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Land use in Baltimore's inner suburbs.  

Land use in Baltimore's inner suburbs.  

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This paper analyzes the transformation of Baltimore's inner suburbs from 1980 to 2000. After developing a geographic definition of inner suburbs, we then spatially analyze them using census place-level data. The analysis shows evidence of socioeconomic decline in Baltimore's inner suburbs, but the extent of this decline varies among these suburbs....

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Context 1
... suburbs have the highest concentration of industrial land in the entire region. Figure 2 illustrates that most industrial land is located in the inner suburbs of Dundalk, Edgemere, and Middle River in the southeast section of Baltimore County, with some parcels of indus- trial land concentrated in the southwestern section of the county. ...
Context 2
... Figure 2 illustrates, suburban industry is spatially concentrated in the inner suburbs of the Baltimore region. The assumption that all suburbs are residential and white-collar is swept aside by the industrial histories of inner suburbs such as Dundalk, Edgemere, Middle River, and Lansdowne ( Brooks and Rockel, 1979;Lewis, 2004). ...

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... 1 The Anglo-Saxon literature discusses older peripheries using categories such as inner and outer suburbs (Charles, 2018;Hanlon & Vicino, 2007). However, the characteristics and dynamics of the spaces to which inner and outer suburbs refer do not necessarily correspond to those observed in consolidated peripheries in Latin American cities. ...
... However, the characteristics and dynamics of the spaces to which inner and outer suburbs refer do not necessarily correspond to those observed in consolidated peripheries in Latin American cities. The literature that analyzes the features and dynamics of older suburbs in the U.S. and Canada is concerned with the loss of their attractiveness for homebuyers (Bier, 2001;Puentes & Orfield, 2002), arguing that older suburbs show socioeconomic decline, deteriorating infrastructure, aging housing stock, and declining retail prices (Anacker, 2006;Bier 2001;Hanlon & Vicino, 2007;Keating & Bier, 2008;Orfield, 2002;Puentes & Orfield, 2002). Hanlon (2009) shows that this decline is selective, especially affecting older suburbs with housing built between 1950 and 1969 and those with growing minority populations. ...
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During the twentieth century, the Buenos Aires metropolitan area underwent a process of significant territorial and demographic growth. Highly heterogeneous peripheries were formed through the different migratory flows arriving in the city. The disparate ways the state has intervened in the metropolitan area, the logic of the market, and the practices of residents have produced spatial and social divisions beyond the classic center-periphery pattern. Furthermore, the asymmetrical provision of infrastructure and services has resulted in heterogeneous spatial quality in the peripheries, according to their location and position in the urbanization process. Thus, throughout the expansion and metropolization of the city during the twentieth century, different peripheries were produced: inner peripheries, former peripheries, and new urban peripheries. This article examines the urban, housing, and population dynamics of the inner and former peripheries in the metropolitan area from a comparative perspective. It analyzes settlement processes, the quality of housing stock, and infrastructure, with attention to the economic and political factors that have influenced them in the inner and former peripheries. The approach is based on data from the Spatial Mobility Survey (EME) applied to different housing submarkets on the fringes of the metropolitan area. We contend that it is impossible to speak of a single periphery. On the contrary, it is necessary to think about multiple peripheries in order to understand the processes shaping the inner and suburban fringes. In Buenos Aires, modes of housing production have shaped peripheral spaces that, despite being functionally integrated into the metropolis, retain their status as peripheries strongly marked by their morphology and land market dynamics. resumen: Durante el siglo XX, el área metropolitana de Buenos Aires experimentó un proceso de gran expansión territorial y demográfica. Con la llegada de diferentes flujos migratorios a la ciudad, se estructuraron periferias muy heterogéneas. Las formas en las que el Estado ha intervenido en la metrópoli, la lógica del mercado y las prácticas de los habitantes han estructurado un patrón de división social del espacio que supera la clásica diferenciación centro-periferia. La disímil provisión de infraestructura, equipamientos y servicios permitió una calificación heterogénea contribuyendo en la diferenciación periferias según su ubicación y su inserción en el proceso de urbanización. Así, a lo largo del siglo XX, en el proceso de expansión y metropolización de la ciudad, se configuraron distintas periferias: antiguas periferias, periferias conurbadas y nuevas periferias urbanas. Desde una perspectiva comparada, el artículo examina las dinámicas urbanas, habitacionales y poblacionales de las antiguas periferias y las periferias conurbadas del área metropolitana. Analiza los procesos de poblamiento, la calidad del parque habitacional y la infraestructura en las periferias interior y suburbana, teniendo en cuenta los condicionantes económicos y políticos. Lo hace con base en datos de la Encuesta de Movilidad Espacial (EME) aplicada en diferentes periferias y submercados habitacionales en el área metropolitana. Sostenemos que es imposible hablar de una sola periferia. Por el contrario, es necesario pensar en las periferias para comprender los procesos que configuran los bordes internos y suburbanos. En el el área metropolitana de Buenos Aires, los modos de producción de vivienda han condicionado espacios periféricos que, a pesar de estar integrados funcionalmente a la metrópoli, conservan su condición de periferias fuertemente marcadas por su morfología y dinámica de mercado de suelo.
