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Kopli neighbourhood, Tallinn (a disadvantaged housing area in Northern Tallinn). Source: Author's photo (2006).
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Citations
... The migration policies of the Soviet Union created incentives to move for labor reasons, which was facilitated by centralized policies. Migrants received housing, and were favored due to belonging to the labor force needed for economic development (especially construction, industry, and government employees), and because housing was a deficit product (21). ...
... This would further strengthen support for the other reported findings (16), and also support the relevance of accounting for age at migration and age profiles of different foreign-origin groups for cognitive health (13). Migrants have moved to Estonia across different life stages, in childhood as much as during the most active migration years (ages [18][19][20][21][22][23][24] and in adulthood. While those who moved after the age of 25 show a somewhat larger proportion of impairment in both cognitive functioning outcomes, they are also on average older than other respondents, which explains why regression results do not indicate any differences in cognitive functioning impairment between the observation groups. ...
Background
In migration and health research, the healthy migrant effect has been a common finding, but it usually pertains to specific contexts only. Existing findings are inconsistent and inconclusive regarding the cognitive functioning of the (aging) foreign-origin population relative to the populations of their host and sending countries. Moreover, this comparison is an understudied design setting.
Objective
We analyze the outcomes and associations of cognitive functioning outcomes of the non-institutionalized middle-aged and older population, comparing the Russian-origin population in Estonia with Estonians in Estonia and Russians in Russia in a cross-sectional design. We aim to estimate the (long-term) effects of migration on cognitive functioning in later life, contextualizing the findings in previous research on the healthy migrant effect.
Data and methods
We use data from face-to-face interviews conducted within the SHARE Estonia (2010–2011) and SAGE Russia (2007–2010) surveys. Respondents aged 50+ living in urban areas were grouped by self-identified ethnicity, including 2,365 Estonians, 1,373 Russians in Estonia, and 2,339 Russians in Russia (total N = 6,077). Cognitive functioning was measured using a 25-percentile cut-off threshold for the results of two cognition outcomes - immediate recall and verbal fluency - and the odds of impairment were estimated using binary logistic regression.
Results
Russian men and women living in Estonia have significantly higher odds of impairment in immediate recall than Estonian men and women, though they do not differ from Russians in Russia in the final adjusted models. The differences between all groups are non-significant if age at migration is considered. There are no significant differences between the groups in verbal fluency.
Conclusion
Contrary to the commonly found healthy migrant effect, the middle-aged and older foreign-origin population in Estonia fares initially worse than the native population in the immediate recall outcome, but does not differ from their sending country population, possibly due to Russia’s higher mortality rate and therefore the selective survival of healthier people. Different results depending on the cognitive functioning outcome suggest that migration may affect temporary memory more than crystallized knowledge. However, there are no differences between the groups if defined based on age at migration, which suggests that the age profile differences explain most of the groups’ differences in cognitive functioning.
... In recent years, the gentrification process has become particularly important for researchers from Central and Eastern Europe because of the increasing social and economic inequalities and the liberalisation of the real estate market after the socialism period, which had a considerable impact on the regeneration of towns and cities (Wiest, 2012). Studies devoted to the gentrification process were conducted in Prague (Sykora, 1996;, Budapest (Kovács, 1998;Kovacs et al., 2013), Tallinn (Feldman, 2000;Kährik, 2006), Bucharest (Chelcea, 2006), Moscow (Badyina and Golubchikov, 2005;Golubchikov and Badyina, 2006), Warsaw (Górczyńska, 2017;Dudek-Mańkowska and Iwańczak, 2018) and other cities. It should be noted, however, that many researchers studying gentrification in post-socialist cities are critical of copying solutions based on British and American experiences (Kovács, 1998;Bernt, 2016). ...
