Table 5 - uploaded by Ramgopal Agarwala
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India's Principal Social Security Laws
Citations
... Though firms probably found alternative ways to gain some control over the allocation of manpower (such as subcontracting, etc.), in an interview of managers throughout India, found that managers would lay-off 16-17 percent of their work force if given the chance. (This estimate is nearly identical to an estimate of the share of redundant labor in manufacturing calculated by Agarwala et al., 2001). ...
This paper uses the 1991 Indian trade liberalization to measure the impact of trade liberalization on poverty, and to examine the mechanisms underpinning this impact. Variation in sectoral composition across districts and liberalization intensity across production sectors allows a difference-in-difference approach. Rural districts, in which production sectors more exposed to liberalization were concentrated, experienced slower decline in poverty and lower consumption growth. The impact of liberalization was most pronounced among the least geographically mobile, at the bottom of the income distribution, and in Indian states where inflexible labor laws impeded factor reallocation across sectors.
... gain some control over the allocation of manpower (such as subcontracting, etc.), in an interview of managers throughout India, Dollar et al. (2002) found that managers would lay-off 16-17 percent of their work force if given the chance. This estimate is nearly identical to an estimate of the share of redundant labor in manufacturing calculated by Agarwala and Khan. (2001). 78 As we underlined before, the impact of trade on relative poverty in India was most pronounced in areas with inflexible labor laws, where labor mobility was hindered. It is why Topalova (2005) emphasizes that "if some of the immobility of labor is institutionally driven, then complementary measures to trade opening, such as labor mar ...
According to the World Bank (World Bank, 2007), the aim of the Country Policy and Institutional Assessment (CPIA) is to assess “how conducive [a country’s policy and institutional] framework is to fostering poverty reduction, sustainable growth and the effective use of development assistance.” We review the most recent (since 2001) empirical and theoretical literature on the determinants of sustained growth, poverty reduction and the effective use of development assistance, distinguishing between policies/institutions versus outcomes, underlying the areas of agreement and discussing the current controversies. Drawing from this literature, we underline what are the current weaknesses of the CPIA. We emphasize especially the controversies on the association between the CPIA criteria and some determinants of sustained growth, poverty reduction and the effective use of development assistance. We then list the key determinants identified in the literature that have been left out by the CPIA. Finally, after reviewing the literature, we conclude that, concerning the determinants of sustainable growth as well as poverty reduction and the effective use of development assistance, one of the most important points made in the literature is that “there is not universal recipe” (Barder and Birdsall, 2006). As a consequence, one of the main criticisms against the CPIA is that it “relies too heavily on a uniform model of what works in development policy” (Kanbur, 2005b).
... There is a common concern that the quality of care provided by ESIS facilities is abysmally poor, which is evident from a very low bed occupancy rate. 24 IRDA has outlined an elaborate framework to regulate the operations of private insurance companies and third-party administrators (TPAs). However, the direct impact of this effort on quality of care will remain insignificant unless it is coupled with a parallel initiative to establish a credible system of regulating providers, such as through universal licensure and accreditation processes. ...
Health care markets in China and India have expanded rapidly. The regulatory response has lagged behind in both countries and has followed a different pathway in each. Using the examples of front-line health providers and health insurance, this paper discusses how their different approaches have emerged from their own historical and political contexts and have led to different ways to address the main regulatory questions concerning quality of care, value for money, social agreement, and accountability. In both countries, the challenge is to build trust-based institutions that rely less on state-dominated approaches to regulation and involve other key actors.
... Self-Employment Program for the Urban Poor (SEPUP) 1986-87 and the Nehru Rozgar Yojana (NRY) – 1989 with three components: Scheme for Urban Micro Enterprises (SUME); Scheme for Urban Wage Employment (SUWE); and the Scheme for Housing and Shelter Upgradation (SHASU) (Agarwala and Khan 2001 ...
... As a result, India also possesses a "1 country, 3 systems" segmentation of its labor force by welfare programs. (Agarwala and Kahn 2002) It is thus possible that democratic politics are not a sufficient condition for what Wong (2004) has referred to as "healthy democracies" (i.e., those with strong health care and other social policies). Further research could productively pursue the question of whether the East Asian developmental states evolved broad welfare protections by having rapid, relatively equitable growth, followed later by the formation of democratic regimes. ...
... This sector accounts for 92 percent of the labor force, about 300 million workers. In the middle are the regular wage employees in the public sector and in the organized private sector, who account for about 7 percent of the labor force, about 22 million people (Agarwala and Khan, 2002). In the nonagriculture sector, workers are more skilled since they have access to formal education as well as to training facilities. ...
With per capita income of US$1,124 at the current exchange rate in 2009 (Government of India, 2010), India is the world’s eleventh largest economy in nominal GDP, and the fourth largest in terms of purchasing power parity (IMF, 2009). With 1.1 billion people accounting for one-sixth of the world population, India’s ranking in per capita income stands at 142nd; its ranking in the human development index is 119th among 169 countries in the Human Development Report, 2010 (United Nations Development Programme, 2010). As with most large countries, India remains a domestic oriented economy with exports of goods and services constituting 26.2 per cent of GDP in 2009–10 (RBI, 2010).
Since the late-1980s, the world's workers have experienced two strikingly coordinated global trends. The first is an unpredicted decline in secure, formally employed labor, and subsequent growth in informal labor. The second is an unprecedented decline in state welfare rhetoric and policy. These simultaneous trends have resulted in an increase in the proportion of workers that do not receive secure wages or social benefits from either the employer or the state. As this notion of the "benevolent" state purported in the 1950's disintegrates, one finds development literature focusing squarely on formation of social movements as solutions. This study examines the efforts of one such social movement-Working Women's Forum, India (WWF)-which has been successful in providing social protection (insurance) for over 8,00,000 women in the urban informal sector in Tamilnadu, Andhra and Karnataka. This case study looks at linkages between WWF and insurers: Government and Private owned. The curiosity that guides the research is regarding a) opportunities involved in such linkages towards a wider coverage of women in the informal sector, and b) identifying different state characteristics that influence different levels of success among informal workers organizations' ability to secure labor benefits.
