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Locations of the Copper Age sites in northern Italy mentioned in Table 3. Iceman, Latsch (Lat), Brixen Milland (Mil), Feldthurn- Tanzgasse (VeT), Villanders (Vil), Lovere via Decio Celeri (Lov), Brascia S.Polo (Spo), Monte Covolo (MCov), Balm'Chanto (Bal), Meduno (Med). For more details, see legend to Table 3
Source publication
Archaeobotanical and archaeozoological analyses conducted on Late Neolithic settlement layers at Latsch provide the first
data on the subsistence strategy, diet and environmental conditions in the valley of origin of the Alpine Iceman. The results
prove that during the Late Neolithic, the valley was occupied by an agro-pastoral society based on the...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... put the seed, fruit and chaff finds of the Copper Age layers into a broader context, we compiled the available results from northern Italian Copper Age sites in order to compare them with those from Latsch ( Fig. 6; Table 3). Such a compilation is confronted with several constraints: (1) all sites are located on dry ground and therefore provide only charred material, except for the Iceman site, which being deep-frozen, led to the recovery of both carbonized and uncarbonized material; (2) the sampling methodology is quite heterogeneous and is not ...
Context 2
... collected samples and their volume, and how the samples had been collected (soil samples, handpicked remains during the excavation, etc.); (3) archaeobotanical data regarding the northern Italian sites of the Copper Age come from a variety of contexts, including settlements, slag accumulation, ritual sites and the peculiar case of the Ice- man ( Fig. 6; Table 3). These discrepancies prevent a proper quantification of the taxa and therefore we only list the presence or absence of taxa for each site, as previously suggested by Rottoli and Castiglioni (2009), for similar reasons (Table ...
Citations
... Lovere-Colle del Lazzaretto and Monte Covolo in Lombardy: Baioni & Poggiani-Keller, 2013). Similarly long occupation spans also occur in the inner Alpine valleys, as at Latsch, Vinschgau (Festi et al., 2011), which are exploited from the Late Neolithic onwards (Putzer et al., 2016). Copper Age settlements also occurred on the southern Po Plain, with some focus on the margin of the Apennines in Emilia-Romagna (Bernabò Brea et al., 2011;Berni et al., 2011;Miari, 2014). ...
Abstract
This paper reviews the evidence for long term trends in anthropogenic activity and population dynamics across the Holocene in the central Mediterranean and the chronology of cultural events. The evidence for this has been constituted in a database of 4608 radiocarbon dates (of which 4515 were retained for analysis following initial screening) from 1195 archaeological sites in southern France, Italy and Malta, spanning the Mesolithic to Early Iron Age periods, c. 8000 to 500 BC. We provide an overview of the settlement record for central Mediterranean prehistory and add to this an assessment of the available archaeological radiocarbon evidence in order to review the traditional narratives on the prehistory of the region. This new chronology has enabled us to identify the most significant points in time where activity levels, population dynamics and cultural change have together caused strong temporal patterning in the archaeological record. Some of these episodes were localized to one region, whereas others were part of pan-regional trends and cultural trajectories that took many centuries to play out fully, revealing prehistoric societies subject to collapse, recovery, and continuing instability over the long-term. Using the radiocarbon evidence, we model growth rates in the various regions so that the tempo of change at certain points in space and time can be identified, compared, and discussed in the context of demographic change. Using other published databases of radiocarbon data, we have drawn comparisons across the central Mediterranean to wider prehistoric Europe, and northern Africa. Finally, we include a brief response to the synchronously published but independently developed paper (Palmisano et al. in J World Prehist 34(3), 2021). While there are differences in our respective approaches, we share the general conclusions that large-scale trends can been identified through meta-analyses of the archaeological record, and these offer new perspectives on how society functioned.
