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This study aims to disentangle the empirical relationships between Asian values and attitudes toward freedom of expression in Asia. Findings from our multinational survey suggest no obvious relationship between Asian values and support for freedom of expression at the country level. At the individual level, the data suggest a positive relationship...
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Background and Objectives
Increasing numbers of older adults use the internet, but relatively little is known about the range and determinants of different online activities among older internet users. This study explores the interplay between technology-related biographical experiences and subjective technology adaptivity to explain the variabilit...
Citations
... Existing measures of freedom of speech usually either focus on specific situations (e.g., online; Shen & Tsui, 2018), or the rights of specific groups (i.e., members of ideological groups; De keersmaecker et al., 2021). Because for the purpose of our study, a more general and comprehensive measure is warranted, we constructed a 9-item scale (M = 5.25, SD = 0.99, α = .82), ...
... All items were rated on a 7-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree). Three items are adapted from Shen and Tsui (2018). An example item is: "Every individual has the unalienable right to express their thoughts freely". ...
Freedom of speech and political correctness are recurrent and contentious topics in contemporary society. The present study (N = 300 North-American adults) aimed to advance empirical knowledge on these issues by investigating how cognitive ability and trait emotional intelligence predict individuals’ support for freedom of speech and concern for political correctness, considering empathy and intellectual humility as mediating variables. We demonstrate that both trait emotional intelligence and cognitive ability uniquely predict less concern for political correctness and more support for freedom of speech. Mediation through empathy slightly suppressed the effects of cognitive ability and emotional intelligence on concern for political correctness, whereas intellectual humility no longer served as a mediating variable in the overall path analysis. Possible mechanisms, implications, and avenues for future research are discussed.
... The reason for this is obvious. People with higher education tend to be more critical of the government and are more supportive of various types of freedom (De Keersmaecker et al., 2021;Shen and Tsui, 2018). ...
The resilience of non-democratic regimes in the past decades demonstrates that some authoritarian regimes have figured out ways to consolidate regime support without democratic elections. Hong Kong is a remarkable case of “legitimacy without democracy” as the system of government enjoyed a certain level of legitimacy since colonial days without being democratically elected. Using Hong Kong as a case and based on data from several waves of Asian Barometer Survey (ABS), this study analyzes the impact of citizens’ evaluation of the economic conditions, perception of freedoms, perceived procedural justice and institutional trust, and stability concerns on diffuse regime support in Hong Kong. There are three key findings of this study. First, economic performance is not a significant predictor of diffuse regime support in the case of Hong Kong, whereas, second, institutional trust and perceived civil liberties are. Finally, we found indirect evidence for the role of stability in shaping regime support, although its importance seems far less important than institutional trust and civil liberties.
... While notions of the Asian Values Theory have since been critiqued, a discussion of Asian values as a non-uniform set of values has implications for Singapore's technological governance and its citizens' acquiescence. Shen and Tsui (2018) write that some of the prescribed Confucian "Asian values," such as deference to authority, are negatively correlated with levels of support for freedom of expression. They find Singaporean citizens had the lowest support for Internet freedom of expression (tying with Japan) at the individual level. ...
The advent of the Information Revolution is challenging ethicists and policymakers alike to confront the difficulties caused by the societal integration of technology policy. As a technological giant operating under its own distinct governing ideology, the ramifications of China’s digital policies and use of surveillance tools are subject to great scrutiny. In its advertised pursuit of long-term stability, the Chinese government looks not just to the future but also to the past, building upon Confucian notions of harmony, legitimacy, and social hierarchy to inform contemporary technology applications and foster acceptance towards them. China is not the only Confucian-influenced society, and the counterfactuals provided by Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore demonstrate Confucianism, as a cultural values system does not institute unanimous approaches to digital governance. Thus, rather than explicitly precipitating modern digital policy, we argue Confucianism instead guides and informs the implementation and justification of the current system of digital governance in a politico-cultural continuum. To demonstrate the intersectionality between Confucianism as a cultural values system and the Chinese Communist Party as an authoritarian governance system, we present the Cybersecurity Law and Social Credit System as exemplar digital tools applied by the Chinese government to efficiently maintain stability and control by establishing a unique contract with citizens regarding their right to privacy. The ethicality of China’s digital governance strategy relies critically on the ethical notions posed by a Confucian philosophical system. Viewing technology policy through a politico-cultural lens informs an understanding as to why the ethics of China’s digital endeavors, which may present a conundrum beyond its borders, find justification within them.
... Asian values and democratic citizenship can be reconciled (Knowles, 2015). For example, a study based on a multinational survey found a positive relationship between Asian values and support for freedom of expression (Shen & Tsui, 2018). ...
The Asian values thesis describes the cultural exceptionalism and alternative political development of East Asia. This study used four rounds of Asian Barometer Survey (ABS) datasets (spanning 2001–2016) to empirically examine the effects of Asian values on citizens’ support for democracy in four East Asian societies—mainland China, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan—based on the theoretical distinction between the private and political spheres in which Asian values operate. The analysis produced three major findings. First, no remarkable gap exists between the citizens of China and those of other East Asian societies in terms of Asian values in the private sphere. However, Asian values in the political sphere are prevalent in China, while citizens in the other three societies have abandoned them. Second, supporting democracy is not incompatible with accepting the family and social ethics implied by Asian values, whereas Asian values in the political sphere have significantly negative associations with preference for democracy. Third, although most citizens in East Asia support democracy, the strongly positive evaluation of its suitability for local societies observed at the beginning of the twenty-first century has weakened in the region over the last 20 years.