In recent years, the centres of Polish cities were subject to intensive urban regeneration processes. This was due to the availability of European Union funds (since 2004), which made it possible to finance projects curbing the degradation of urban areas. Since 2015 the Polish Urban Regeneration Act has structured the urban renewal programming process and has created new legal tools that facilitate public intervention in the most neglected areas. At the same time, gentrification processes have occurred in m any Polish cities, either in conjunction with or as a result of urban regeneration. While urban regeneration is usually met with a positive response from city inhabitants, gentrification causes conflicts which are difficult to resolve. The aim of this paper is to analyse and assess the social manifestations of urban renewal and gentrification processes in deprived areas using the city of Poznań (Poland) as an example. Activities initiated by Poznań's local authorities are considered to be exemplary in Poland and as a result, they are imitated by numerous other cities. The paper presents the results of an analysis of changes that took place in the years 2006-2019 in the city centre that developed a municipal regeneration program. The transformations identified include an increase in property prices and rents and above all, a dramatic transformation of the social structure. The spatial consequences of these changes include the improved condition of residential and public buildings, restoration of green areas and modernisation of other public spaces. The paper attempts to assess which of the two processes, urban regeneration or gentrification, is the principal driving force behind the changes mentioned above.
... So far, the majority of path dependence-oriented studies on housing have focused on formal institutions, although there is also some work on path dependencies in building stock, quality, and regional housing distribution (Kohl 2016) and in social-stratification orders (Kährik 2006). In this paper, we discuss the STM model of gradual change in relation to housing institutions but also its applicability to the well-known sluggishness of physical housing structures. ...
The durable structures of housing and housing institutions are often subject to long-term processes of incremental change. Nevertheless, housing studies have largely focused either on static snapshots of policies or, more recently, on the inertia of institutional path dependence, while processes of incremental change have been almost entirely neglected. Political scientists (Streeck/Thelen/Mahoney) have proposed a typology of patterns of incremental institutional change, and this paper explores the applicability of this typology to housing structures and housing institutions. We draw on empirical illustrations from the housing literature to show how five types of change-layering, conversion, displacement, drift, exhaustion-apply to housing structures and institutions. We conclude with some general observations on how the typology can be used in further studies of developments in national housing regimes.
... In the Soviet context, central authorities sent communist party administrators, military personnel, and a large industrial workforce to Estonia. This was facilitated by targeted recruitment and housing policies that provided the administration and enterprises with efficient means to attract labour migrants from various regions of the former USSR (Kulu 2003;Kährik 2006). It has also been noted that somewhat higher standard of living made Estonia and the other Baltic countries attractive to immigrants (Misiunas and Taagepera 1993;Kahk and Tarvel 1997). ...
... In the Soviet context, central authorities that brought administrators, military personnel, and a large industrial workforce to Estonia directed migration. This was facilitated by employment and housing policies that provided the administration and enterprises with the means to attract labour migrants from other regions of the USSR (Kulu 2003;Kährik 2006). The persistent immigration entailed a major transformation in the population composition. ...
Background: Extensive scholarly literature documents the decline in marriage and increase in non-marital cohabitation and divorce across regions and countries of Europe, but we know less about the extent to which these new family behaviours that have emerged in host societies are adopted by migrants.
Objective: The aim of this study is to examine partnership transitions among the migrants and their descendants in Estonia, who mainly originate from the European part of Russia. By investigating an East European context, the study contributes to a more comprehensive account of migrant populations in different socio-economic and cultural settings.
Methods: The study is based on the Estonian Generations and Gender Survey (2004/2005) and the Estonian Family and Fertility Survey (1994/1997), and employs proportional hazards models.
Results: The results show that new family formation patterns, associated with the Second Demographic Transition, are less prevalent among migrants. The difference between migrants and native Estonians is most pronounced in the mode of partnership formation and outcomes of cohabiting unions, whereas the results pertaining to union dissolution reveal a less systematic difference between population groups. Reflecting the relatively slow integration, the second-generation migrants exhibit partnership behaviour that differs from that of the native population. The observed differences between migrants and the native population appear largely similar for both men and women.