Riassunto
Il presente contributo esamina la presenza di trends nei livelli di attività antropiche e nelle dinamiche popolazionistiche del Mediterraneo centrale durante l’Olocene. I dati consistono in un database di 4608 datazioni al radiocarbonio provenienti da 1195 siti archeologici dalla Francia meridionale, dall’Italia e da Malta, che coprono un arco cronologico che va dal Mesolitico all’Età del Ferro (8000–500 a.C. circa). A seguito di uno screening iniziale, 4515 datazioni al radiocarbonio sono state selezionate per l’analisi finale. Si fornisce una panoramica generale sulla preistoria del Mediterraneo centrale assieme a una valutazione delle datazioni archeologiche al radiocarbonio al fine di rivalutare le interpretazioni tradizionali sulla preistoria dell’area analizzata. Questo approccio ha consentito di identificare i momenti più significativi nei quali i livelli di attività antropica, le dinamiche popolazionistiche e i cambiamenti culturali hanno congiuntamente causato forti patterns temporali nel record archeologico. Alcuni di questi fenomeni sono circoscritti a una singola regione, mentre altri fanno parte di tendenze pan-regionali e traiettorie culturali che hanno richiesto molti secoli per essere pienamente realizzate, mostrando società preistoriche soggette a collasso, ripresa e continua instabilità nel lungo periodo. Utilizzando le datazioni al radiocarbonio, il presente contributo propone modelli sui tassi di crescita delle diverse regioni in modo da identificare nello spazio e nel tempo momenti di cambiamento, comparandoli e discutendoli alla luce della fluttuazione demografica. L’articolo propone inoltre un confronto tra il Mediterraneo centrale, l'Europa preistorica e l'Africa settentrionale attraverso l’utilizzo di altre datazioni al radiocarbonio disponibili in letteratura. Infine, si presenta una breve risposta all’articolo sviluppato contemporaneamente ma in maniera indipendente da Palmisano et al. (2021). Anche se i due contributi presentano evidenti differenze nei rispettivi approcci, questi condividono le conclusioni generali secondo cui la meta-analisi del record archeologico può identificare tendenze su larga scala e offrire nuove prospettive sulle società antiche.
... This study tries to establish a better understanding of the geochemical impact of prehistoric large scale underground salt mining in an alpine setting and to provide valuable empirical data, upon which further discussions on the evolution of human settlement in the Alpine region can be based (see also e.g. Dietre et al., 2017;Festi et al., 2011Festi et al., , 2014Festi et al., , 2021Knierzinger et al., 2020;Putzer et al., 2016;Segnana et al., 2020;von Scheffer et al., 2019). In this context, our analyses aim to clarify whether extended prehistoric bronze casting processes (Kazenas et al., 1996;Begemann et al., 1999) in the Hallstatt High Valley have taken place and whether geochemical signals capture regional copper metallurgy. ...
In this study, periods of prehistoric anthropogenic activity in the Hallstatt salt mining area (Upper Austria) are reconstructed from elemental (XRF-scanning, Q-ICP-MS) and Pb isotopic analyses (206 Pb, 207 Pb, 208 Pb) of a radiocarbon-dated, 137-cm-long peat core covering the past ~7,000 years. The peat core was retrieved from a minerotrophic fen in the Hallstatt High Valley. Distinct metal enrichments attributed to low anthropogenic impact in Hallstatt can be traced back to a time around 2350 cal BCE and to another period around 1800 cal BCE. The period from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age (~1300 cal BCE to ~500 cal BCE) is characterised by increased anthropogenic activity. Relatively high Sn concentrations between ~1210 cal BCE and ~540 cal BCE) point towards intensive bronze casting processes, probably associated with the production of bronze picks that were used for local salt mining during this time. Intense human impact was also determined for the early Roman imperial period (1st century BCE-2nd century CE). Increasing Pb and Sb concentrations and a marked decrease of 206 Pb/ 207 Pb ratios in the uppermost fen layers are attributed to rising industrialization processes in the modern period. Even though peaks of the trace elements Pb, Sb, Cu and Sn do not always correspond directly to anthropogenic activity, a combination with erosional, archaeological and palaeovegetational records enables a relatively accurate and reliable interpretation of prehistoric human impact at Hallstatt.
... P. miliaceum and V. faba became widespread from the Bronze Age onwards, as is already known for some areas and interpreted from results of earlier studies (Jacomet and Kreuz 1999;Rottoli and Castiglioni 2009;Oeggl 2015). Most of the recorded cereals, legumes and oil plants were already known and used in northern Italy from the Neolithic onwards (Nisbet 2008;Heiss and Oeggl 2009;Rottoli and Castiglioni 2009;Festi et al. 2011;Oeggl 2015;Schwarz and Oeggl 2016;Außerlechner 2015;Außerlechner and Oeggl unpubl.;Schwarz and Oeggl unpubl.). ...
