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Male population: Gap in the probability of being employed and avoiding the unskilled working class in the pre-and post-economic crisis period (linear probability models, beta coefficients).
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There are two models of inclusion of recent immigrants in Western Europe. In the Continental model immigrants are penalized in terms of both probabilities of being employed and job quality. In the Mediterranean one there is a stronger trade-off between a limited risk of unemployment and a lower job quality. Did the recession foster a convergence or...
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... women (Figure 4), by contrast, the stability scenario has much empirical sup- port, since in this case the Southern and the Continental clusters are clearly visible and differentiated even in the post-crisis period: on one hand, the four Mediterranean coun- tries are included in the trade-off type, while on the other hand all the Northern and Continental countries are clustered in the double penalty type. ...
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... However, once employed, migrants in Central-Northern Europe face a lower penalty in terms of job quality than the one faced by immigrants living in Mediterranean countries. This double penalty model of inclusion (Panichella, 2018) can be only partially extended to a liberal country like the United Kingdom. Indeed, in the United Kingdom, the labor market is characterized by flexible regulation, weak industrial relations, and market-based social insurance, making the inclusion of immigrants peculiar, with lower unemployment levels than in other Central and Northern European countries (Kogan, 2007). ...
This article presents a comprehensive investigation into the socioeconomic integration of migrants across 12 Western European countries, considering their likelihood of employment and socioeconomic status. Using the data from the European Social Survey, the study employs linear regression and probit models to achieve two aims: (a) to quantify the penalty for male and female migrants in terms of employment and socioeconomic status attainment; (b) to assess how the ethnic penalty for men and women changes based on their education and social background of origin. Results reveal that male and female migrants face a penalty in most countries under consideration, albeit with varying degrees of magnitude and characteristics. Migrants in Southern European countries exhibit a trade-off between employment and socioeconomic status attainment, while those in Central-Northern Europe experience a double penalty on both outcomes. Moreover, it emerges that the ethnic penalty in labor market attainment is more heterogeneous across migrants with different educational levels than with different social classes of origin: migrants’ social background of origin affects to a lesser extent their labor market outcomes, if compared with their human capital. Migrants with high education and social origin suffer the largest penalty, due to hurdles in leveraging their educational qualifications and social position. This pattern is particularly evident in Southern Europe, where the socioeconomic integration of migrant workers is characterized by a leveling-down process, pushing them into the lowest strata of the occupational hierarchy regardless of their education and social background.
... Second, our research contributes to previous literature on the extent to which immigrants and natives are affected by economic shocks, which has documented the greater vulnerability of immigrants in past crises (e.g. Dustmann et al. 2010;Bratsberg et al. 2014;Panichella 2018). Therefore, it deepens our understanding of the dynamics of immigrant-native inequality in terms of the vulnerability to economic downturns. ...
... Seppur con qualche diversità, il modello italiano del trade-off vale sia per gli uomini sia per le donne immigrate, le quali sono spesso occupate nel settore dell'assistenza domestica e della cura degli anziani anche quando hanno una buona istruzione (Ballarino e Panichella 2018). Inoltre, esso ha dimostrato di essere poco permeabile agli eventi esogeni, resistendo agli impatti della crisi economica del 2008 (Ambrosini e Panichella 2016;Panichella 2018;Fellini 2018) e alle recenti sfide poste dalla pandemia (Ambrosini 2020;Avola et al. 2023). Un ulteriore tratto distintivo del modello italiano di inclusione riguarda il lavoro autonomo a medio-bassa qualificazione, che rappresenta la principale opportunità di progresso professionale per gli immigrati (Reyneri 2017). ...
... La segregazione settoriale e il compromesso tra occupazione e qualità del lavoro L'inserimento occupazionale dei lavoratori stranieri in Italia può essere analizzato attraverso le lenti SINAPPSI | Connessioni tra ricerca e politiche pubbliche | Anno XIV n. 1/2024 | Rivista quadrimestrale dell'INAPP di una peculiare dicotomia tra buone possibilità lavorative e bassa qualità del lavoro . Gli immigrati, in effetti, presentano un rischio di disoccupazione relativamente contenuto, sebbene a partire dal 2015 si sia registrato un peggioramento, soprattutto tra le donne (Panichella 2018). Nel periodo compreso tra il 2009 e il 2020, i tassi di occupazione, disoccupazione e inattività degli immigrati sono simili a quelli degli italiani. ...
