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Arrow-poison beetles of the Ju|’hoansi, Tswumke Conservancy, Namibia (photos: CS Chaboo). 11 Typical collecting for beetle cocoons at base of a Commiphora shrub in the drip line 12 Ostrich egg-shell full of cocoons of Diamphidia nigroornata ab. locusta13 Parasitoid carabid larva (left) and Diamphidia larva (right) extracted from collected cocoons 14 Cleaned 4th instar Diamphidia larva extracted from cocoon 15 Adult Diamphidia beetle in cocoon 16 Squeezing the contents of leaf beetle larvae onto giraffe bone to prepare arrow poison 17 Typical hunting implements, quiver, bow, fire-sticks, and arrows.
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The use of archery to hunt appears relatively late in human history. It is poorly understood but the application of poisons to arrows to increase lethality must have occurred shortly after developing bow hunting methods; these early multi-stage transitions represent cognitive shifts in human evolution. This paper is a synthesis of widely-scattered...
Citations
... The apertures were also sealed with beeswax, clay necks, mastic stoppers or seashells pasted on with clay (Henderson, 2000;Jerardino et al., 2009;Rudner, 1953). Besides water, some ostrich eggshell flasks were used to carry red pigment (Humphreys, 1974;Morris, 1994;Rudner, 1971) or as containers for beetle larvae cocoons for making arrow poison (Chaboo et al., 2016). Lee (1979: 276) reports that among the Ju/'hoansi most households had a stock of six ostrich eggshell canteens. ...
We compare motifs engraved on ostrich and rhea eggshell fragments from southern Africa and southern South
America respectively. These elements were part of water flasks used, transported and cached by huntergatherers.
We define trends in the motifs engraved on eggshells, inquire about their temporal and spatial distribution,
their diversity and their information content in the context of the social interactions and boundaries
developed among mobile peoples. A typology of basic motifs occurring on each side of the Atlantic was built to
perform a three-step analysis. The first evaluates motif composition through three periods that we name ‘middle’,
‘initial late’ and ‘final late’ Holocene, the second examines image circulation within each period and the third
assesses the information content of the engravings. Even though the ostrich and rhea eggshells’ visual repertoires
are similar, motif variability and motif spatial distribution between the periods analyzed present differences
related to the particular social processes that took place in each region. Ostrich eggshells’ higher information
content could imply that interaction networks in southern Africa were more extensive than in southern South
America. However, sample bias could also be affecting the results obtained.
... The San are considered the first indigenous people of southern Africa and have historically lived as hunter-gatherers (e.g., [35]). They use poisons from both plant and animal sources [5,14,16,20,34,[36][37][38][39]. In addition to Chrysomelidae leaf beetles [5,34, and citations therein], reported animal sources of San arrow poisons are snakes, geckos, centipedes, scorpions, and spiders [14][15][16]27,28,31]. ...
... They use poisons from both plant and animal sources [5,14,16,20,34,[36][37][38][39]. In addition to Chrysomelidae leaf beetles [5,34, and citations therein], reported animal sources of San arrow poisons are snakes, geckos, centipedes, scorpions, and spiders [14][15][16]27,28,31]. San indigenous hunting techniques have included snares [37,40], nets and pitfalls (or game pits) [15,27,31,41], traps ( [40]; spring-traps [37]), hooks (= springhare hook [1,31,40]), spears, and bows and arrows [42]. ...
... For example, the use of wire instead of sinew or plant fibre for snares [31], plastic pipes for quivers instead of wood [8], and the replacement of bone or later stone tips with glass [27] or metal [27,40,43]. Metal can be cut from tins [31], fence wire [8,37,39), steel from vehicles [37], or metal nails hammered to triangular arrow points [29,34]. Information of change in arrow poisons is scant (see also [20]). ...