... The suburbanization process has profoundly affected the distribution of the urban population in US cities, with population growth mainly occurring in the suburbs during the postwar era. The proportion of US metropolitan residents residing in the core areas fell from 60% in 1950 to 37% at the end of the 20th century (Hanlon and Vicino 2007). Moreover, US cities have experienced a steady decline in the inner suburbs built in the 1950 and 1960s, while outer suburbs have become the hotspots of population growth mainly due to suburbanization (Lee and Leigh 2007;Audirac et al. 2012). ...
... Moreover, US cities have experienced a steady decline in the inner suburbs built in the 1950 and 1960s, while outer suburbs have become the hotspots of population growth mainly due to suburbanization (Lee and Leigh 2007;Audirac et al. 2012). Studies suggested that this phenomenon was a result of industrial restructuring, highway constructions, rising inequality, and racial/ethnic tensions in cities (Hanlon and Vicino 2007). The recent urban revival led by the college-educated and Millennials seems to have slowed down due to changing demographics and the COVID-19 pandemic (Myers 2016;Couture and Handbury 2020;Florida et al. 2021). ...
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... However, a systematic approach to showcasing how multiple urban management initiatives work together to create citywide momentum and change the overall urban form of a city is lacking. The revitalization processes of many cities have stagnated, and some of the suburbanized industrial lands also need to be revitalized [29,30]. Therefore, this study tries to illustrate how to improve land use efficiency and sustainability through urban industrial land spatial transformation and urban land use expansion co-evolution perspectives, by quantifying the vacant industrial land revitalization, industrial land consolidation, and industrial-residential land evolution. ...
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Land use efficiency is one of the critical indicators of sustainable development. Increasing land use efficiency can help build a more compact urban form and reduce the urban footprint. Industrial development is often considered a major driving force of urban land use expansion and use change. Both industrial development and urban land use change are constrained and facilitated by urban planning and management, constantly shaping the spatial trajectory of urban transformation. Taking the suburbanization and revitalization of industrial land uses in Shanghai as a case study, this research uses thematical analysis and geospatial data change detection methods to investigate how the evolution of industrial spatial structure leads to urban land use growth, and how urban planning and governance reconfigure the industrial spatial structure of a city through revitalization. This study found that the unplanned suburbanization of industrial land use brought about significant residential and commercial land use expansion. The city was able to consolidate its industrial land uses by adopting the designated industrial blocks strategy to curb the sprawl of industrial land use and enhance land use efficiency. With the transformation of industry structure, the city achieved great success in transforming underutilized industrial land in the city’s central area and consolidating scattered industrial land into industrial blocks in the city’s suburban areas.
... Many scholars suggest that inner suburbs are made up of low-density residential areas with single-family homes built between 1950 and 1969; the oldest suburbs are located nearest the city, as a result of the mass suburbanization following World War II. Since there is little existing literature that provides concrete spatial definitions for suburbs, this study relies on two criteria (e.g., spatial criterion and housing criterion) employed by Hanlon and Vicino (2007) and Vicino (2008) to classify a suburb as either an inner or outer suburb. In the case of the Baltimore MSA, the first criterion classifies geographical areas into inner suburbs if they share a boundary with the city of Baltimore. ...
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... This also affected the inner-city fringes and their adjacent neighborhoods. Negative developments and processes of deterioration of the inner-ring suburbs, the former "icons of the "American Dream"" (Vicino 2008a, 554;Hanlon 2010), can still be traced today (Hanlon and Vicino 2007;Leigh 2005, 2007;Lucy and Phillips 2000;Puentes and Orfield 2002;Puentes and Warren 2006;Vicino 2008aVicino , 2008b. Research shows that-as with the urban cores-large numbers of inner-ring suburbs in the U.S. began to decline once urban life in central city areas no longer constituted a social necessity. ...
