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The aim of this paper is to analyze occupational segregation in the Spanish labor market from a gender and an immigration perspective. In doing so, several local and overall segregation measures are used. Our results suggest that immigrant women in Spain suffer a double segregation since segregation affects them to a greater extent than it does eit...
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Citations
... A menudo, la fuerte discontinuidad de estas trayectorias también viene acompañada de la temporalidad, los bajos salarios y el desempleo, induciendo carreras, no solo discontinuas, sino eminentemente precarias. En esta dirección, son varias las investigaciones (Del Río, Alonso-Villar, 2012;Fachelli, López-Roldán, 2015) que han señalado las diferencias existentes entre los procesos de movilidad ocupacional de mujeres y hombres, exponiendo unos patrones específicos para cada género que, sin embargo, en el caso de las mujeres han sido habitualmente abordados como un fenómeno agregado a la movilidad masculina (Fachelli, López Roldán, 2015). ...
Resumen Este manuscrito tiene como propósito examinar el papel de las condiciones familiares en el desempeño laboral de mujeres migradas - desde los flujos Sur-Norte - empleadas de hogar y cuidadoras en España, durante la crisis económica iniciada en 2007 y los años inmediatamente posteriores. A partir de la realización de 31 entrevistas en profundidad, se explora las intersecciones entre el ciclo de vida familiar, la organización económica de éste y la integración ocupacional de trabajadoras con acceso limitado a todo tipo de recursos. Los resultados plantean que, frente a explicaciones fundamentadas en las condiciones de asentamiento y capital humano migrante, la integración ocupacional de estas mujeres se sustenta en el disfuncional y conflictivo equilibrio por satisfacer las demandas de cuidado familiar y las demandas de subsistencia material, lo cual, ante la carencia de soportes comunitarios e institucionales de cuidado, lleva aparejadas experiencias de servidumbre, pobreza y exclusión social.
... However, there has been limited research in Europe on occupational segregation considering the intersection between immigration status and gender. Del Río and Alonso-Villar (2012) found that immigrant women in Spain suffered a double burden because they were subject to higher levels of segregation than those experienced by native women and immigrant men. However, little is known about the segregation experience of immigrant men and women in Europe, the differences that exist with respect to male and female natives, and cross-country differences. ...
The paper studies occupational segregation by gender and immigration status in the European Union using the 2005–2019 European Labour Force Survey. Compared to prior studies, it quantifies separately the levels of segregation that female and male immigrants experience in each country. Overall, male immigrants have lower occupational segregation than their female counterparts and the second‐generation is less segregated than the first one. Segregation is generally lower in western‐northern Europe and higher in the south‐east. The counterfactual analysis reveals that immigrants’ characteristics explain a small part of these cross‐country differences. The institutional setting, integration policies or country‐specific norms might play a major role.
... Although the extent to which migrants dominate the sector varies by institutional context, in some cases, including Spain, private domestic service sectors have expanded parallel to increasing female immigration in what appears to be a mutually reinforcing process (e.g., Anderson 2000;Parreñas 2001;Bettio, Simonazzi, and Villa 2006;Kofman 2007;Lutz 2008;León 2010;Kofman 2012). This process reflects an increasing demand for migrant workers to cover lowpaid, low-status jobs largely rejected by native workers (Cachón Rodríguez 2001; Amuedo-Dorantes and de la Rica 2011 ;Simonazzi 2009;Williams 2010;del Río and Alonso-Villar 2012;Anderson 2014;Hobson, Hellgren, and Bede 2015). ...
This article explores the impact of the Great Recession on migrant domestic workers in Spain. We argue that the domestic services sector’s relative resistance to job destruction has transformed it to some extent into a refuge activity for unemployed women from other sectors, both migrants and native Spanish workers. This leads to intensified competition over jobs and increasing stratification among domestic workers, with serious consequences both for migrant women’s opportunities to make a living in Spain and for their migration projects at an international level. Based on 90 in-depth interviews with female migrant domestic workers and stakeholders, we find that this group of workers has been seriously affected by unemployment, underemployment, and worsened job conditions. As a consequence, new and already settled migrants find the chances to gain their livelihood in Spain substantially reduced, and many of those who migrated in order to support the family back home through remittances, or to save some money and eventually return, are at present unable to do so.