Hunting has been crucial in early human evolution. Some San (Bushmen) of southern Africa still practice their indigenous hunting. The use of poisons is one remarkable aspect of their bow-and-arrow hunting but the sources, taxonomic identifications of species used, and recipes , are not well documented. This study reports on fieldwork to investigate recent indigenous hunting practices of G/ui and G//ana San communities in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR), Botswana. Here we discuss their use of spider poison. The hunters use the contents of the opisthosoma ('abdomen') of a spider as sole ingredient of the arrow poison and discard the prosoma that contains the venom-glands. Using taxonomic keys, we identified the spider as the garden orb-web spider Argiope australis (Walckenaer 1805) (Araneidae). The hunters' choice of this species is remarkable given the scientific perception that A. australis is of little medical importance. The species choice raises questions about how the spider fluids could kill game, particularly when the prosoma, which contains the venom glands, is not used. Possibilities include trauma, as a source of pathogens, or abdomen containing toxins. Based on characteristics of Argiope Audouin 1826, we hypothesize that the choice of this species for arrow poisons might have evolved from the recognition of aposematic signalling or spiritual symbolism. Indigenous knowledge (IK) is an important source for advances in biotechnology but is in decline worldwide. The study contributes to the documentation of the San people, and their ancient IK, which is threatened by marginali-zation, political pressures, and climate change. PLOS ONE PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.
... The Kalahari San of southern Africa are renowned for their use of relatively small bows and lightweight poisoned arrows, and there is an abundance of ethnohistorical literature on the topic (Sparrman, 1785;Stow, 1905;Theal, 1919;Schapera, 1927;Dunn, 1931;Lebzelter, 1934;Shaw et al., 1963;Vinnicombe, 1971;Marshall, 1976;Lee, 1979;Wiessner, 1983;Deacon, 1992;Webley, 1994;Nadler, 2005;Wadley et al., 2015;Chaboo et al. 2016;Backwell et al., 2018;Alam, 2019;Hitchcock et al., 2019;Parsons & Lombard, 2021). Kalahari hunter-gatherers still use bone for poisoned arrow hunting (Bradfield, 2012(Bradfield, , 2015a(Bradfield, , 2015b(Bradfield, , 2016Lombard, 2020a;Fig. ...
Work on large samples of southern African archaeological lithics, probably used to tip hunting weapons amongst other things, and ethno-historical bone and iron weapon tips of known use exposed limitations in the tip cross-sectional area (TCSA) method’s robustness for hypothesising about variation in ancient weapon-delivery systems. Here, we list some of the limitations and discuss a few recently published improvements in tip cross-sectional area ranges and data presentation. Our main contribution is the meaningful enlargement of datasets obtained from hafted weapon tips and/or weapon tips of known use mostly from sub-Saharan Africa. We briefly discuss why this region is relevant for studying trends in the evolution and development of hunting weapons. Our new data are used to strengthen and constrain the different TCSA ranges used as proxies for poisoned arrow tips, un-poisoned arrow tips, javelin tips, stabbing-spear tips, and to suggest a working TCSA range for thrusting-spear tips. We demonstrate that the calibrated TCSA ranges have robust statistical integrity as proxies for the different weapon-delivery systems they represent. Apart from the dart-tip category, the TCSA method has now been improved to accommodate more nuanced and accurate interpretations, while further strengthening hypothesis building about ancient weapon systems.
... Current research draws attention to ethno-historically recorded arrow poison recipes from southern Africa, which may include toxic plant and/or animal ingredients, and their implications for archaeological investigation (e.g. Bradfield et al. 2015;Wadley et al. 2015;Chaboo et al. 2016;Chaboo et al. 2019). Such implications include the biomolecular detection of possible poison components (Wooding et al. 2017), exploring the origins of hunting with poisoned arrows (Lombard 2020a(Lombard , 2020b, and understanding the cognition expressed in ancient knowledge systems pertaining to poison use (Gärdenfors and Lombard 2020). ...
Some 170 years ago Piet Windvogel told William Atherstone about two plant-based arrow poisons prepared and used by Khoe-San living west of the Great Kei River in the modern-day Eastern Cape interior of South Africa. Atherstone’s interest in botany and in indigenous knowledge of local plant species fed into colonial intellectual networks, as well as imperialist concerns with scientific and/or economic profit. Yet his diarised record of Windvogel’s accounts has prompted us to compile a list of potential arrow poisons for a region where such ethnohistorical information is comparatively sparse. We have narrowed these down to the most likely botanical species used in Windvogel’s poison recipes: Prunus africana or rooistinkhout for the manufacture of t’ghee poison and perhaps Euphorbia mauritanica or gifmelkbos for taah poison, although species such as Acokanthera oppositifolia or gifboom, Asclepias fruticosa or melkbos and Carissa macrocarpa or the grootnoem-noem also merit consideration.