Conclusions: The results lend support to socialisation, cultural maintenance, and adaptation hypotheses, and underscore the importance of contextual factors. The analysis reveals disruption effects of migration on partnership processes.
... Today, post-socialist cities exhibit the combined features of persistent structures and newly emergent differentiation patterns. New social inequalities have appeared, but the existing empirical studies agree that the socio-spatial restructuring of post-socialist cities is pathdependent and does not lead to the same segregation patterns as in Western Europe (Haase, Steinführer, Kabisch, Grossmann, & Hall, 2011;Kährik, 2006;Marcińczak, Gentile, & Stępniak, 2013;Sýkora, 2009). Until now, oversupply has not been an issue in this debate. ...
In this article, we contribute to a better understanding of contextual differences related to residential segregation. We illuminate one specific contextual factor—housing oversupply—and how it intersects with historically inherited patterns of socio-spatial differentiation and other drivers of residential segregation. The study is based on an analysis of how segregation has developed over the last 20 years in the city of Leipzig, Germany. This case offers the rare possibility of studying the impact of city-wide housing oversupply on residential segregation, rather than concentrating on decline or decay in specific areas. We examine how oversupply emerged at the meeting point of changes in market structures, housing preferences, welfare state interventions, and migration trends in the post-socialist transition. Using existing statistical data, we demonstrate how oversupply has fostered a fast and thorough reshuffling of residential patterns. After a period of resolving segregation patterns from the socialist era, oversupply acts as a catalyst for recently emerging residential segregation patterns.
... Marked socio-spatial differentiation has general a profound impact on people's life chances and overall cohesion in urban societies (Kährik 2006). Additional, knowledge concerning the socio-economic status of the population living in large-scale housing estates is crucial to estimate the prospects of the home owner associations to carry out necessary maintenance work. ...
Large-scale housing estates are an important but vulnerable part of the housing market in Central and Eastern European Cities. This article aims to shed some light on the complexity of socio-spatial development in different large-scale housing estates, and the reappraisal of the building stock from the socialist period since 1990 in Vilnius, Budapest, Sofia and Leipzig. Socio-spatial development is explained from the perspective of the metropolitan housing market on the supply side and housing preferences and residential mobility on the demand side. The research findings reveal that the evaluation of prefabricated housing by local residents is surprisingly similar in the cities investigated. To some extent this appears to be due to the transnational influences of cultural stereotypes in a globalizing society. On the other hand, social selective residential mobility very much depends on aspects of the local housing market such as housing supply and demand, the diversity of the housing stock or housing tenure patterns within a specific city. The research findings demonstrate that very different basic conditions for processes of socio-spatial differentiation prevail. By increasing choice, perception of the large-scale estates is gaining in importance for future development.
... in comparison to the slow pace of transformation in the large housing estates, residential changes in other parts of the city and at the urban fringe appear to have been much more pronounced in the course of post-socialist transition. the most important socio-spatial processes in east Central europe at the urban scale have been the commercialization of the city centres in connection with the displacement, or at least a steep reduction, of their formerly strong residential function (thus a 'deresidentialization'), the suburbanization of housing (and retail activity), selective building and social up-grading (gentrification) of some innercity areas, as well as the decline of others (for example, sýkora 2000a, sýkora et al. 2000, Węcławowicz 2001, Kovács and Wießner 2004, Kährik 2006, Ouředníček 2006, Hirt and Stanilov 2007. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 in retrospect, it is also necessary to stress that both the legacies of the old system (or its persistent patterns; steinführer 2006, sýkora 2008) as well as a number of unintended consequences of certain transition processes were underestimated or not perceived at all in terms of their effects. ...
