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Food exports from China to Southeast Asia and to the world: 1990-2015. (a) Exports to Southeast Asia. (b) Exports to the world.

Food exports from China to Southeast Asia and to the world: 1990-2015. (a) Exports to Southeast Asia. (b) Exports to the world.

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Using the UN Comtrade database and multiple sources of agricultural investment data, this paper outlines the emerging patterns of food trade and agricultural investment between Southeast Asian countries and China. The paper shows that China has adopted a flexible overseas food strategy. First, China has increased food export and shifted its food tr...

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... Furthermore, China has become "an important hub of capital" for agribusiness and agrifood trade [17]. This new development implies China's evolving role in food trade both as an exporter and importer (see Figs. 1 and 2), as exemplified in China's food trade with the Southeast Asia region [18]. China also plays a significant role as a major seafood processor and re-exporter [19,20]. ...
... Crop rotation is an inevitable step to implementing ecological civilization policies and protecting cultivated land. Currently, China is facing a serious challenge with food security and a structural problem with agricultural supply (Zhan et al., 2018;Baylis et al., 2019). The issue of food security is mainly reflected in the protection of cultivated land. ...
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In the context of China's digital transformation and agricultural modernization, exploring the impact of cultivated land transfer and Internet use on crop rotation holds significant importance for promoting sustainable use of cultivated land and ensuring the supply of agricultural products. This study utilizes an ordered logistic regression model to investigate this issue, based on a social survey of 489 households in Heilongjiang Province. Our findings reveal that (1) cultivated land transfer and Internet use both promote crop rotation, but cultivated land transfer is more efficient than Internet use. In addition, two-years cultivated land transfer are more effective than one-year, (2) The analysis of the mechanism indicates that both have the most significant promotion effect in the maize-soybean transition zone, and the promotion effect of cultivated land transfer is mainly observed in the older age group, while Internet use is mainly observed in the younger age group. As aging farmers become more critical, the role of cultivated land transfer does not change significantly, while the role of Internet use decreases. Furthermore, the interaction effect of cultivated land transfer and Internet use is not conducive to crop rotation in the maize-soybean transition zone, but it can facilitate crop rotation in older age groups.
... In this context, the Southeast Asian borderlands feature comparative advantages in terms of both land and labor, such as relatively low land rent and a sufficient labor force (transnational migration or local wage labor) (Zhang, Kono, and Kobayashi 2014;Friis and Nielsen 2016;Baird and Cansong 2017). Thirdly, Zhan, Zhang, and He (2018) highlighted the 'flexibility' of China's overseas food strategy by tracing food trade. The study notes that this investment was 'less driven by domestic food demand but is rather more oriented toward profit making.' ...
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This paper examines the transformation of agrarian livelihoods due to crop booms at the China-Myanmar borderland. A key finding is that local villagers have rented out their land to outside investors looking to make fruit boom investments. However, the villagers neither cultivated the same crops themselves, nor were they hired as wage laborers. Overall, this study finds that crop booms provide local villagers with opportunities to reallocate natural resources and adjust their livelihoods. We argue that the dynamics of agrarian livelihoods are co-produced as the result of transnational labor migration and state-led borderland repositioning under secure land tenure relations. This study contributes to the current discussion regarding the changes undergone by an agrarian society experiencing crop booms.
... Not only are consumer diets changing, but farmland has been threatened by industry and urban expansion. Moreover, there have been fears that food produced domestically is not safe, such as contaminated milk and rice polluted by heavy-metals (Zhan, Zhang, and He 2018). Given these issues, in December 2013, the Chinese central state, led by the Communist Party of China, announced a new food security strategy that sought to supplement domestic supply with 'moderate imports' (Zhang 2019, 156). ...
... In her assessment of Chinese land acquisitions in African countries, Brautigam (2009, 21) found that the outcomes of Chinese investment in land varied 'country by country' due to each nation's unique political terrain. In Southeast Asia, Chinese agro-food trade varies considerably depending on national conditions of production (Zhan, Zhang, and He 2018). For example, Kenney-Lazar (2019) found that Chinese rubber companies were able to access only limited portions of the land concessions granted to them by the central government due to resistance by state and non-state actors at sub-national scales. ...
... Alongside boosting market demand for fragrant jasmine rice, Chinese state-capital has invested in Southeast Asia to improve rice production. Indeed, this region is the largest destination for Chinese agricultural investment in the world (Zhan, Zhang, and He 2018). Several of its regional trading partners, particularly Laos, Myanmar, and Cambodia, are unable to provide the quantity or quality of rice imports in demand by Chinese buyers. ...