... As cognitive architecture and complex behaviour developed (Wadley 2013;Gärdenfors & Lombard 2018), these abilities in turn provided the affordances that would make fermentation technology possible. Techno-behaviour and pharmacology become recognizable in the MSA and advance into the LSA when arrow poison first makes an appearance at 24 564-23 941 cal BP (d 'Errico et al. 2012a; see also Bradfield et al. 2015;Chaboo et al. 2016). These strands of evidence are compelling in that each implies a developing coevolution of mental and techno-dexterity, such that, for example, "[d]iscoveries of ancient arrow poison, and the technical steps involved in early toxicology, have the potential to indicate levels of human cognition" (Bradfield et al. 2015: 29). ...
... Similarly, the residue on a poison applicator excavated at the same site (24 564-23 941 cal BP) is shown to include plant material identified as that sourced from mature castor beans (Ricinus communis, Euphorbiaceae), a toxic natural poison, 2 as is Euphorbia latex in high concentrations. What is indicated by historic and ethnographic sources is that Euphorbia may be used as either poison, medicine (in low doses) or mastic (Bradfield et al. 2015;Chaboo et al. 2016). Euphorbiaderived honey is mentioned in one historic account and from this testimony it appears that toxic honey collected by bees from Euphorbia blossoms was used to produce a honey-alcohol drink (Mossop 1935: 181-3). ...
... As noted above (Mossop 1935: 181-3), the uses of Euphorbia as a source for both arrow poison and toxic honey-alcohol could feasibly have been 'discovered' by following the same method. Snake venom, for instance, is used for the manufacture of arrow poison (Bradfield et al. 2015;Chaboo et al. 2016) and is also ingested for curative and transformative purposes (Mossop 1935: 135-7). This is not the place to delve into the multiple and complex use of venom other than to note that "snake powder" features in mythology and is considered to have charm properties (Orpen 1874: 10). ...
Three ingredients exist inside any honeybee hive, wild or domesticated – yeast, beebread (transformed floral pollen) and honey (fructose and glucose). If combined with water these ingredients produce alcohol. Success depends on an accumulation of pharmacological knowledge, keen observation and an astute, flexible cognitive ability. Archaeological evidence from Border Cave, South Africa suggests that honey bee products were being used and consumed by early people 40, 000 years ago. In this presentation, Neil Rusch draws on the archaeological record in support of a long-term chronology involving bees, bow-hunting and arrow poison production. This better explains the early appearance of intentional fermentation. A deep time perspective also accounts for the occurrence of bees in the ethnography, rock paintings and mythology of the region.
This presentation and others in the NC State University Seminar Series are published in: Jewell, M., Dunn, R.R., Vandegrift, M., Nichols, L.M., Ciccone, K., Dufresne, K., Gannon, K., Hill, C., Kittinger, A., Kittleson, S., & O'Reilly, R. (Eds.). (2021). Fermentology. Raleigh, NC: NC State University Libraries. https://doi.org/10.52750/679579
... [255][256][257] Beyond biological warfare, the use of chemical agents to hurt other humans goes back over 10,000 years, from application of poison to spear tips, to the poisoning of Athenian wells by Sparta, the use of battlefield chemical weapons in the WWI, and the Nazi development of the most lethal nerve agents. [258][259][260][261][262][263][264][265][266][267][268] The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) defines biological terrorism, or bioterrorism, as the use of biological agents (microbes, toxins, and viruses) as weapons to further personal, religious, or political agendas. [269,270] Acts of bioterrorism range from a single exposure directed at an individual by another individual or group, to wider scale warfare resulting in mass casualties. ...