Burnt offering sites reflect the physical and spiritual aspects of human life in the inner Alps during the Bronze and Iron Ages. Burnt offerings were made in ceremonies with various parts including fire rites, from which the carbonised macro-remains testify to a significant use of plants. The individual finds and records provide information about diet, firewood supply, economic and social behaviour, faith, skills, crafts, and trade. In this study, the focus was on plant uses and in rites at 25 Bronze and Iron Age burnt offering sites in the Eastern Alps. Wood was the basis for the burnt offering rite, similar to the cremation rite, which was also beginning in the Bronze Age. The most consistently found fuel remains were charcoal from coniferous wood, especially Picea/Larix-type (most probably Picea, spruce), probably due to its burning qualities and easy availability during this period. Corylus avellana (hazel) was the commonest deciduous wood. All identified wood taxa correspond with the local natural vegetation types of the time. Overall, they suggest low-density woodland stands and more or less sustainable human land use near the burnt offering sites, in the hill and mountain vegetation zone. The wood for the pyre was collected near the offering sites, so there are variations in firewood taxa resulting from the differences in the local natural landscape, (micro)climate, geology and edaphic conditions. The charred wood, crops and wild fruit and nut remains were ritually deposited in pits after the fire rite, which is another link to cremation. Food plant remains were usually present in low quantities due to the nature of burnt offerings, but their consistent records at the burnt offering sites point to a deep spiritual connection to nature and a high appreciation for plants as sources of food, raw materials and energy. They show that essentials were central elements of the burnt offering rite and that everyday matters overlapped with spiritual or religious concerns. Altogether, the finds of 15 different crops and 15 different edible plant taxa demonstrate a fairly high food plant diversity at the sites during the Bronze and Iron Ages. Hordeum vulgare (barley), Triticum dicoccum (emmer), Panicum miliaceum (broomcorn millet) and Vicia faba (broad bean) were the most consistent and important crops. They reflect a common food trend, which most probably resulted from climate extremes and deterioration. Plants naturally growing outside the Eastern Alpine vegetational zones were nearly absent, showing a lack of trade in food at the time, while native fruits and nuts were often used as ritual plants and played an important role as food plants. They are an argument for local agriculture and economy. Of the wild plants, Corylus avellana (hazel) was the most often found by far, followed by Fragaria vesca (strawberry), Rubus idaeus (raspberry), R. fruticosus (blackberry) and Sambucus nigra (elder). Like the wood taxa, the fruits and nuts indicate a human influenced environment and point to woodland edges, margins and clearings. Some of the firewood and food plants may also have been elements of the offering rite due to their medicinal and psychedelic effects, burning characteristics and symbolic background.
... Moreover, the data could also indicate that the cultivation of C 4 plants played an important role. Remains of C 4 cereals dating to Copper Age were already recovered at sites located at 700-850 m a.s.l. in Isarco valley (Castiglioni and Tecchiati 2005;Festi et al. 2011;Nisbet 2008). At the burial site Table S1) and SD for males, females, and subadults grouped by valleys. ...
In Early Middle Ages (sixth–eleventh centuries AD), South Tyrol (Italian Alps) played a key role for geographical and military reasons. Historical sources document that allochthonous groups (germani) entered the territory, and the material culture shows mutual cultural exchanges between autochthonous and germani. Besides the nature of the migration, the demographic and socio-cultural impacts on the local population are still unknown. Stable isotope analyses were performed to provide insights into dietary patterns, subsistence strategies, changes in socio-economic structures, and mobility, according to spatial (e.g. valleys, altitudes) and chronological (centuries) parameters. Bone collagen of 32 faunal and 91 human bone samples from nine sites, located at different altitudes, was extracted for stable carbon, nitrogen, and sulphur isotope analyses. In total, 94% (30/32) of the faunal remains were of good quality, while the humans displayed 93% (85/91) of good quality samples for δ13C and δ15N and 44% (40/91) for δ34S stable isotopes. The isotopic results of the animals reflected a terrestrial-based diet. Statistical differences were observed within and among the humans of the different valleys. The δ13C values of individuals sampled from higher altitudes indicated a mainly C3 plant-based diet compared to areas at lower altitudes, where more positive δ13C values showed an intake of C4 plants. The δ15N values suggested a terrestrial-based diet with a greater consumption of animal proteins at higher altitudes. The data revealed higher variability in δ34S values in the Adige valley, with individuals probably migrating and/or changing dietary habits.
... Antolín, 2016;Festi et al., 2011;Kohler-Schneider and Caneppele, 2009;Reed, 2017). ...
