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In an ageing society, families may have an important role in the caretaking and well-being of the elderly. Demographic changes
have an impact on the size and structure of families; one aspect is how intergenerational support is distributed when there
is a need for support to both older and younger generations at the same time. Another vital aspect...
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Citations
... Due to increased life-expectancies, it has been argued that the lives of grandchildren and grandparents now overlap for longer than they did in the past (Bengtson, 2001;Hagestad, 1988), leading to more opportunities for interactions and support between them and the strengthening of intergenerational relationships. However, in an empirical study using Swedish data, Lundholm and Malmberg (2009) found that this overlap did not extend due to the effect of increased intergenerational spacing. ...
... Several studies have shown that, also in Sweden, ties to parents deter adult children's migration and encourage staying behaviour (Artamonova et al., 2020(Artamonova et al., , 2021Chudnovskaya & Kolk, 2017;Kolk, 2017;Lundholm & Malmberg, 2009;Mulder & Malmberg, 2014;Pettersson & Malmberg, 2009) as well as return migration behaviour . Some qualitative studies confirm that young adults also report living close to family as a local attachment Stockdale & Ferguson, 2020;Stockdale, Theunissen, et al., 2018) and as a motive for return migration (von Reichert et al., 2014). ...
We explore staying and migration behaviour using a multigenerational perspective on local ties. Based on Swedish register data, we take a shared birthplace between young adults and one or more of their parents and grandparents as a proxy for multigenerational local ties in the young adult's birthplace. Our aim is to investigate whether the presence of this type of longstanding, multigenerational local ties in the birthplace increases one's propensity to stay or return there during young adulthood. Using multinomial logistic regressions, we model the residential trajectories between ages 18 and 30 of individuals born in 1981, 1982, and 1983 who lived in their birthplace at age 18 (i.e., stayed in, moved from, or returned to the birthplace by age 30; N = 185,897). We find that the propensity for staying in one's birthplace increases with each additional parent or grandparent with whom the birthplace is shared. Overall, differences between ties shared with parent(s) and grandparent(s) are surprisingly similar, except ties that are shared with both parents. These have a particularly strong and positive effect. Although men seem to be tied more strongly than women to their fathers and paternal grandparents, we found no differences between men and women in their ties to mothers and maternal grandparents.
... Registers have not been used to cal cu late kin counts across an entire pop u la tion aswedoinourstudy.However,research ershaveusedNor dic,Dutch,andBel gian reg is ters to study aspects of kin ship (Kolk 2017;Lundholm and Malmberg 2009). A future evo lu tion of reg is terbased kin ship research may be to com bine mod ern reg is ters with his tor i cal par ish records (cf. ...
Given that surprisingly little is known about the demography of human kinship, we provide a demographic account of the kinship networks of individuals in Sweden in 2017 across sex and cohort between ages 0 and 102. We used administrative register data of the full population of Sweden to provide the first kinship enumeration for a complete population based on empirical data. We created ego-focused kinship networks of children, parents, siblings, grandchildren, grandparents, aunts and uncles, nieces and nephews, and cousins. We show the average number of kin of different types, the distribution of the number of kin, and changes in dispersion over time. A large share of all kin of an individual are horizontal kin, such as cousins. We observe the highest number of kin-on average, roughly 20-around age 35. We show differences between matrilineal and patrilineal kin and differences in the kinship structure arising from fertility with more than one childbearing partner, such as half-siblings. The results demonstrate substantial variability in kinship within a population. We discuss our findings in the context of other methods to estimate kinship.
... The prevalence of the sandwich generation is increasing due to the elongation of life expectancy and the trend of delayed parenthood (Lundholm & Malmberg, 2009;Burke, 2017;Albertini et al., 2022). It is imperative for individuals situated in this context to actively pursue assistance and access available resources in order to effectively navigate their caring obligations while simultaneously preserving their personal welfare. ...
This article explores the interpretation of Quranic verses and Islamic teachings relevant to the modern concept of the sandwich generation, a demographic group simultaneously responsible for caring for aging parents and raising their own children. In the Indonesian context, where family ties and caregiving hold immense significance, understanding the intersection of Islamic principles with challenges faced by the sandwich generation is paramount. This article delves into the perspective of Indonesian scholars who analyze Quranic verses to provide insights into how Islamic teachings align with the responsibilities of the sandwich generation. Scholars’ interpretations highlight the importance of honoring parents, as commanded in the Quran, while nurturing children. They emphasize the concept of birr al-walidayn (kindness to parents), shedding light on the moral duty of children to care for aging parents, and fostering a balanced approach. Furthermore, the article discusses how Indonesian scholars emphasize the significance of self-care and seek support from the family and community. This aligns with Islamic values of moderation and collective responsibility. Scholars’ viewpoints underscore the rewards of patience and perseverance, assuring the sandwich generation that their efforts are acts of worship and have spiritual significance. Ultimately, this article provides a nuanced understanding of the sandwich generation phenomenon within the Indonesian Islamic context. It contributes to the broader discourse on family dynamics, caregiving, and the harmonization of modern challenges with timeless Islamic principles.