International health security (IHS) encompasses any natural or anthropogenic occurrence that can threaten the safety of human health and well‐being. The American College of Academic International Medicine Consensus Group (ACAIM‐CG) developed and recently published a summative assessment highlighting an expanded and re‐defined global IHS
agenda. The broadened scope of IHS now includes a variety of topics including emerging infectious diseases (EIDs), chronic health conditions (CHCs), social determinants of health (SDH, including access to care), civilian injury and interpersonal violence (CIV), terrorism (inclusive of bioterrorism), planetary changes (volcanic eruptions, earthquakes,
wildfires, and climate change), nuclear incidents (both civilian and military), information and cyber‐health security (CHS), industrialization and related dangers, globalization, public infrastructure, pharmaceutical production and supply chains, misuse of communication platforms (e.g., social media [SM]), as well as systemic racism and other
forms of discrimination. These concerns can directly and indirectly impact IHS both in the short and long term. When considering IHS, our group’s primary goal is to emphasize the utility of applying a predefined framework to effectively approach health security threats. This framework comprises a perpetually repeating cycle of prevention, detection, assessment, reporting, response, and addressing needs, with appropriate mitigation efforts built‐in and hardwired into the collective health security response. This document provides an outline of the recently published summative assessment in this important area of international academic medicine, as well as our recommendations, regarding appropriate system‐wide improvement strategies.
... The San hunting culture can be dated back to at least tens of thousands of years [2], and one of their major hunting tools is the bow and arrow. The first use of arrows in this region is recorded in cave paintings from between 60,000-64,000 years ago, while the first reference to the use of bone in arrows dates back to approximately 24,000 years ago [3]. Ju|'hoansi arrows are unique composite constructions and are typically tipped with poison [4] from Diamphidia and Polyclada (Chrysomelidae family) grubs, more commonly known as the arrow-poison beetle [5]. ...
In this paper, we elucidate the composite engineering design skills of the Kalahari 9 Ju|'hoansi (San) people, developed over at least, tens of thousands of years. In particular, we show 10 that the mechanical and physical properties of materials used by the Ju|'hoansi in the design of 11 arrowheads, are intimately linked to their unique geometrical and composite designs. The 12 Ju|'hoansi arrowheads have evolved to become complex engineered units with distinct function-13 specific purpose. We demonstrate herein that the geometrical designs of the arrowheads are 14 optimised with respect to the material used. We furthermore verify the veracity of the Ju|'hoansi 15 claim that their composite link-shafts are designed to break off leaving the arrowhead in the animal 16 and the remaining parts of the arrow intact, reusable and easily retrievable.
... In the last decade, serious effort has been devoted to the understanding of insects as a food source (Belluco et al., 2013;Mlcek, Rop, Borkovcova, & Bednarova, 2014;Raubenheimer & Rothman, 2013). Some of these efforts were directed at documenting the outstanding role of insects in traditional cuisines (Chaboo, Biesele, Hitchcock, & Weeks, 2016;Paoletti, Buscardo, & Dufour, 2000) and pointing out the capability of entomophagy of solving or alleviating worldwide problems, such as food insecurity in developing countries (Gahukar, 2011;Glover & Sexton, 2015;Illgner & Nel, 2000). Previous research highlighted that insects provide a reliable and sustainable source of high-quality protein for humans when using suitable species and appropriate breeding methods (Ramos-Elorduy, 1997). ...
Studies on consumers’ perceptions towards entomophagy have recently gained popularity. However, the use of the general term “insect” represents a limitation of previous research, due to the need for more precise terminology. This study assessed attitudes towards specific insects, their gastronomic preparations, their relationships with human factors and the characteristics of insects as a food source. Using a survey, socio-demographics, personality traits, willingness to eat (WTE) six edible insects and their relative insect-based products or dishes (IBPD) and the emotions associated with entomophagy were collected from 400 Italians. Compared with females, males were found to be more positive towards insects, less influenced by the species and level of processing of insects and more willing to eat insects for reasons of taste. Eating insects evoked adventurous, daring and wild emotions, while disgust and food neophobia represented the main factors in refusal to eat insects. WTE was: crickets > bee larvae and grasshoppers > mealworms and silkworms > giant water bugs. A similar result was obtained considering the respective IBPD. On average, adult insects were preferred over larvae. Three subject groups, namely “In favour of eating insects” (41%), “Picky towards eating insects” (32%) and “Against eating insects” (27%) were found. A sensory evaluation performed on three cricket-based samples with 52 Italians revealed that a low level of insect visibility was preferred.