Seed and fruit remains from archaeological sites provide the most direct source of evidence on ancient crops and plant food resources. Earlier studies on late Neolithic sites (3500–2200 BC) in the Grands Causses and Hérault valley areas focused on cave and rock-shelter sites. Here, we discuss new and previously published archaeobotanical evidence from open-air settlements, which should be considered as more representative of the standard subsistence and farming economy. Patterns in the data have been analyzed through sample densities, diversity index, taxa ubiquities, and abundance by means of correspondence factor analysis. Contrary to what is assumed in other Western European regions for that period, the available dataset indicates that cereals were consumed and therefore probably cultivated on a regular basis in the Grands Causses and Hérault valley. The range of crops and collected wild fruits was the same in both areas but certain differences existed. As in other regions, einkorn played a significant role during the late Neolithic, but it was more common in the Hérault valley than in the Grands Causses plateaux. On the other hand, the collection of wild fruits seemed to be of more importance in the hinterland than in the littoral area. The more striking difference concerns crop processing activities and the use of glume wheat by-products. They are much more common in the Grands Causses samples.
... cattiva luce l'affidabilità del campione . A Laces, in un contesto databile a Rame 1 (Festi et al. 2011) si osserva una netta prevalenza di animali domestici rispetto ai selvatici, che non fornivano quote rilevanti di carne o prodotti correlati, ma anche qui va sottolineato il modesto numero di resti rinvenuti. ...
Riassunto Scopo di questo lavoro è fare luce sul ruolo e sul significato degli animali selvatici nel Neolitico e nell'Età del Rame dell'Italia nordorientale. Il lavoro si concentra sui siti delle regioni Veneto, Tren-tino-Alto Adige/Südtirol e Friuli-Venezia Giulia interessati nel corso degli anni da studi archeo-zoologici. La ricostruzione del rapporto uomo-animale e la definizione del ruolo e significato dei selvatici, nel periodo considerato, risulta difficoltosa non solo in quanto legata al numero relativa-mente esiguo di siti fino ad ora studiati, ma anche perché condizionata dalla qualità stessa dei lotti faunistici e dalla metodologia seguita nell'analizzarli. I dati ottenuti dallo studio delle faune del Neolitico nell'Italia nordorientale sembrano indicare come non esistesse un modello ben definito su base culturale nello sfruttamento delle risorse animali. Esaminando i dati sulla presenza dei selvatici nei contesti di Neolitico antico si nota come essi siano ancora una componente rilevan-te che testimonia un passaggio graduale verso un'economia basata sull'allevamento. Quest'ulti-ma si affermerà in modo generalizzato a partire dal Neolitico medio, ma con alcune eccezioni. Le faune dell'Età del Rame sono affini a quelle neolitiche quanto a peso relativo dei selvatici che, pur potendo rivestire in alcuni casi un ruolo significativo, raggiungono per lo più percentuali modeste. Ciò supporta l'idea di una economia basata prevalentemente sull'agricoltura e sull'allevamento. Summary Aim of this work is to study the role of wild animals in the Neolithic and Copper Age of Northeast -ern Italy. The work focuses on sites located in Veneto, Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol and Friuli-Venezia Giulia, interested in the past years by zooarchaeological studies. The reconstruction of the human-animal relationship and the definition of the role and meaning of wild animals, in these periods, is difficult because of the small number of studied sites, the quality of the faunal assemblages and the methodology applied for the studies. Data obtained from the study of Neolithic faunas in Northeastern Italy seem to indicate that there wasn't a well-defined cultural model for the exploitation of animal resources. Concerning the presence of wild animals in ancient Neolithic contexts, they testify a gradual transition towards an economy based on breeding , which will be established from the Middle Neolithic in a generalized way, but with some exceptions. Faunas of the Copper Age are linked to the Neolithic ones by wild animals that sometimes can play a significant role but in most cases, they reach small percentages. This supports the idea of an economy mainly based on agriculture and breeding. Redazione: Marco Avanzini, Valeria Lencioni pdf: http://www.muse.it/it/Editoria-Muse/Preistoria-Alpina/Pagine/PA/PA_50-2020.aspx Zanetti A. L., Fontana A., Tecchiati U. 2020-Osservazioni su ruolo e significato degli animali selvatici nel Neolitico e nell'Età del Rame dell'Italia nordorientale alla luce dell'archeozoologia. Preistoria Alpina, 50: 89-100.