... Mentre le caratteristiche del modello italiano di inclusione sono state oggetto di numerosi studi (Cantalini 2023;Fullin 2014;Panichella 2018) 5 , sono meno diffusi gli studi che hanno analizzato le differenze territoriali, specialmente tra il Centro-Nord e il Mezzogiorno (Avola 2015;Cantalini et al. 2022). La maggioranza degli immigrati risiede nelle regioni del Centro-Nord, con picchi in Emilia-Romagna e Lombardia, dove costituiscono circa il 20% della popolazione residente. ...
Il modello di inclusione dei migranti nei mercati del lavoro in Italia è caratterizzato da un compromesso, o trade-off, tra una bassa penalizzazione etnica nella possibilità di essere occupati e un’elevata penalizzazione per quanto riguarda la qualità del lavoro. Utilizzando i dati dell’Indagine sulle Forze di lavoro italiane (2009-2020), questo studio descrive il modello di inclusione dei lavoratori stranieri a livello regionale, evidenziando le variazioni nei percorsi occupazionali dei lavoratori stranieri.
... These studies have emphasized how the migrant penalty is moderated by the macro-institutional context, considering the role of some key features at the national or supra-national level (welfare regime, model of capitalism, labor market regulation, migration or immigrants' integration policies, occupational structure). Particularly, these studies highlight a distinction between the double penalty model and the trade-off model of migrants' labor market integration (Panichella, 2018): in Central-Northern Europe, migrants face a double penalty with respect to natives in terms of employment and job quality; in Southern Europe, natives and migrants have similar chances to be employed, but the latter are strongly penalized in terms of getting a high-skilled job. This macro-level perspective overlooks the fact that, within the same country, different patterns of immigrants' labor market insertion and penalty at the local or meso-level may coexist (Avola, 2015;Cantalini et al., 2022). ...
... First of all, a research project focusing on the migrant penalty in six countries shows that in Italy and Spain the probability of being employed (or of avoiding the risk of unemployment) is not very different between immigrants and natives, but the former are much more penalized in terms of access to high-skilled occupations; at the same time, in Denmark and the Netherlands immigrants suffer a greater risk of unemployment but a relatively small penalty in terms of the quality of the job, while Germany and the UK are in an intermediate position (Zorlu and Hartog, 2008;Demireva, 2011;Reyneri and Fullin, 2011b). These findings are almost entirely confirmed by studies considering separately men (Ballarino and Panichella, 2015) and women (Ballarino and Panichella, 2018) or expanding the number of countries considered (Panichella, 2018). To sum up, in Central-Northern European countries the migrant penalty concerns both the probability of being employed (or avoiding unemployment) and the access to high-skilled jobs (double penalty model), while in Southern Europe, characterized by less qualified and more segmented labor markets, natives and immigrants have similar chances of being employed but remarkably diverging probabilities of getting a good job (tradeoff model). ...
This study aims to verify if and how migrant penalty in the labor market is associated with sub-national characteristics, exploring the relevance of the regional occupational structure. We expect that a greater relevance of the share of low-status jobs at the regional level reduces the migrant penalty in terms of the probability of being employed, but increases the gap with natives in terms of job quality. We investigate this trade-off by estimating a set of hierarchical models on the EU-LFS data (2009–2015) for 19 countries and 189 regions. Results suggest a pattern consistent with the trade-off hypothesis, nuanced by heterogeneity at the individual level: in regions where the share of low-status jobs is higher, mid-high educated immigrants from less developed countries are less (or not) penalized compared to natives in terms of employment, while they face a stronger penalty in terms of job quality. What is more, the trade-off is not observed when considering low-educated migrants or those from high-income countries
... Italy is included in this model, having the following characteristics: a 'non-migration policy', based on the issuing of frequent emergency measures (Ambrosini, 2018); the widespread presence of institutions that facilitate the orientation and social-occupational integration of migrants (Ambrosini, 2019;Basso, 2004;Mottura et al., 2010); migrants' limited access to social policies; the presence of both migrants' occupational integration and native unemployment, especially in the south of the country; the coexistence of new migrant arrivals with the internal and international emigration of the native population (Pugliese, 2011); the initial entry of migrants into the informal economy, in both seasonal agricultural work and the low-skilled tertiary sector; the trade-off between low penalisation, compared to native workers in accessing work and high penalisation in terms of work quality (Panichella, 2018;Reyneri & Fullin, 2011); and the role assumed by migrants in the area of (domestic) care work (Della Puppa, 2012;Ribas-Mateos, 2004;Sciortino, 2004) within a persistent 'family' or 'Mediterranean' welfare regime (Esping-Andersen, 1995). ...