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In recent years, far-reaching urbanization and gentrification processes have been taking place in and around downtown San Diego. These have been accompanied not just by structural upheavals, but by social changes that still await in-depth analysis. In the context of San Diego’s inner-city redevelopment, urban research can profit from a border-theoretical approach, initiating a geography of urban boundaries focused on change processes and the redrawing, shifting, and dissolution of boundaries. Although urban neighborhoods are particularly characterized by differentiation, ambiguity, and fragmentation, border-theoretical findings have rarely been applied on this level. Against this background, the article traces processes of social “ordering” and “othering,” and the shifting of individual-subjective demarcations in the inner-ring suburbs of San Diego—the former warehouse district East Village and the adjacent Mexican-American community neighborhood Barrio Logan. A methodological triangulation of interviews, participatory observations, and cartographic and photographic visualizations illustrates the outward thrust and adaption of multi-dimensional boundaries between the downtown area and the urbanizing first ring—phenomena of what we have called “hybrid urban borderlands.” Aimed primarily at creating a wider understanding of urbanization processes in San Diego’s inner-ring, our project opens up further differentiations in the field of border studies across its disciplinary boundary to urban research.
... Yet definitions of what constitutes a suburb remain elusive, and there is no consensus in the literature on best practice approaches. This article presents a side-by-side comparison of four methods of defining suburbs for quantitative research (Cooke and Marchant 2006;Hanlon and Vicino 2007;Kneebone and Berube 2013;Anacker, Niedt, and Kwon 2017). The comparison was conducted with data from the one hundred largest metropolitan areas in the United States using multivariate analysis of variance. ...
... This space is often referred to as inner-ring suburbs (e.g., Short, Hanlon, and Vicino 2007;Cooke 2010). Hanlon and Vicino (2007) used the succession pattern of neighborhoods for their adjacency-based definition. Using Greater Baltimore as their study area, they defined all municipalities and censusdesignated places adjacent to the city of Baltimore as inner-ring suburbs. ...
... In the comparison of the three definitions that distinguish census tracts into urban areas and two types of suburbs, the adjacency-based definition by Hanlon and Vicino (2007) overall performed best in forty-five out of one hundred metropolitan areas. The definition by Cooke and Marchant (2006) was the best match in forty metropolitan areas, whereas the method by Anacker, Niedt, and Kwon (2017) performed best in only fifteen (Table 1). ...
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Suburbs are currently the focus of much research because they are the arena for many contemporary social, economic, and political issues. Yet definitions of what constitutes a suburb remain elusive, and there is no consensus in the literature on best practice approaches. This article presents a side-by-side comparison of four methods of defining suburbs for quantitative research (Cooke and Marchant 2006 Cooke, T. J., and S. Marchant. 2006. The changing intrametropolitan location of high-poverty neighbourhoods in the U.S. Urban Studies 43 (11):1971–89. doi: 10.1080/00420980600897818.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]; Hanlon and Vicino 2007 Hanlon, B., and T. J. Vicino. 2007. The fate of inner suburbs: Evidence from metropolitan Baltimore. Urban Geography 28 (3):249–75. doi: 10.2747/0272-3638.28.3.249.[Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]; Kneebone and Berube 2013 Kneebone, E., and A. Berube. 2013. Confronting suburban poverty in America. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. [Google Scholar]; Anacker, Niedt, and Kwon 2017 Anacker, K. B., C. Niedt, and C. Kwon. 2017. Analyzing segregation in mature and developing suburbs in the United States. Journal of Urban Affairs 39 (6):819–32. doi: 10.1080/07352166.2017.1305730.[Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). The comparison was conducted with data from the one hundred largest metropolitan areas in the United States using multivariate analysis of variance. The four methods were evaluated based on how well they capture the racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic variability between urban and suburban areas and within suburban areas themselves. The results indicate that political boundaries of the inner city and regional variation in metropolitan structure are important characteristics that need to be considered when selecting a suburb definition for quantitative, comparative research on suburbs. This article highlights the strength and weaknesses of each method and recommends which method works best in various geographical contexts.
... 4-6,3,7 As a result, additional strains on both human and capital resources are put on these rural/small town communities, exacerbating the societal challenges through exposing certain segments of the population (e.g., elderly, short and long-term assistance needs, etc.) to increase vulnerability and lower QoL. Although there are also numerous reports of depopulations in declining metropolitan regions (e.g., Baltimore or Buffalo), 8,9 the effects can be more pronounced in rural/small town communities as a result of being less resilient to these downward pressures and hence more challenged to benefit from this digital transformation. Ultimately, cost plays a major role and simply having a "complete makeover" of these rural/small town communities into state-of-theart smart communities is unrealistic. ...