... Since the start of agriculture in the European Neolithic up to Roman Times, the main cereals were hulled wheats, diploid Triticum monococcum (einkorn, 2n=14, Zaharieva, Monneveux 2014) and tetraploid T. dicoccum (emmer, 2n=28, Kreuz et al. 2005;Zaharieva et al. 2010). Since the Neolithic or Bronze age, respectively, hulled and naked Hordeum vulgare (barley) together with Panicum milliaceum (common millet) were also commonly planted, and T. dicoccum was still the main staple crop (Hajnalová 1993;Bernardová et al. 2010;Šálková et al. 2012;Festi et al. 2011;Zohary et al. 2012;. Hexaploid wheat species such as hulled T. spelta (spelt, 2n = 42) and naked T. aestivum (baker wheat, 2n = 42) appeared in central Europe from the Late Bronze Age (Beneš, Přikrylová 2008;Kočár, Dreslerová 2010). ...
The importance of different cereals for human and animal nutrition in different historical periods has
been frequently estimated according to the proportion of grains of individual cereal species from the
total number of recorded grains in the archaeological assemblage. However, such presentations do not
respect the differences in grain size among particular species. The aim of this study was to compare
the kernel weights of cereal species planted in Europe since the Neolithic up to the first half of the
20th century and to propose recalculation coefficients for their relevant comparison. Thousand kernel
weights (TKW) of cereals were obtained from the Evigez database and from the available literature.
Taking the TKW of Triticum aestivum (44.6 g) as 100%, the descending order of cereal species
in terms of their TKW in relation to T. aestivum was T. spelta (100%), T. turgidum (99%), hulled
Hordeum vulgare (97%), T. durum (92%), T. dicoccum (88%), naked H. vulgare (81%), Secale cereale
(79%), T. dicoccoides (76%), T. monococcum (67%), hulled Avena sativa (66%), naked A. sativa
(64%) and finally Panicum miliaceum (12%). We recommend the use of these proposed recalculation
coefficients for the comparison of proportions of cereal grains in archaeobotanical assemblages. The
recalculated values better reflect the importance of the different cereal species for human economies
and nutrition rather than simple proportions of the recorded grains of an individual species. The
recalculation coefficients are particularly important in the case of a high proportion of P. miliaceum
in an archaeological assemblage, as its grain size differs the most from the other frequently-recorded
cereals.
... Further arguments contradict the common notion thatÖtzi moved with his flock to such inhospitable altitudes. During the Chalcolithic, flocks consisted typically of sheep or goats (Ebersbach 2002;Festi et al. 2011). Results from an alpine burnt offering site in the Maneid Valley (Mahlknecht 2006) suggest that during the Bronze Age, herders chose to drive up sheep and goats because of their distinct demand on nutriment. ...
The discovery of the Iceman in 1991 led to considerable speculation about the reason for his presence at such a remote location in the high Alps. One theory suggested that he was engaged in transhumant pastoralism when he met his death. Recent archaeological and palynological studies, however, have found no evidence of pastoral activities in this region during the Chalcolithic period. Regular exploitation of this upland landscape appears to have begun no earlier than the Middle Bronze Age. The theory that the Iceman was a high-altitude herdsman therefore appears to be untenable.
... The development of Neolithic settlements and agrarian processes in the main valley during the 6th-5th millennia BC (Steiner, 2007) was not echoed in the high alpine landscape of the Schnals Valley. Only one radiocarbon date from the Tisen Pass (Kutschera et al., 2014) (Festi et al., 2011). Even in the Chalcolithic, finds from the Tisen Pass suggest hunting or transit activities . ...
... 2004;Conzato & Al. 2012);10, Bressanone-Millan (BZ;Castiglioni, Cottini 2005;Castiglioni et al. 2008);11, Villandro (BZ;Nisbet 2008);12, Magré, Tolerait (BZ;, Dal Ri 2006; 13, Laces/Latsch, SNAM (BZ; Festi et al. 2011);14, Mummia del Similaun (BZ;Heiss, Oeggl 2009;Oeggl 2000); 15, Meduno-Sach di Sotto (PN; Castiglioni et al. 2003;16, Sant'Ilario d'Enza (RE;Barfield et al. 1975); 17, Parma-via Guidorossi (Rottoli, Regola in stampa), Aeroporto (Bon & Al. 2005); 18, Albenga Tana del Barletta II (SV; Barker & Al. ...
