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President Vladimir Putin's domination of Russia's politics, coupled with the apparent stability of the regime, have contributed to the relative neglect of domestic politics in explaining Russia's foreign policy. This article seeks to overcome this lapse and argues that the evolving distribution of political and economic power under the surface of P...
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Citations
... The adopted Russian policies to manage its internal oil sector plus its foreign policy, which gives Moscow the guarantee of security of its exportation of gas and oil, and this is a crucial factor 'energy factor' as pillar stone for Russia to project its foreign policy (Jack, 2014). Besides, this sector is an essential factor for Russian's policies and initiations, because it represents economic power for Russian's development after the fall down of the former Soviet Union, since that time, Russian president Vladimir Putin signed several big economic contracts (Kaczmarsk, 2015), and changed the international power struggle for his countries' benefits. ...
... In other words, a comparative historical approach suggests that Putin's Russia has developed a peculiar kind of "geopolitical awareness" able to reproduce the imperial self-perception, which never disappeared, albeit adapted to a (formally) democratic institutional framework that has been dominated by a catchall party (United Russia). The interplay of these external and domestic factors shaped Russia's foreign policy preferences, as well as the process of their implementation, in accordance with the mutual influence between domestic power relations and Russia's international behaviour (Kaczmarski 2014). ...
This paper is aimed at proposing an analysis of the Russian geopolitical self-perception in the light of a “culturalist” approach. The paper uses Samuel Huntington’s “model of civilizations” as an interpretative prism, following a multidisciplinary approach which allows to epistemologically validate certain points of the Huntingtonian thesis, and to reject others. This approach does not invalidate the neo-realist theories of international relations regarding the Russian search for a relative increase of power through the use of material factors. If anything, the culturalist perspective must be placed side by side with the neo-realist one in order to better grasp some intangible elements, in particular the attention paid by Moscow to its (former) imperial dimension, the influence exercised by the autocratic tradition on Russia’s international posture, together with the role of geographic space, the ascendency of the Orthodox church, as well as Eurasianist cultural inclinations. Finally, through a critical analysis and a selective review of the academic literature on these issues (as well as of the political texts published by some of the most prominent Russian politicians and intellectuals), the paper aims to demonstrate the self-perceived originality of the Russian model and its difficulty in being placed within the Western political categories.
... The adopted Russian policies to manage its internal oil sector plus its foreign policy, which gives Moscow the guarantee of security of its exportation of gas and oil, and this is a crucial factor 'energy factor' as pillar stone for Russia to project its foreign policy (Jack, 2014). Besides, this sector is an essential factor for Russia's policies and initiations, because it represents economic power for Russia's development after the fall down of the former Soviet Union, since that time, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed several big economic contracts (Kaczmarsk, 2015), and changed the international power struggle for his countries' benefits. ...
The subject of energy security in the international arena came to the platform with the increasing economic and globalization development in the framework that is called the 'untraditional security'. In today’s international relations, Energy security and security issues appear to be extremely intertwined. Hence, this paper aims to identify the significance of securitization of the energy relationship between Russia and EU countries by both sides and its influence on the Energy Security on the regional security complex between EU countries and Russia. The current study argues that, regardless of the magnitude of the energy relationship, which manifests itself in a high degree of interdependence between the two sides, their relationship saw dispute, because of a high level of securitization process initiated by both EU member states and Russia.
... SeeGuay (2000), for instance, in how the state of Massachusetts sanctioned apartheid South Africa in defiance of the federal government; Van der Heiden (2010) on how Swiss cantons conduct their own foreign policy and Jain (2004) on how individual cities in Japan and China conclude trade agreements with each other. The debate on how local interests shape foreign policy formulation in the context of energy has mostly been confined to hydrocarbon exporters such as Russia(Kaczmarski, 2014; Ivanenko, 2008) and Turkmenistan(Anceschi, 2010). ...
The development of renewable energy is often treated as a purely positive outcome for the world, without consideration of the challenges that come with implementation at scale, which will inevitably follow with the process of a global energy transition. Studies on the political process of the transition to a world of renewables are scarce. This article provides a review on the geopolitical, institutional, and technological aspects of the development of renewable energy sources, including transportation and delivery of energy across national borders. At scale internationally, renewable energy will present many of the same issues as other mature sources of energy. Security, export interdependence, and the availability of source materials will all become increasingly important concerns.
