Table 6 - uploaded by Larry M Hyman
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In this paper I describe the tonal melodies of Lulamogi, a small understudied language of the Luganda-Lusoga cluster. Although Lulamogi has lost lexical contrast on verbs, as in most Bantu languages, it has a rich set of verbal melodies that are assigned on the basis of tense, aspect, mood, polarity and clause type (e.g. main vs. relative). Althoug...
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Citations
... I will thus conclude in §6 with a summary comparison of the tonal properties of Luganda, Lusoga and Lulamogi, another closely related language spoken in the area. 2 1 A subset of these languages also allow the H and L tones to combine to produce HL falling and (more rarely) LH rising tones, which are frequently restricted to bimoraic (long vowel) syllables and/or by position within a word or phrase, e.g. the penult. 2 The term Lusoga refers to several different Bantu speech varieties spoken in Busoga sub-region including sometimes Lulamogi, which should instead be recognized as dialectal with Lugwere JE17 (Hyman 2014, Hyman & Merrill 2016. The current study focuses on Lutenga, the standard Lusoga dialect, which has been the subject of considerable recent work, especially lexicographic (Gulere 2009, Nabirye 2009). ...
... 6 As seen, this produces the double L tone sequence that precedes the final H% boundary tone which, along with initial %L, is assigned in stage 5 to all remaining toneless moras, the H% counting from the end of the word. One of the arguments for early lowering (here, deletion) of the augment H is that this is a very common change in the closest Bantu languages in the interlacustrine area (but not in Lulamogi (Hyman 2014)). The derivations in (6) confirm this decision and provide a second reason that augment *H > Ø had to be the first change. ...
... 2 High tone is marked by an acute (´) accent, while L tone is unmarked. For discussion of the tone system, see Hyman (2014). ...
... Non-initial V-prefixes 6 The syllable is also the tone-bearing unit in Lulamogi (Hyman 2014). The only role the mora plays in the tonology is that a HL falling tone is restricted to CVV syllables. ...
... 15 As shown, prefixes enter at stratum 2. The phonological processes shown above are coalescence (a + e → ee), gliding + compensatory lengthening (tu + e → twee) and prefix vowel shortening in prepenultimate position (tw-é-βal-a is thus derived instead of *twéé-βal-a). At the postlexical level FVS applies to 'we will fear', as does the assignment of a final H% boundary tone in 'we will count ourselves' (see Hyman 2014). ...
Over the past several decades there has been recurrent skeptism concerning cyclic derivations in phonology, one of the most central tenets of traditional generative and lexical phonology and morphology. In this paper I draw on original data from Lulamogi, a previously almost unstudied Bantu language of Uganda, to show that the most insightful analysis of some rather unusual vowel length alternations requires either cyclicity or global reference to internal morphological structure, specifically the difference between stem vs. prefix V+V sequences. After documenting the vowel length properties in some detail I consider several analyses, opting for a stratal account which neatly mirrors the traditional Bantu stem, word, and phrasal domains.