... Socioeconomic correlates of demographic behaviors work in one direction during a given historical period and in the opposite direction at other times. The structure of a kinship network will vary greatly over the life course in different ways across SES groups; thus, cross sections at a specific age may give an incomplete or distorted picture (Lundholm & Malmberg, 2009). Moreover, the SES gradients in kinship networks will depend on social mobility in each generation, the correlation between SES and demographic behavior in each generation, and the intergenerational transmission of demographic behavior (Breen, Ermisch, & Helske, 2019). ...
... Finally, register-based studies have examined different aspects of kinship demographics using a cross-sectional approach, some of which have covered SES differences in narrow aspects of kinship. Lundholm and Malmberg (2009) analyzed the prevalence of having four generations of overlapping kinship at age 55, with some focus on SES differences among 55-year-olds. Kolk et al. (2021) described Swedish biological kinship across cohorts in 2018, but did not study variation by SES. ...
See : https://doi.org/10.1080/00324728.2023.2266403
Socioeconomic status influences demographic behavior. Moreover, socioeconomic status tends to correlate across generations. Consequently, kinship structures likely display social stratification. However, the processes of kinship stratification are intricate, and its prevalence and antecedents are rarely studied empirically. We have estimated socioeconomic differences in kinship in Sweden using administrative register data of the total Swedish population. We created kinship networks for the 1973 birth cohort and followed the growth and decline of kin from birth to age 45 of this birth cohort. We analyzed consanguineous kin, as well as spouses, reproductive partners, parents-in-law, and siblings-in-law. We calculated the difference in total kinship size across earnings and educational groups. We broke down the contributions of specific kin groups to this difference and also analyzed which demographic behaviors and generations contributed most to socioeconomic differences in kinship. Among men and women with low socioeconomic status (SES), higher fertility in earlier generations resulted in more kin than those with high SES. Among low SES men and siblings, lower fertility and union instability narrowed SES differences in the number of kin.
... Among West German women, lower fertility among highly educated mothers has had a strong effectlower-educated women's chances of becoming a grandmother were similar to higher-educated women's chances of becoming a mother (Skopek and Leopold, 2017). The share of 55-year-old Swedes who did not have grandchildren rose from 30% to 65% between 1990 and 2005, although a sizeable proportion of this group will have grandchildren later (Lundholm and Malmberg, 2009). ...
We studied to what extent family lines die out over the course of 122 years based on Swedish population-level data. Our data included demographic and socioeconomic information for four generations in the Skellefteå region of northern Sweden from 1885–2007. The first generation in our sample consisted of men and women born between 1885 and 1899 (N=5,850), and we observed their children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren. We found that 48% of the first generation did not have any living descendants (great-grandchildren) by 2007. The risk of a family line dying out within the four-generational framework was highest among those who had relatively low fertility in the first generation. Mortality during reproductive years was also a leading reason why individuals in the first generation ended up with a greater risk of not leaving descendants. We identified socioeconomic differences: both the highest-status and the lowest-status occupational groups saw an increased risk of not leaving any descendants. Almost all lineages that made it to the third generation also made it to the fourth generation.
... Registers have not been used to calculate kin counts across an entire population in the way we have in this article, but some researchers have used Nordic, Dutch, and Belgian registers to study some aspects of kinship (Kolk 2017;Lundholm and Malmberg 2009). In our study, we introduce a straightforward approach to using registers in order to map kinship. ...
We know surprisingly little about the demography of human kinship. In the current study, we give a demographic account of the kinship networks of individuals in 2018 in Sweden across sex and cohort. We used administrative register data of the entire Swedish population in order to provide the first kinship enumeration for a complete population based on empirical data. We created ego-focused kinship networks of children, parents, siblings, grandchildren, grandparents, aunts/uncles, nieces/nephews, and cousins. We show both the average number of kin of different types and the distribution of the number of kin as well as how dispersion has changed over time. We show trends for matrilineal and patrilineal kin and also show differences in the kinship structure arising from fertility with more than one childbearing partner, such as half siblings. The results demonstrate extensive variability as well as homogeneity in kinship structure. We discuss our findings in the context of other methods to estimate kinship.