... As Tsyangankov (2013) argues national interests depend on the circumstances in the domestic and international arena. Domestic policy drivers shape Russia's foreign policy and it flows from domestic to international perspective (Kaczmarski, 2014). ...
Russian involvement in the Syrian Conflict generated new debates for the EU and Russia relations. The EU faced with a refugee crisis and terror threat is trying to reshape its policy with Russia. Meanwhile, Russia is looking to make its way out of EU sanctions imposed after the Ukraine and Crimea crisis (Naim, 2015). The EU is desperate to concentrate together with Russia on a common threat in Syria like ISIS (Islamic State) (Tsvetkov, 2015). We have seen that Russia is in pursuit of its own interests in Syria with a statist ideology (Dannreuther, 2014), which is far from the EU's expectations for cooperation (Notte, 2016). The main argument of this dissertation is that statism is the main ideology behind Russia's intervention to the Syrian Conflict and EU's miscalculations were costly to the member states which resulted in flaws within the EU dream by the migration crisis hitting the Schengen Agreement and rising the terror threat within the EU (Grammaticas, 2016).
Key words: Russian Foreign Policy, Statism, the Syrian Conflict, sovereignty, power, and security.
... In the last few years, moreover, scholarship on the Russian-Chinese relationship has stressed domestic factors as an important driver. This is seen, for example, in the works of Gabuev (2015), Kaczmarski (2012Kaczmarski ( , 2014, and Skalamera (2018a, b). There is a broad agreement here that the establishment of economic linkages in the energy sector is an important determinant of Russia's China policy, and that actors in the energy sector are key players. ...
... This leaves open the question of the extent to which energy firms and their representatives act autonomously. Kaczmarski (2014) argues that the Russian decision-making process is characterized by a continuous infighting that indicates the autonomy of selected actors, while Skalamera (2018b) identifies decision-makers in the Kremlin as norm entrepreneurs who have orchestrated a turn away from Europe to Asia on energy issues. ...
... The scholar Hill (2016) has voiced the conventional view that 'national security imperatives always have primacy over economic priorities in Russia'. But this remark, which is rooted in a realist assessment of national interests, does not appear to hold true for Russia in terms of its interactions with China (Kaczmarski 2014). While the Putin leadership has generally placed a high priority on state sovereignty, which has been manifest in a suspicion, if not a hostility, toward foreign investment (especially in the commanding heights of industry and the energy sector), this policy has been tested by the drying up of Western funding in the wake of the imposition of sanctions. ...
Over the past few years, Russian–Chinese relations have grown steadily closer. This article examines the domestic and ideational motivations that underlie Russia’s interactions with China. It is argued that Russia’s behavior toward China demonstrates in particular the importance of ideas at the domestic level. Moscow’s increasingly close relationship with China serves to confirm Russia’s perceived status as a great power, which functions as a fundamental tool of regime legitimacy. In addition, Russia and China have grown closer on national identity issues that are constituted in opposition to political and ideological principles endorsed by the West as universal values.
... His personal impact played a very important role in pushing Moscow to achieve the oil-for-loan agreement with Beijing in 2009. That largescale energy deal, in turn, strengthened Sechin's position in Russia's domestic political economy (Kaczmarski, 2014). In contrast, his successor Dvorkovich plays a more technical role since he is not a member of the siloviki and does not yet have a strong background in or support from the large energy corporations. ...
Russia's growing energy cooperation with China is central to several of Moscow's top foreign-policy objectives. Analyzing what drives Russia's energy diplomacy with China can therefore shed important light on the dynamics of Russian foreign policy-making. We go beyond other recent studies of this topic by examining the role of domestic political influences and the countries’ bilateral interactions. We show that personalist elements influence both Russia's policy-making and its diplomacy with China. The personalism has made it hard for Russia to coordinate the relevant decision-making institutions and get the most from its energy strength. The economic gains from recent energy deals, particularly to Russia's Far East, have been less than expected, and Russia has met only limited success in achieving its foreign-policy priorities in the Asia-Pacific region. Moving forward, Russia must further institutionalize its decision-making process, limit the role of personalism, and better coordinate the activities of its energy firms with the goals of its central agencies and local governments.