Going beyond the assumption that East Central European cities are still 'in transition' this book draws on the postsocialism paradigm to ask new questions about the impact of demographic change on residential developments in this region. Focussing on four second-order cities in this region, it examines Gdansk and Lódz in Poland and Brno and Ostrava in the Czech Republic as examples and deals with the nexus between urban development and demographic change for the context of East Central European cities. It provides a framework for linking urban and demographic research. It discusses how residential areas and urban developments cope with changes in population development, household types and different forms of in- and out-migration and goes on to explore parallels and differences in comparison with broader European patterns. This book will be useful to academics of urban planning and development especially in transition areas, Central and Eastern European studies, demographics and population studies, and sociology/social exclusion. © Annegret Haase, Annett Steinführer, Sigrun Kabisch, Katrin Grossmann and Ray Hall 2011. All rights reserved.
... It has experienced the shift from a planned to a market economy, but also the impact of Estonia's entry in the European Community in 2004. The effects of the transition are said to have created new and increasing inequalities (Kährik, 2006), making more visible the previously latent socio-spatial segregation in Tallinn, which is common in many other post-socialist cities (Kliimask, 1997;Sýkora, 1999;Sailer-Fliege, 1999;Kulu, 2003;Weclawowicz, 2005;Häussermann and Kapphan, 2005;Tosics, 2005;Musil, 2005aMusil, , 2005bPichler-Milanovic´, 2005;Åberg, 2005; for review, see Åberg and Peterson, 1997;Hamilton et al., 2005). So far, very little evidence exists on how Tallinn's past and its current structure may generate criminogenic conditions that may lead to crime. ...
... Since empirical evidence in the fi eld of urban crime patterns is largely based on case studies from western Europe or the US (for example, Shaw and McKay, 1942;Reppetto, 1974;Sherman et al., 1989;Wikström, 1991;Ceccato et al., 2002;Coupe and Blake, 2006), Tallinn constitutes an interesting case study to be investigated from eastern Europe. Specifi cally, Tallinn has historically had an important role among capital cities of the former communist bloc (Kährik, 2006), and also among centres of the urban hierarchy of Nordic countries and eastern Europe. Tallinn acts as one of the main transport gateways between continental Europe and northern Eurasia (Hanell and Neubauer, 2005, p. 15;Hamilton et al., 2005), which has had an important effect on the region's economy, including on illegal activities driven by organised crime (for example, Junninen and Aromaa, 2000). ...
... Whilst in western European cities the large majority of the foreign population is ethnically heterogeneous and relatively newly arrived from non-European countries, in Tallinn the large majority of foreigners came from other Soviet republics during the period of Soviet control (these include mostly Russians, but also Ukrainians and White Russians). When comparing native Estonians and non-Estonians, Kährik (2006) shows, for example, that not many changes took place with regard to their place of residence during the 1990s. It could be expected that ethnic minorities in Tallinn have reached a certain degree of integration and are not therefore as vulnerable to the impact of social and economic exclusion as the foreign populations in western European cities. ...
The objective of this article is to characterise the criminogenic conditions of an eastern European city experiencing the transition from a planned to a market-oriented economy. Tallinn, the capital of Estonia, has been chosen as the case study. The article first describes the various levels of a set of expressive and acquisitive offences in Tallinn and then assesses whether patterns of crime in Tallinn are caused by underlying processes similar to the ones indicated in the Western literature of urban criminology. The study identifies variables that most significantly contribute to the variation of crime ratios using regression models, GIS and spatial statistical techniques. Findings suggest that, although there is no dramatic difference between the geography of crimes in Tallinn and those found in western European and North American cities, some of the explanatory variables function in ways which would not be predicted by Western literature.
This article presents an empirical analysis of patterns of individual multilingualism in Estonia based on 2015 survey results. We hypothesize that individual multilingualism is situated at the intersection of three major overlapping social factors: 1) geographic locale, the space where individuals interact daily, measurable primarily by its ethno-demographic characteristics, 2) mostly economic factors, the commodification of languages, and 3) patterns of civic participation in a particular locale. To explore patterns of multilingualism as multi-competence, we used the self-reported command of the three dominant languages and mapped this against those three factors. The article interprets and discusses the findings in light of language policy implications.