... A questa altezza si situa il problema inerente gli inizi della produzione del formaggio 3 di cui, anche nell'età del Rame dell'Italia settentrionale, non sarebbe vano ricercare le prove a livello archeologico oltre che archeozoologico, considerato che nell'abitato "neolitico" di Arbon-Bleiche 3 (3384 -3370 BC) pare accertato il consumo di latte fermentato e di "relatively long life milk products" (yoghurt, formaggio, burro) (Spangenberg, Jacomet e Schibler 2006), e che il trattamento dei latticini è documentato anche nel Neolitico britannico (Copley et al. 2005). A Laces, in un contesto databile al Rame 1 (Festi, Oeggl e Tecchiati 2011), si osserva una netta prevalenza di animali domestici, con il bue al 26,4% e i caprini domestici al 62,1%. Selvatici (cervo e orso bruno) e suini domestici (5%) non fornivano che quote assai modeste di carne e prodotti correlati. ...
... Le informazioni disponibili riguardano una ventina di siti ( fig. 1 e bibliografia ivi riportata) dislocati perlopiù nelle aree montane, alpine e prealpine, non sempre ben datati, che forniscono dati puntiformi e spesso numericamente poco consistenti. Sappiamo che a Laces/Latsch in Val Venosta (Festi et al. 2011), uno dei villaggi da cui poteva forse provenire Ötzi, venivano prevalentemente coltivati, alla fine del IV millennio a.C., l'orzo (Hordeum vulgare s.l.), il farricello (Triticum monococcum), il farro (Triticum dicoccum) e, in minor misura, anche un frumento nudo (grano tenero o grano duro, Triticum aestivum/durum/turgidum), e che lo stesso Ötzi aveva consumato nel suo ultimo pasto una pietanza a base di farricello (Heiss, Oeggl 2009;Oeggl 2000). I materiali rinvenuti presso la mummia e negli scavi di Laces/Latsch ci informano che nelle vallate alpine venivano coltivati anche il pisello (Pisum sativum), il lino (Linum usitatissimum) e il papavero da oppio (Papaver somniferum). ...
Archeozoologia (U.T.) L a ricostruzione del rapporto uomo-animale durante l'età del Rame è un compito al quale la moderna archeozoologia può dirsi ancora in gran parte impreparata. Si tratta, infatti, di un arco di tempo significativo, pari a più di mille anni, e di un teatro geografico e ambientale molto complesso, comprendente vaste aree planiziali, paesaggi collinari e alpini caratterizzati da condizioni ambientali molto diversificate. Le difficoltà di questa ricostruzione riposano anche sulla qualità dei siti analizzati. Per quanto relativamente numerosi rispetto all'estensione geografica e cronologica del fenomeno oggetto di studio, non sono sempre riferiti in modo puntuale a precise fasi interne all'età del Rame, potendo essere talvolta datati anche a epoche precedenti e/o successive (è tipicamente il caso delle grotte del Carso triestino, scavate per lo più per tagli arbitrari in contesti di lunga durata). Un grave pregiudizio è rappresentato inoltre dalla consistenza numerica, e quindi dall'affidabilità statistica dei campioni disponibili. Ben pochi di questi superano infatti il migliaio di reperti determinati che si possono empiricamente assumere come sufficienti per una valutazione archeozoologica attendibile. Dei 34 siti editi o in corso di stampa censiti, ben 13 si trovano in Trentino-Alto Adige, 4 in area ligure-piemontese, 3 in Emilia, 5 in Lombardia (province di Como e di Brescia), 4 nel Veronese, 1 nel Bellunese e 5 nel Carso Triestino. Spicca, in questo quadro, la povertà di informazioni relative alla pianura a sud del Po (tre soli punti di rinvenimento: Spilamberto, Sant'Ilario d'Enza e Parma aeroporto). Circa la metà delle località sono siti in grotta o in riparo sottoroccia, e si collocano ovviamente soprattutto in Liguria, in Trentino e nel Carso. La fauna di contesti insediativi di tal genere tende a sottolineare il carattere precario o stagionale dei medesimi, ad eccezione, probabilmente, delle Arene Candide (Rowley-Conwy 1997), con compo-sizioni dominate dai caprini domestici anche in rapporto allo svolgimento della pastorizia transumante e di altre pratiche economiche quali l'estrazione mineraria che si accompagnano, come in Liguria, a contestuali forme di controllo e sistemazione del territorio .