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Based on research about Cambodia's rice sector, this article explains how an emerging Chinese food regime contributes to local agrarian transitions. It argues that Chinese-Cambodian trade deals for jasmine rice, alongside Chinese investment in rice mills and irrigation, have intersected with pre-existing relations of production to make farmers' dependence on export commodity markets more precarious. In turn, farmers have received minimal state support, because national policies in Cambodia prioritize domestic agrarian capital over small farmers. This article advances food regime scholarship by analyzing the multiscalar processes, actors, and negotiations that produce specific agrarian transitions.
... This perspective highlights how such key policies as agrarian globalisation (nongye zouchuqu 农业走出去) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) both serve and shape political priorities of food security, diplomacy and technological aid (Tortajada & Zhang, 2021;Wolff, 2014). Regional closeups on Chinese land investments in Africa (Brautigam & Tang, 2009;Brautigam & Zhang, 2013;Chaponniere et al., 2010;Scoones et al., 2016), Australia (Böhme, 2021), Central Asia (Hofman, 2016), Latin America (Dussel Peters, 2019;Mora, 2019), and Southeast Asia (Zhan et al., 2018) show what happens when these deals meet political reality. The centrepiece of China's food policy is grain security, which has been a paramount strategic priority since the mid-1990s (State Council Information Office of China, 1996;Tortajada & Zhang, 2021). ...
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... En ese sentido, los países miembros de la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC), organismo al que México se adhirió en 1995, pusieron en marcha estrategias para la exportación. Tal es el caso de Ucrania (fecha de entrada, 2008), mediante una estrategia de posicionamiento de mercado y promoción del producto (Ilchenko y Bezugla, 2019); Tailandia e Indonesia (en 1995), al mantener grandes volúmenes de exportación con China (Zhan et al., 2018) y Myanmar y Camboya (en 1995 y 2004, respectivamente) que aprovecharon su cercanía geográfica con China (Zhan et al., 2018). ...
... En ese sentido, los países miembros de la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC), organismo al que México se adhirió en 1995, pusieron en marcha estrategias para la exportación. Tal es el caso de Ucrania (fecha de entrada, 2008), mediante una estrategia de posicionamiento de mercado y promoción del producto (Ilchenko y Bezugla, 2019); Tailandia e Indonesia (en 1995), al mantener grandes volúmenes de exportación con China (Zhan et al., 2018) y Myanmar y Camboya (en 1995 y 2004, respectivamente) que aprovecharon su cercanía geográfica con China (Zhan et al., 2018). ...
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The belt and road initiative (BRI) is a mutual development approach projected by China, which delivers exceptional opportunities for multi-phased communication and cooperation across Asia, Africa, and Europe. It opens ample opportunities for China to easily invest in overseas arable land. Based on the macro data of 119 countries in 2010 and 2016 before and after the BRI, the study comprehensively uses fuzzy C-means clustering and the entropy method to evaluate the potential of arable land investment from four dimensions, which existing literature has not fully grasped. Moreover, the study uses the exploratory spatial data analysis methods (ESDA), kernel density estimation, and trend surface analysis to study the spatial pattern characteristics. The results show that: (i) there are noticeable regional differences in the investment potential of arable land in BRI countries. Asian countries, led by Kazakhstan and Indonesia, and African Unions, led by Ethiopia, South Africa, and Tanzania, generally have higher investment potential. However, South America and European countries are relatively lower. (ii) Resource endowment and production conditions significantly impact overseas arable land investment potential. Asia and Africa have advantages in resource endowment and production conditions, while European countries generally have better economic and political environments. (iii) From the perspective of time evolution, the investment potential in 2016 is generally higher than in 2010, and the negative correlation and dispersion are lower than in 2010. Based on these findings, it is recommended that Chinese enterprises should comprehensively consider the differences in resource endowments and agricultural development levels in various countries, optimize investment layout, and reduce investment risks. Chinese companies should collaborate with host nations on modernization and promote the long-term viability of arable land investments.
... China has begun to invest in farmland overseas in order to help relieve the strain on its resources due to urbanization and to mitigate the pressure related to food security. In addition, China's agricultural foreign direct investment is expected to help several developing countries to ensure food security and reduce poverty; enhance China's image regarding responsibility; and create a stable international environment for the trade of China's agricultural products (Chen and Guo 2017;Zhan et al. 2018). ...