The cultivation of apples is one of the principal economic activities in Trentino, which is responsible for 25% of Italian apple production and 4% of European apple production. The industry is structurally based on migrant work, especially from Eastern European countries in the EU. This model has come up against obstacles due to EU migrant workers redrawing their trajectories: They now tend to remain in their country of origin or move towards central European countries, where they find better wages and working conditions. This is also due to the inadequacy of Italian migration policies, which make it difficult for employers to recruit migrant workers. As a result, employers started to recruit refugees and asylum seekers from countries in the sub‐Saharan and Indian subcontinent who had recently arrived in Trentino. This article analyses these transformations and the trend of ‘refugeeisation’ process of the agricultural workforce, as well as the partial replacement of seasonal workers in Trentino. It then focuses on the impact of the pandemic on international recruitment and on the organisation of the migrant workforce.
... European comparative studies show remarkable cross-country heterogeneity in the magnitude and characteristics of the ethnic penalty, identifying two main models of inclusion of immigrants in the European labour markets (Kogan 2006;Reyneri and Fullin 2011;Panichella 2018a). The first model characterises Mediterranean countries, where foreign workers have similar employment and unemployment rates as the native population but are concentrated in unskilled, nonstandard, and poorly rewarded job positions in the secondary labour market (Reyneri and Fullin 2011). ...
Background: The European model of integration of recent immigrants is characterised by a trade-off between employment and job quality, which takes different forms in Southern and Continental Europe. In Mediterranean countries, migrants have similar employment opportunities as natives, but they have high risks of entering the lowest strata of the occupational structure. In Continental Europe the trade-off is reversed: Migrants have lower employment opportunities, but once employed, they face a lower penalisation in terms of job quality than the one faced by immigrants living in Southern Europe. Objective: This work focuses on the regional heterogeneity of the model of inclusion of recent immigrants in the European labour markets, analysing how migrant-native gaps in wages and in the probability of (dependent) employment change across areas of the same country. Is the trade-off between employment and job quality confirmed when regional differences are considered? Are there gender differences in the models of inclusion? Methods: We used European Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS, 2009-2016) data and applied probit models with sample selection, estimated separately by region and gender. Results: Results show substantial regional heterogeneity in the ethnic penalties in Germany and in Southern Europe, especially in Greece and Italy. Moreover, when regional differences within countries were considered, the trade-off model of inclusion was confirmed only among men, while immigrant women's model of inclusion turned out to be more mixed, with some European areas conforming to a 'double-penalty' model, whereas other areas showed patterns of immigrant disadvantage in line with an 'integration' model. Contribution: This work extends the literature by studying differences in the ethnic penalties at the regional level, focusing on both (dependent) employment probability and wage - an alternative indicator of migrants' economic integration. Our results also suggest the importance of taking gender differences into account.
... There is also consistent comparative literature analysing how the EP is moderated by the macro-institutional context, considering the role of some key features at the national level, as for instance welfare regime, labor regulation and policies, labor market structure, etc. (Avola, Piccitto, and Vegetti, 2019;Fleischmann and Dronkers, 2010;Kogan, 2007Kogan, , 2016Platt, Polavieja, and Radl, 2021;Reyneri and Fullin, 2011). Comparative empirical studies identify two main models of inclusion of immigrants in the European labor markets, which are characterized by different trade-off between employment and job quality (Ballarino and Panichella, 2015;Panichella, 2018;Kogan, 2006;Reyneri and Fullin, 2011). The first characterises Southern European countries, where foreign workers have similar employment and unemployment rates than the native population, but they are concentrated in unskilled, non-standard, and poorly rewarded job positions in the secondary labor market (Bernardi, Garrido, and Miyar, 2011;Fellini and Guetto, 2019;Reyneri and Fullin, 2011). ...
This article analyzes the socio-economic integration of migrants in 12 Western European countries, considering the probability of being employed and the socio-economic status. Analyses are based on the European Social Survey (ESS), by means of a set of OLS and probit regression models. The aim is twofold: a) to quantify migrants’ penalty net of education and social origin; b) to estimate to what extent the ethnic penalty changes by education and social background of origin. Results confirm that male and female migrants are penalized in all countries, and the cross-country variation of themagnitude of migrants’ penalty is coherent with the European models of inclusion of foreign workers. Moreover, the EP is higher among the highly educated, especially in Southern Europe, while it does not vary when considering migrants with different socialbackgrounds.