... Given the state structure of Russia, particularly its growing authoritarianism, the role of President Vladimir Putin in Russia's trade policy towards Ukraine was ultimately the most important driver (Sahle 2011;Aron 2013;Gill 2014). Although Putin's return to power in 2012 led many to claim he had an unrestrained 'power vertical' on foreign policy, he was still nevertheless constrained by internal factors, such as the role of key players examined above (Kaczmarski 2014). However, given that Russia was essentially using economic integration to pursue broader foreign policy goals, its trade policy became less of an economic issue and more a foreign policy one (Popescu 2014). ...
... As examined in the trade (Chapter 3) and energy (Chapter 4) chapters, the role of business elites and state-backed national champions (in the case of gas, Gazprom) were influential variables in the decision-making process for their respective sectors. Subsequently, since Russia's regime promotion strategies in Ukraine were undertaken through the use of its trade and energy power, both business elites and Gazprom had some influence on the foreign policy outcome with regards to Russia's regime promotion in Ukraine (Tsygankov 2010;Kaczmarski 2014). However, as also illustrated in the analysis conducted in previous chapters, their influence was constrained by the role of the Kremlin, particularly Putin. ...
... Shevtsova (2015, p. 22) argues that by 2013, the Kremlin had dropped its dress-up games and adopted a new '"Putin Doctrine" intended to legitimise harsher rule at home and a more assertive stance abroad'. Indeed, Putin's foreign policy autonomy is not without challenges, requiring significant balancing and management of the various individuals and groups which have some domestic power while being further constrained by identity and international structural forces (Kaczmarski 2014). However, while Putin may not have an unrestrained 'power vertical' as some suggested, his performance as President vis-à-vis Medvedev's tenure is a testament to his power to shape policy in his intended direction (Simão 2012). ...
... Sechin, who aspired to control the energy sector, was among the most aggressive in expanding their turfs. (Kaczmarski, 2014). Modified Politburo forms the essence of Putin's political system. ...
... Although these preferences do not formative power in foreign policy making of the Russian Federation, they do have veto power. "The merger of political and economic powercaptured by the notion of the "Kremlin, Inc."has made the pursuit of profit of one of the key drivers of Russia's foreign policy… Their preferences were relatively well-defined and even with the increase in state control; they managed to retain the ability to act as powerful veto players, keeping their parochial interests intact" (Kaczmarski, 2014). ...
This paper seeks to examine Russia’s policy towards Ukraine by using neoclassical realism. I argue that the leader’s effect on foreign policy and domestic perceptions are significant factors in shaping Russia’s policy toward Ukraine since the pro-Russian president, Yanukovych was ousted. The policy of Russia’s annexation of Crimea and support to separatist forces in Eastern Ukraine has been largely shaped by Putin and his power base.
Neoclassical realism examines foreign policy by incorporating domestic and international settings. It sets international system as independent variable and policy outcome as dependent variable but it holds domestic politics, which is ideational forces, the role of leader and institutions as intervening variable, which is equally valuable as international system. According to the model, the independent variable is the distribution of power in Eastern Europe. Domestic factors would be intervening variable. In this respect, domestic constraints over Putin regarding Ukraine will be dealt with. The foreign policy decision of the Russian Federation is the dependent variable.
As a result of this study, I expect to find out that after the ouster of Yanukovych, Putin’s calculation of international setting and domestic factors allowed him to conduct its aggressive policy in Ukraine. However, devastating effect of economic sanctions and dropping of oil prices might disrupt Putin’s power base in domestic arena which compels him to follow a conciliatory approach concerning the conflict in Eastern Ukraine.
The article explores the main trends that have characterized the re-emergence, formation and consolidation of an autocratic regime in post- Soviet Russia. We revisit the developments that led Vladimir Putin to the presidency of the country; framing these events as precursors of changes in formal structures (institutional and legal) and informal power mechanisms that define the current Russian political leadership. Finally, we formulated questions related to potential future scenarios involving such leadership.Keywords: Putin, Russia, authoritarianism, political regime, political development.