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... The spatial definitions of suburbs vary widely, given the fact that the U.S. Census Bureau does not define suburban geographies [54]. Scholars have identified a multitude of criteria to identify suburbs, such as location in the metropolitan area, proximity to central city, temporal criteria, such as age of development and built environmental characteristics [55][56][57][58]. The Census's place geography was utilized to identify census tracts within these SMSAs. ...
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Recent popular and scholarly work has drawn attention to the issue of shrinking cities. In particular, a growing body of literature has focused on the impacts of population loss on European cities, and more recently, the deindustrialized areas of the United States. Fewer scholars have examined the phenomenon of shrinkage in the suburban context. This paper explores the evolution of shrinking suburbs in the United States from 1980 to 2010. Three research questions motivate this study: (1) What is the population change in suburban neighborhoods and places from 1980 to 2010? (2) Where are shrinking suburbs located? (3) What are the trajectories of change of shrinking suburbs? A definition of shrinking suburbs using spatial and temporal criteria is operationalized. Using census tract-level data with normalized boundaries from the Neighborhood Change Database, numerous socioeconomic variables were extracted for the 30-year study period. In total, the results demonstrate that approximately one-quarter of all suburbs were shrinking. The characteristics of shrinking suburbs are identified and a typology of seven trajectories of suburban decline is developed. The conclusion reflects on the implications of shrinking suburbs for sustainable development.
... Traditionally, suburban residents are presumed to have access to the kinds of opportunities and assets conducive to improved socioeconomic and health outcomes relative to their central-city counterparts [5][6][7]. Sociodemographic, economic, and institutional transitions within the suburbs, however, pose challenges to the spatial assimilation model's main theoretical argument [8][9][10]. Insofar as the residential attainment outcomes for most foreign-born groups throughout most of the twentieth century has followed the positive linear relationship between their individual-level SES attainments and suburban residence, less is known on how the above relationship fares in describing the suburban outcomes of immigrant black ethnic groups within a changing suburban context in the twenty-first century. ...
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This study investigates black ethnic immigrant group differences in residential outcomes between developing and mature suburbs. It evaluates the extent to which foreign-born black ethnic groups’ socioeconomic status (SES) and acculturation characteristics agree with the outlines of the spatial assimilation model. Binomial logistic regression models are calculated, using data from the 2012–2016 IPUMS ACS, to examine the impact of place of birth/nativity status, SES, acculturation, family/household characteristics, and region on residence in developing versus mature suburbs within U.S. metropolitan areas. The results reveal mixed results for the expectations of the spatial assimilation model. On the one hand, and in agreement with the spatial assimilation model, residence in mature and developing suburbs is a function of increments in household income and educational levels. On the other hand, the multivariate results reveal suburban type residential outcomes that vary by place of birth and nativity status. The effects of acculturation also reveal findings that diverge from the expectations of the spatial assimilation model.
... To the extent that socioeconomic and structural changes have altered the compositional background of suburbia as a whole, a key feature of such changes pertains to differences between suburbs closer to the central-city (inner rings) and outer suburban rings (Hudnut 2003;Lucy and Phillips 2006;Anacker 2015;Hanlon 2010;Short et al. 2007). Since the 1990s, inner suburban rings are more likely to have experienced significant increases in poverty (Hanlon and Vicino 2007;Green Leigh and Lee 2005), declining income levels ( Holliday and Dwyer 2009), population fluctuations (Green Leigh and Lee 2005), increasing rates of income segregation ( Swanstrom et al. 2004), and a rising share of an aging housing stock relative to their outer-ring counterparts ( Lee and Leigh 2007;Hanlon 2010;Puentes and Orfield 2002). Housing market dynamics, labor market restructuring, and metropolitan political fragmentation also add to the list of forces shaping changes within suburbia and further solidifying the socioeconomic bifurcation between suburbia's inner and outer rings (Hanlon 2010). ...
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The present study examines inner and outer suburban ring attainment outcomes among racial and ethnic groups that reside in the nation’s metropolitan areas. The main objective is to evaluate the extent to which the relationship between racial and ethnic group’s socioeconomic status characteristics and residence between inner and outer suburban rings conforms to the tenets of the spatial assimilation model. Using micro-level data from the five-year 2012–2016 American Community Survey, the author calculates multinomial logistic regression models to determine the effects of socioeconomic status (SES) and other relevant predictors on residence within the nation’s metropolitan area’s suburban inner and outer rings. The results both confirm and contradict the main tenets of the spatial assimilation model. To the extent that income, education, and homeownership are positively related to residence in both suburban rings, the findings also suggest that access to inner and outer rings is hierarchically stratified by race and ethnicity.