... In Sweden, life expectancy at birth has increased from 72 for men and 77 for women by 1970 to 79 and 83 by 2010, and the mother's median age has increased from 24 to 30 during the same period (Statistics Sweden, 2010), it is expected that intergenerational coresidence is at a higher level. The increasing number of living generations within families is counteracting the development of more frequent four-generation families (Lundholm & Malmberg, 2009). However, Matthews and Sun (2006) argued that the timing of childbearing has more effect than longevity for the instances of four-generation families. ...
This article analyzes the interrelationship between social-economic development and intergenerational coresidence in Sweden and Bangladesh. I employed a document study method to assess socioeconomic development trends and how the trends are interlinked to intergenerational coresidence. I looked for pertinent documents in the online databases of the Stockholm University Library. The United Nations' "Database on the Households and Living Arrangements of Older Persons-2019" was also used to explore the research questions posed in this article. This database was compiled with different years' datasets from the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS). In addition, the first wave of the Swedish Generations and Gender Survey (GGS) provides descriptive data to analyze the Swedish context. The findings of this article indicate that the different levels of socioeconomic development, such as GDP per capita and women's participation in parliament, are the reasons for differences in intergenerational coresidence between Sweden and Bangladesh. Also, the differences in family norms are an important reason for these differences in intergenerational coresidence. These results imply that a change in an indicator does not affect all countries the same way, even if the change is in the same direction.
... In addition, it is crucial to 'look beyond the household' (Grundy et al. 1999) to document transfers and get-togethers of older adults and their relatives who are living independently of one another. Most older adults live within easy reach of their kin and, contrary to the general assumption of an increasingly mobile society (Cooke and Shuttleworth 2018), there is no evidence showing increased distances between adult children and their ageing parents in recent decades (Geurts et al. 2014;Lundholm and Malmberg 2009;Steinbach et al. 2020). Modern technology presents a new range of possible options for keeping in touch, making living arrangements less relevant as an indicator of social isolation or support. ...
... Demographic changes, such as population ageing and changing family structures -for example, decreases in fertility, increases in divorce and shifting migration patterns (Costanzo and Hoy, 2007) -are diversifying family roles, relationships and expectations, directly impacting people's life courses (Lundholm and Malmberg, 2009;Lowenstein et al, 2011;Kemp and Johansson, 2015). One of the most significant manifestations of life-course shifts due to changing intergenerational relationships is in regards to care responsibilities (Antonucci et al, 2011). ...
... One of the most significant manifestations of life-course shifts due to changing intergenerational relationships is in regards to care responsibilities (Antonucci et al, 2011). As a result of the demographic and familial changes mentioned earlier, older adults may increasingly find themselves needing to rely on intergenerational arrangements for support (Lundholm and Malmberg, 2009). ...
Based on findings from a Canadian-based study, this article examines the stories of young adult women carers. Young adult women caring for a parent or grandparent were interviewed using social network maps, participant-driven photography and care timelines. The findings reveal numerous impacts on the women’s lives, which we categorise according to three temporal periods: the past (how they came to be carers); the present (their daily realities of care); and the future (how they imagine what is ahead). We conclude with a discussion regarding the tensions between the women’s personal stories and the social forces that shape young women’s caring.
... From the perspective of filial piety, middle-aged adults are often in the pivotal position of providing support to their older parents; on the other hand, they are also responding to provide support to their descendant generations. This phenomenon is called the "sandwich" generation, which reflects the situation of middle-aged adults (especially women) who are in the position of caring for older parents while still having dependent children (Lundholm & Malmberg, 2009;Pierret, 2006). In particular for individuals who are in late middle age, they may often be sandwiched between the needs of their adult children, grandchildren, and parents (Fingerman et al., 2011;Lundholm & Malmberg, 2009). ...
... This phenomenon is called the "sandwich" generation, which reflects the situation of middle-aged adults (especially women) who are in the position of caring for older parents while still having dependent children (Lundholm & Malmberg, 2009;Pierret, 2006). In particular for individuals who are in late middle age, they may often be sandwiched between the needs of their adult children, grandchildren, and parents (Fingerman et al., 2011;Lundholm & Malmberg, 2009). Especially in China, a great number of adult children are still heavily dependent on their middle-aged parents for support due to the underdeveloped social support system. ...
China has experienced the verticalization of family structure. It has changed the support between aging parents and adult children among middle-aged adults who are often in the position of providing support to older and younger generations (sandwiched situation). Using data from China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study, we studied the support choice of middle-aged people. Results show that middle-aged people who provided support to older generations were also more likely to provide support to younger generations. Couples of whom neither spouse has a brother were less likely to financially support their parents only and provide instrumental support to their children only than couples of whom both spouses have brothers. Couples of whom one spouse has a brother were more likely to favor their children financially than couples of whom both spouses have brothers. These imply that sandwiched situation is harder to balance through family solidarity.