This study gives new insights into the variables related to the acceptance of entomophagy by determining the characteristics of a potential consumer and of a probable insect product for the market.
... Today, the Kalahari San of southern Africa are renowned for their use of relatively small bows and light-weight poisoned arrows, and there is a plethora of ethno-historical literature on the topic (Sparrman 1785;Stow 1905;Theal 1919;Schapera 1927;Dunn 1931;Lebzelter 1934;Vinnicombe 1971;Shaw et al. 1963;Marshall 1976;Lee 1979;Wiessner 1983;Deacon 1992;Webley 1994;Nadler 2005;Wadley et al. 2015;Chaboo et al. 2016;Backwell et al. 2018;Hitchcock et al. 2019). ...
Current hunter-gatherers from the Kalahari in southern Africa are well-known for their use of poisoned arrowheads, and it is assumed that this tradition spanned most of the Holocene in the region. Recent archaeological work, however, indicates that the techno-behaviour may have originated sometime during the Pleistocene. Tracing the use of poisoned arrowheads through time is not an easy task. Here I explore the use of the tip cross-sectional area (TSCA) metric to analyse relatively large samples of bone points that are ethno-historically associated with Kalahari San poisoned arrow hunting. I add the southern African poisoned bone arrowhead TSCA range to the previous ranges established for North American atlatl dart tips, North American arrowheads and large thrusting spears. Based on the results obtained from 445 artefacts spanning historical, Later and Middle Stone Age phases, I show that poisoned bone arrowheads may have been in use in southern Africa throughout the last 72,000 years, and that a methodical effort to trace stone-tipped poison arrowheads may be warranted.
... When preparing and using a poisoned arrow, the hunter must rely on more advanced forms of abstract causal reasoning and planning than thus far discussed. Whereas Boyd (2017), and Henrich (2017), for example, argue that ancient synthetic substances merely represent customary recipes, followed by unreflective tradition, Wadley's (2010) experimental work on adhesive production, and recent ethnographic observations about poison production amongst San hunters of Namibia Chaboo et al. 2016), reveal a different perspective (also see Osiuraka and Reynaud in press). Whilst cognizant of tradition, symbolism and variation through time, these studies demonstrate that such techno-behaviours are far from being mechanistic, thoughtless processes that can be explained through, for example, expert cognition (Wynn et al. 2017). ...
... The observed skill to produce toxins for poisoned arrows effectively therefore implies long attention spans, response inhibition, the capacity for novel, sustained multilevel operations, the use of abstract thought, and the ability to plan the assembly of ingredients as well as complex action sequences (Bradfield et al. 2015). What is more, although a certain ingredient may be a constant amongst certain groups, the recipes are not always the same, and different hunters prepare the similar sets of ingredients differently Chaboo et al. 2016). Thus, notwithstanding elements of cultural conditioning, the manufacturing of poisonous compounds for bow hunting necessitates deliberate causal reflection. ...
Many animal species use tools, but human technical engagement is more complex. We argue that there is coevolution between technical engagement (the manufacturing and use of tools) and advanced forms of causal cognition in the human (Homo) lineage. As an analytic tool, we present a classification of different forms of causal thinking. Human causal thinking has become detached from space and time, so that instead of just reacting to perceptual input, our minds can simulate actions and forces and their causal consequences. Our main thesis is that, unlike the situation for other primate species, an increasing emphasis on technical engagement made some hominins capable of reasoning about the forces involved in causal processes. This thesis is supported in three ways: (1) We compare the casual thinking about forces of hominins with that of other primates. (2) We analyze the causal thinking required for Stone Age hunting technologies such as throwing spears, bow hunting and the use of poisoned arrows, arguing that they may serve as examples of the expansion of casual cognition about forces. (3) We present neurophysiological results that indicate the facilitation of advanced causal thinking.