... Research has found that most of China's overseas agricultural investment has a profit motive, such as selling produce for local consumption, which is similar to the motivation for other investments (Bräutigam 2013;Chen and Guo 2017;Zhan et al. 2018). Following the introduction of the "Going Global" policy, adopted in 2002, investors of Chinese capital began scouring the globe for the means of production required for agricultural products, including arable land. ...
... Following the introduction of the "Going Global" policy, adopted in 2002, investors of Chinese capital began scouring the globe for the means of production required for agricultural products, including arable land. Thus, numerous Chinese companies have invested in the Russian Federation, Australia, Southeast Asian countries, as well as resource-abundant South American countries, for the purpose of cooperation in the use of resources (Bräutigam 2013;Cotula and Vermeulen 2009;Okoloa and Akwub 2016;Zhan et al. 2018). In addition to solving local employment problems, these companies have exported advanced technologies and management experience, and have promoted the development of local society (Chen and Guo 2017;Regan et al. 2015). ...
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... Currently, China is the leading producer of grains, cotton, fruits, vegetables, meat, poultry, eggs, and fish products worldwide and has successfully solved the problem of feeding its own population, which represents 21 percent of the world's total population [68]. Along these lines, China continues to deepen supply-side structural reform in agriculture to develop the sector [69]. The goal is to increase the production of high-quality products based on green and innovative production practices, projecting the incorporation of new industries and new types of businesses [70,71]. ...
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The world is currently experiencing a pandemic: a virus in the family Coronaviridae is causing serious respiratory infections in humans. The outbreak of novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) was declared a pandemic by the WHO on 11 March 2020. The outbreak began in December 2019 in Wuhan, China, and has since spread throughout the world. Despite measures taken by governments throughout the world to contain and control the spread, economic disruption at the global level is imminent and will affect all economic sectors, particularly the food sector. In a post-pandemic scenario, the use of new technologies will be decisive in a new model of food commercialization. The production and distribution of food will be configured to make supply chains optimal and safe systems. Against this background, the present study aims to explore and analyze the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for global food security.
... Through the analysis presented here, the paper contributes to a second wave of research on China's role in the global 'land grab' (Brautigam, 2015;Hofman, 2016;Myers & Guo, 2015;Zhan et al., 2018). This wave of research not only provides more empirically grounded and nuanced accounts of China's implication in the land grab but, more importantly, sheds light on how land grab discourses have been produced in the first place, for whose benefit, and with which consequences for the distribution of power and profit in an increasingly multipolar global food system (see also Brautigam & Zhang, 2013;Oliveira, 2018). ...
... Many farmland investments cited in media reports turned out to be far smaller than generally believed, had collapsed in the face of regulatory hurdles and practical challenges, or could not be confirmed at all by researchers visiting investment sites (Brautigam, 2015;Myers & Guo, 2015). In terms of investment drivers, scholars found that the food Chinese investors produce overseas was often bound for local or regional markets rather than for export to China (Brautigam & Zhang, 2013;Zhan et al., 2018) and that many investment projects turned out to be primarily motivated by profits (Gooch & Gale, 2018;Hofman, 2016), thus challenging overly simplistic notions of China as an emblematic case of a 'land-poor/capitalrich' country seeking food security abroad. Indeed, recent scholarship has argued that, despite claims made about its distinctive nature, Chinese farmland investment is surprisingly similar to the investment practices and goals of leading agribusiness companies from the Global North (Klinger & Muldavin, 2019;Oliveira, 2018). ...
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Since the global food crisis, China has been in the spotlight as a major actor in the global ‘land grab’. In the context of Australia – a key target of Chinese investment – rising Chinese farmland ownership has provoked a contentious debate, eventually leading to a revision of Australia’s foreign investment regime. The paper analyses how concerns over the assumed ‘state-driven’ and ‘food security’-oriented nature of Chinese investment have been mobilized to tighten governmental scrutiny over foreign investment flows into Australian agriculture. I argue that the reregulation of Australia’s foreign investment regime must be understood as part of a broader effort by Australian political and agribusiness interests to balance the opportunities and threats associated with China’s rise as a key agri-food player. Ultimately, these controversies have precluded a substantial reflection upon the problematic productivist assumptions that characterize common understandings of who should own Australian farmland and to which ends.