... On the negative side, ethnic networks generate resource-poor connections that help migrants find a job, but limit them from accessing better jobs, valuable social resources and high-status contracts (Bethoui 2008;Lancee 2012). This generates ethnic segmentation, which reinforces the concentration of migrants in 'migrant occupations' (Venturini and Villosio 2017, 11) and prevents upward mobility (Bethoui 2008;del Río and Alonso-Villar 2012;Fuller and Martin 2012;Fullin and Vercelloni 2009;Lancee 2012;Seibel and van Tubergen 2013;Vono de Vilhena and Vidal Coso 2012). On the positive side, the closure of bonding social capital may promote co-operation within geographically concentrated groups, thereby providing a basis for constructing successful local economy enterprises and favouring self-employment (Lancee 2012;Nannestad, Svendsen, and Svendsen 2008;Nee and Sanders 2001). ...
Migrants usually experience a downward mobility in their host country’s economy and are over-represented among lower status jobs. The present study contributes to the knowledge on migrant occupation mobility in Italy, assuming a longitudinal perspective and focusing on two aspects: first, the entry of migrants into the Italian labour market and, second, the working trajectories of migrants in Italy, reflecting the role of the first step in determining the following trajectory and migrants’ strategies.
... In Spain, Moreno et al. (2005) sults, which highlighted that the potential competition between female immigrants was mainly directed at the poorly qualified female group. On the other hand, Del Río & Alonso-Villar (2012), using data from 2007, found that "male natives" suffered from the least amount of segregation, followed by "female natives", "male immigrants" and, finally, "female immigrants". Veira et al. (2011) also observed that the entry of the immigrant population has led to a new type of segregation based on place of origin, which reinforces gender-based segregation. ...
Esta investigación analiza la segregación ocupacional para el mercado de trabajo español entre los años 1999 y 2011 desde una doble perspectiva, utilizando los microdatos de la Encuesta de Población Activa. Primero, realiza un estudio unidimensional y considera la segregación por género y la segregación por nacionalidad de forma aislada. Segundo, efectúa un estudio bidimensional que considera conjuntamente ambas manifestaciones de segregación. El estudio revela que la nacionalidad es una variable relevante en la explicación de la evolución de la segregación por género. Además, muestra que los trabajadores inmigrantes manifiestan una tendencia creciente en su contribución a la segregación, siendo las mujeres inmigrantes el colectivo con mayor grado de vulnerabilidad en el mercado laboral.
... There is some evidence on occupational segregation of immigrants in Spain, according to which immigrants are inserted in low-skilled and low-paid jobs (Domingo and Gil-Alonso 2007;Fernández and Ortega 2008;Rodríguez-Planas 2012;Stanek and Veira 2012). Labour market integration patterns are very different between male and female immigrants (Vidal et al. 2009;Del Río and Alonso-Villar 2012;Grande and del Rey 2012). ...
The objective of this paper is to analyse occupational mobility among immigrants in Spain in two distinct stages: (1) comparing the immigrants’ first job in Spain with their profession in the country of origin and (2) comparing their current occupational status with the occupational status of the first job they held in Spain. We focus on immigrants who arrived in Spain during the “immigration boom” that took place between 1997 and 2007, using data from the 2007 National Survey on Immigration. For our analysis, we use occupational mobility tables and multi-variable models with occupational mobility as a dependent variable. Our results show that we can better understand the initial access of migrants to the Spanish labour market from the perspective of labour market segregation: for each gender, a particular sector/occupational level (construction and cleaning, respectively) played such a dominant role that it determined almost entirely the observed mobility pattern. We find some (upward) mobility opportunities after such initial strong segregation, which increased with length of residence; however, our results suggest that, even in this case, it is mostly limited to men and associated with the construction boom that finished abruptly in 2007.
... Thus, studies across Italy and Europe have shown that in the long run these networks actively reinforce the concentration of migrants in occupations with restricted access to higher status ones, with lower social entitlements (e.g. Bettio et al. 2006;del Río and Alonso-Villar 2012;Fullin and Vercelloni 2009) and with limited opportunities to gain valuable social resources (Bethoui 2008). ...
... Model 2 gives evidence of the role of ethnic networks expressed by the variable "embedded citizenship". Domestic workers from communities with higher concentrations of women working in the domestic sector have a lower exit rate, due to the fact that ethnic networks limit the access to different jobs and constantly redirect them to the community's ethnic specialization (Bethoui 2008;del Río and Alonso-Villar 2012). Contrary to our expectations, the exit rate is not affected by cultural proximity which is probably a key factor for caregivers but less pressing for housekeepers. ...
