009; Nichol, 2009). The president Saakashvili's role in initiating the warfare is not disputable as it is not the overreacting scale of the Russian intervention that did not stop in the rebel Abkhazia and South Ossetia and struck the ethnic Georgian territory. ...
... Kremlin has also declared plans to build new military bases there, including the naval base in the Abkhazian port of Ochamchire which may be crucial for the Russian interests on the area of Black Sea. Although the provinces differ slightly in the visions of their " independence " , with more hesitant Abkhazian attitude towards the unification with Russia (Nichol, 2009), it seems clear that the political existence and security of both depends directly on support and protection from Moscow. The Georgian crisis has at the same time sharpened the " battle " over the Caspian oil and gas transit, including the rivalry between the Nabucco and South Stream pipeline projects. ...
This article considers the implications of the Russo-Georgian conflict for the foreign policy of Russia, focusing on two important issues – the challenges that Moscow is going to face on the area of the Commonwealth of Independent States as well as the Russian relations with the West. Considering the consequences of the Russian intervention in Georgia for the Kremlin's policy on the CIS area the analysis points out the resistance of the Commonwealth's members as well as new challenges Russia is going to face together with the growing activity of other regional powers, including China and Beijing's interests on the area. The article refers at the same time to the Western problems with a cohesive response to the policy of Russia and determinants of post-war Russia's relations with the European Union and the United States, including determinants and prospects of the Western-Russian normalization.
Spor unsuru içerisinde olimpiyatlar hem maddi hem de manevi kazançları yönüyle tüm ülkeler için önemli bir yer tutmaktadır. Ülkeler olimpiyatlarda madalya kazanma yarışının yanı sıra olimpiyatlara ev sahipliği yapma yönünde de bir yarış içerisinde olabilmektedir. Dünya üzerindeki olumlu veya olumsuz gelişmeler birçok unsura yansıyabileceği gibi olimpiyatlara da yansıyabilmektedir. Çin’in Pekin şehrinde 4-20 Şubat 2022 tarihinde yapılan Kış Olimpiyatları’ndan kısa bir süre sonra Rusya-Ukrayna arasında 24 Şubat 2022 tarihinde başlayan savaşın birçok etkisi olduğu düşünülmektedir. Çin, Rusya tarafından başlatılan savaşın Pekin 2022 Kış Olimpiyatları gölge de bırakmaması adına bazı talepleri olduğu düşünülmektedir. Bu kapsamda araştırmanın amacını Pekin 2022 Kış Olimpiyatlarının Rusya-Ukrayna savaşının başlangıç tarihine etkisinin incelenmesi oluşturmaktadır. Bu araştırma modelini nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden doküman incelemesi oluşturmaktadır. Araştırma kapsamında Türkiye, Amerika, Rusya, Almanya, Ukrayna, Fransa, İngiltere, Çin ve Diğer ülkelerin ulusal yayın yapan internet haber sitelerindeki yazılı ve video haber yayınları incelenmiştir. Araştırma grubundaki yayınlar “Rusya-Ukrayna Savaşı Pekin Olimpiyatları” ve “Rusya-Ukrayna Savaşı Çin Etkisi” anahtar kelimeleri ülkelere özgü dillerde taranmıştır. Araştırma kapsamında farklı ülkelere ait 205 yazılı haber ve 603 dakika video haber incelenmiştir. Araştırma verilerini oluşturan İnternet haber sitelerindeki yayınlar nitel veri analiz tekniklerinden biri olan içerik analizi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Ayrıca Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin 6 Aralık 2021 tarihinde Pekin 2022 Kış Olimpiyatlarını diplomatik olarak boykot edeceğini açıklamasından Rusya ve Ukrayna Savaşının başladığı 24 Şubat 2022 tarihine kadar olan süreçteki Çin ve Rusya liderlerinin konuşmaları incelenmiştir. Araştırma kapsamında liderlere ait toplamda 254,26 dakikalık 14 farklı konuşma incelenmiştir. Araştırma verilerinin analizinde frekans, yüzde ve oran belirlemek için Spss 28.0 paket programı kullanılmıştır. Araştırma sonucunda Çin, Rusya-Ukrayna arasında çıkan savaşın başlangıç tarihini Pekin 2022 Kış Olimpiyatları gerekçesiyle ertelenmesi için diplomatik girişimlerinin olduğunu belirten farklı ülkelere ait içerikler tespit edilmiştir. Ayrıca bu olayda uluslararası ilişkiler yönünden spor unsuru bir güç olarak kullanıldığı ve etkisinin olduğu düşünülmektedir.
This article deals with the issues associated with missing persons in Georgia, which are deeply interrelated with the conflicts over the disputed territories of Abkhazia since 1992 and South Ossetia from 1991. The article examines the historical, democratic, and human rights context of these issues in Georgia to understand the situation in the country and its effects on how the missing are dealt with. The article deals with the various processes that are working on the missing. The legislation concerning missing persons in Georgia is reviewed and found to be scattered, incomplete and in need of reform. The article also recommends that Georgia allocate more resources to its efforts and better assist the families of the missing. It is also recommended that a Families’ Needs Assessment be carried out and that an Office of Missing Persons be established.
Historically, U.S.-Russian relations include some 200 years since the two countries first shared multifaceted diplomatic relations. As global dynamics changed, Russia and the U.S. started competing for political, ideological, and economic influence. They also cooperated when facing challenges that represented a threat to their national interests. Many of the Western and European governments perceived the 1991 breakup of the Soviet Union to be the end of the Cold War. Many in the Washington establishment thought the Cold War ended and the U.S. won. Time and reality has proved otherwise. U.S.-Russian relations embarked on new dimensions, both bilaterally and multilaterally. The mistrust that has continued to the present threatens to thrust the relationship into even more geopolitical competition in the regions of Middle East, Latin America, Europe, and Africa.
Independence or unification with Russia? That is a question that is constantly present in the South Ossetian public space. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, two referendums have been held in South Ossetia on the issue of state sovereignty (in 1992 and 2006). Since 2015, many proclamations have been made by South Ossetian politicians about preparations for another referendum on the subject. In the case of South Ossetia, what one would think as dichotomous ideas – independence and unification with Russia – are in fact overlapping concepts. The aim of this paper is to contribute to a closer understanding of the puzzling current reality in South Ossetia in terms of the debate on unification versus independence. On the one hand, South Ossetia seeks independence, but on the other, it is constantly seeking to join Russia. The second goal of the paper is to identify the factors, which underlie the South Ossetian discourse supporting the idea of unification with the Russian Federation. As a result of the analysis, the author concludes that the issue of security and the idea of a divided nation play a crucial role in this discourse. These topics frequently appear in the statements of the South Ossetian political elite as the main arguments in favour of accession to Russia. In addition, there are several other important variables, which can explain this prevailing South Ossetian narrative: the lack of human and natural resources for a viable state, the fatigue of the South Ossetian population in the face of the incompetence of local elites, and their aspiration for Russian centralisation. Finally, because a fuzzy independence narrative has also been documented in other de facto states, the author seeks an answer to a more general question: Why does this overlap in the narrative of independence versus unification arise in de facto states?