... However, given that many South Asians have lived in the Arab Gulf for decades or longer, the lack of research on their sociopolitical attitudes represents a gap in social science literature. We acknowledge that some studies have examined self-expression values in South Asian countries (Kim, & Sherman, 2007;Shen & Tsui, 2018). Nevertheless, no identified study to date has examined self-expression values among South Asians living in the Arab Gulf ("Gulf" henceforth). ...
... Studies on self-expression values among South East Asians show varied results. In a cross-national study of eleven countries (Shen & Tsui, 2018), Pakistanis reported the lowest support for freedom of expression, considerably lower than Indians, South Koreans and Hong Kong residents. Quite notably, the study did not find support for the so-called Asian values hypothesis which suggests in part that people in more familial and communal societies, such as Asian countries, are less supportive of individual rights. ...
... Supporting the findings of Shen and Tsui (2018), which found that nationality in 11 countries did not necessarily support the "Asian values" hypothesis that people from communal and familial societies in Asia are less supportive of self-expression values, the current study found that South Asians living in the Gulf tend to be less supportive of censorship and more alarmed by internet surveillance than wealthy, highly educated Emiratis and Qataris. Perhaps both Qatar and the UAE also have strong communal and familial connections (Fromherz, 2012). ...
Studies on South Asians in Arab Gulf countries typically report their numbers and migration patterns, but not how they view important issues. This study examines self-expression values related to digital communication-opposition to censorship and fears of internet surveillance-among Indians and Pakistanis in Qatar and the UAE, as well as among nationals in each country. It also examined media use and socio-political predictors of self-expression values. South Asians were more worried about internet surveillance than Emiratis or Qataris and were also more opposed to censorship than Arab Gulf nationals. Countering expectations of individual modernity, income, education, age, and progressivism were not consistent predictors of self-expression values among South Asians or nationals, while online media use and attitudes relating to culture were.
... However, given that many South Asians have lived in the Arab Gulf for decades or longer, the lack of research on their sociopolitical attitudes represents a gap in social science literature. We acknowledge that some studies have examined self-expression values in South Asian countries (Kim, & Sherman, 2007;Shen & Tsui, 2018). Nevertheless, no identified study to date has examined self-expression values among South Asians living in the Arab Gulf ("Gulf" henceforth). ...
... Studies on self-expression values among South East Asians show varied results. In a cross-national study of eleven countries (Shen & Tsui, 2018), Pakistanis reported the lowest support for freedom of expression, considerably lower than Indians, South Koreans and Hong Kong residents. Quite notably, the study did not find support for the so-called Asian values hypothesis which suggests in part that people in more familial and communal societies, such as Asian countries, are less supportive of individual rights. ...
... There were exceptions: Emiratis' attitudes paralleled South Asians' attitudes in some cases. Supporting the findings of Shen and Tsui (2018), which found that nationality in 11 countries did not necessarily support the "Asian values" hypothesis that people from communal and familial societies in Asia are less supportive of self-expression values, the current study found that South Asians living in the Gulf tend to be less supportive of censorship and more alarmed by internet surveillance than wealthy, highly educated Emiratis and Qataris. Perhaps both Qatar and the UAE also have strong communal and familial connections (Fromherz, 2012). ...
This study examined the antecedents that drive consumer behavior in online shopping, especially via Instagram. The authors surveyed consumers (n=228) who have experience browsing through Instagram trans-border shopping accounts or have actual purchase experience, to determine their online purchasing behavior. The result suggests that there is a close relationship between vanity purchasing and online buying behavior. Perceived trust and vanity are the key factors that stimulate buying behavior on Instagram as a social media platform. This study offers a lens for future studies in which an informal online shopping setting will be the optimal place for transactions as physical shops are gradually being replaced by online shops.
... This explains why Asian internet users express varying levels of support for online censorship of different types of content. Shen and Tsui (2018 ) provide robust evidence that only two dimensions of Asian culture -emotional control and deference to authority -are negatively related to support for freedom of expression online, while other dimensions such as collectivism and family achievement encourage support for internet freedom. To summarize, people's attitudes towards internet freedom and control are inf luenced by deeply entrenched Asian cultural norms, but this inf luence is more nuanced than is often assumed, and subject to state manipulation in order to legitimize authoritarian practices. ...
Data journalism in Western-centric research has been lauded for its investigative qualities, capable of bringing to light previously concealed information and enabling the press to play its watchdog function. That said, journalism outside the liberal West may operate within vastly different contexts, shaped by different historical experiences, political cultures, and philosophical traditions, thereby creating a different brand of data journalism. This paper examines data journalism practice in Asia specifically, a region known to be home to collaborative press systems that adhere to a set of “Asian values” pertaining to collectivism, social harmony, norm conformity and deference to authority. By examining 210 data stories produced by news outlets in six Asian countries, this study finds that Asian values are displayed in a vast majority of data stories produced in the region, most of which are news stories pertaining to the home country of these news outlets. Continued reliance on government sources for information and a lack of stories that reveal previously hidden information or scrutinize a powerful entity also suggest no strong push to leverage on the investigative qualities of data journalism to produce more “watchdog” journalism; focus is instead placed on the “civic” role of informing the public.
Authoritarian governments talk about democracy frequently. Why do they do so? What does the term democracy mean in an authoritarian political language? This research uses a computer-assisted text analytical approach illustrating how an authoritarian government strategically manipulates the discourse about democracy to benefit itself. By analysing over a million political articles published in People's Daily over five decades, the study shows a refocusing framing strategy, in which the Chinese government defines democracy not with regime justification but with national policy priorities while denoting democracy most frequently alongside the fundamental values. With this strategy, the framed discourse appear to be consistent with the fundamental values in Western democracies but work for the preservation of the authoritarian regime.