... At the same time, however, immigrants experience the highest level of segregation in unskilled jobs, low wages, irregular employment conditions, and social marginalization and isolation. This is the typical trade-off that characterizes the Southern European model of immigrants' occupational integration (Reyneri and Fullin 2011a;Avola 2015;Panichella 2015, 2018;Panichella 2018). ...
... To sum up, immigrants find many employment opportunities in Southern European agriculture, but they are at risk of segregation in bad jobs in a way not comparable to other sectors of activity (with the exception of households, social, and personal services). From this point of view, agriculture, in some ways, represents a mirror of the Mediterranean model of immigrants' occupational integration and of the trade-off between the probability of being employed (or avoiding unemployment) and the job quality compared to the native population (Reyneri and Fullin 2011a;Avola 2015;Panichella 2015, 2018;Panichella 2018). An in-depth analysis of the Italian case provides us with further evidence on this binomial employment and segregation. ...
... However, it is clear how high the price to pay is: compared to what happens at the national level, in Ragusa province the gap between immigrants and natives with respect to the probability of being employed in an elementary occupation and of receiving a monthly wage in the first quintile of the national distribution is very much higher (one of the highest among more than one hundred Italian provinces). Once again, we are faced with the employed but segregated binomial: in the area with the greatest agricultural vocation in Italy, the typical trade-off between the advantage in terms of access to work and the strong penalty for the job quality that characterizes the immigrants' model of occupational integration in Southern Europe (Reyneri and Fullin 2011a;Avola 2015;Panichella 2015, 2018;Panichella 2018) is particularly emphasized. ...
Occupational insertion in the agriculture represents one of the main specificities of the Mediterranean model of immigration. Even in contexts characterized by high levels of unemployment, immigrants find growing job opportunities in agriculture, replacing a native labour force increasingly educated and with growing expectations of social mobility that avoid the particularly demanding and socially penalizing jobs in this sector. However, the price paid by immigrants is often high: segregation in unskilled jobs, low wages, high level of precariousness and informality, and social marginalization and isolation. This article focuses on an extreme case that emphasizes binomial employment and segregation: the greenhouses of the transformed belt (fascia trasformata) in southern Sicily. In this area, immigrants represent the absolute majority of agricultural workers. However, they experience a much higher level of segregation and penalties in bad jobs compared to natives in any other part of Sicily or Italy. This immigration regime is functional to the transformation of local society as it responds to growth and defamilization of the peasant enterprise. Then, it also represents a consequence of the restructuring processes of contemporary agriculture and the global food market, where the exploitation of the growing competition between old and new migrants become the main way to contain production costs.
... One change is the overall higher unemployment rate that started in the 1990s. Immigrants, in Sweden (Gustafsson & Zheng, 2006;Åslund & Rooth, 2007) and abroad (Kogan, 2004;Panichella, 2018), are more susceptible to downturns in the economy and the labour market. A shift in the economy towards a constantly higher unemployment rate will therefore affect the gap between immigrants and natives. ...
... In contrast with other European countries with a longer migration tradition, and similarly to other Southern European countries such as Italy, Spain is characterised by a highly segmented labour market characterised by a rapid insertion of migrants in the lowest-quality jobs (Ballarino & Panichella, 2015;Panichella, 2018). This results in a high occupational segregation and in a low occupational and social mobility (Ambrosini, 2001). ...
This article examines the socio-occupational integration of the immigrant population in Spain for a time span that, for the first time, includes the post-crisis period. Using the Spanish Labour Force Survey and conducting a socio-occupational analysis, we predict the probability that a migrant would be employed in one socio-occupational class over another in three periods: before, during and after the crisis. Our main research questions are as follows: (1) To what extent do migrants tend to be located in certain socio-occupational classes? (2) To what extent does the likelihood of belonging to a certain socio-occupational class differ according to immigrants’ places of origin? (3) Can differences be found in the likelihood of belonging to a certain socio-occupational class according to the places of origin before, during and after the Great Recession? The results show a very unequal distribution of immigrants in the socio-occupational structure according to their origin. While immigrants from Schengen Europe and North America are better located in the occupational structure, those from Eastern Europe and Africa are over-represented in the lower socio-occupational classes.