Third-country immigrants are over-represented among lower status workers in all EU countries and rarely achieve upward mobility. The present paper aims to analyse the migration trajectories of foreign-born women who entered the Italian labour market as domestic workers, in order to assess the
role of personal and group characteristics in determining the chances of leaving this sector. The data were collected as part of a project studying the working trajectories of migrants in Italy. The survey was conducted during 2009 on 13,000 migrants aged 18 and over, living in Italy at the time of the interview and born in high emigration countries. We used a piecewise exponential model with random intercept for citizenship with time measured from the beginning of the person’s first domestic work in Italy. Our results show low exit rates from the domestic sector but we identify personal and group characteristics which facilitate exit from this segment of the labour market. Employment experience, including unskilled, has a positive effect on the transition in the host country, as do education achieved in the country of origin and higher levels of tasks and
duties in the last job held in the country of origin, whereas ethnic networks limit access to other occupations. The aims of the women’s migration project include a strong emphasis on occupational mobility, whether they migrate for work or for family reasons. Finally, we find evidence of the existence of a “Ushaped” pattern in occupational mobility for this particular subpopulation of workers.
Keywords: Labour segregation . Domesticworkers . Italy. Gender . Migration .
Working trajectories
... La segregación laboral suele ir asociada a la precariedad y a condiciones de trabajo inferiores, y cabe señalar que en España este problema suele agravarse si la cuestión del género se combina con otras características de las trabajadoras. En particular, las migrantes están sometidas a mayor grado de segregación , sobre todo cuando se trata de mujeres de países no europeos, lo cual conduce con frecuencia a situaciones de exclusión social (Del Río y Alonso Villar, 2012; Farber y Allard, 2012). Si bien la edad y el tipo de contrato (indefinido o de duración determinada) no se asocian a diferencias significativas en términos de segregación, otras variables como el sector de actividad (público frente a privado), el tipo de jornada (a tiempo completo o a tiempo parcial) o el nivel de estudios también tienden a agravar el problema (véase el gráfico 4). ...
Resumen
El nivel de segregación ocupacional por género en España es de los más altos de Europa. Con datos de la Encuesta de Calidad de Vida en el Trabajo española, este artículo investiga las probabilidades de empleo para hombres y mujeres en ocupaciones mayoritariamente masculinas o femeninas. Combinando una descomposición de Oaxaca‐Blinder con un análisis contrafáctico, los autores concluyen que las características personales, familiares y laborales explican un porcentaje muy pequeño de la diferencia de probabilidades, y que la segregación ocupacional en España en detrimento de las mujeres se produce más por su confinamiento en ocupaciones consideradas femeninas que por su exclusión de las consideradas masculinas.
... On the contrary, Latin American women have a higher occupational segregation than African women do even though the range of occupations in which African women do not work is greater than that of Latin American women. Certainly, the concentration of female migrant workers in a low range of low-paid jobs has a negative effect on their well-being and also diminishes their future prospects(Río and Alonso-Villar, 2010).6) Can you describe the horizontal and vertical segregation of women with respect to a) immigration status, b) age, c) number of children Immigration is a quite recent phenomenon in Spain as the inflow of migrants mainly took place during the second half of the 1990s and the 2000s. ...
Local Production Systems in Terrassa, Spain
... It has been observed that the upward occupational mobility of women is also impeded by structural restrictions within labour markets. More specifically, gender segmentation relegates the female immigrant population to a narrow range of jobs, some of which have very limited possibilities for upward mobility given the type of demand and the organisation of the work (for example, domestic work), or because they require a heavy investment in human capital (Del Río & Alonso-Villar 2010). In addition, some authors suggest that the traditional division of productive and reproductive roles in households makes it more difficult for the female population to achieve vertical mobility or to maintain their occupational status upon migration; not only do women have to reconcile their economic activity with housework, but they also have limited access to the resources needed to improve their occupational status, such as social networks (Cobb-Clark et al. 2005). ...
This article provides insight into the determinants of occupational mobility recorded for immigrants between their last job in the region of origin and their first job in Spain. Multinomial and bivariate logistic regression models are applied to identify the strongest predictors of upward and downward mobility when immigrants move from one country's labour market to another. This study's empirical analysis was carried out using data from the Spanish National Immigrant Survey of 2007. Our results show that ethnic segmentation in the Spanish labour market negatively affects the occupational mobility of immigrants. Secondly, we observe that non EU15 immigrants are at higher risk of downward mobility. Thirdly, higher levels of education offer protection against downward mobility and increase the chance for upgrading. Finally, contrary to our predictions, social capital embedded in support received from friends and relatives who reside in the destination country increases the risk of occupational downgrading and reduces the possibility of upward mobility.
