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Destination household characteristics of the migrants in each cell. The darkest shaded cells have values significantly higher than the average for all migrants (one-tailed t test, p = 0.05). The lightest shaded cells have values significantly lower than the average.
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This paper refines previous typologies of later-life mobility by explicitly evaluating the spatial migration patterns and household characteristics of retired American migrants. Migrants' lifecourse attributes (economic status, disability, presence of spouse), large-scale migration patterns (internal migration) and household characteristics (living...
Contexts in source publication
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... migrants' household characteristics can be seen in Fig. 9, a graphical representation of the information presented in Table 3. Each block in Fig. 9 shows the corresponding variable from Table 3. For example, the average percentage of household income contributed by retired migrants is shown as variable D in Table 3 and as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are ...
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... migrants' household characteristics can be seen in Fig. 9, a graphical representation of the information presented in Table 3. Each block in Fig. 9 shows the corresponding variable from Table 3. For example, the average percentage of household income contributed by retired migrants is shown as variable D in Table 3 and as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are used to represent co-residence with younger family members, co-residence is highlighted in ...
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... migrants' household characteristics can be seen in Fig. 9, a graphical representation of the information presented in Table 3. Each block in Fig. 9 shows the corresponding variable from Table 3. For example, the average percentage of household income contributed by retired migrants is shown as variable D in Table 3 and as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are used to represent co-residence with younger family members, co-residence is highlighted in Fig. 9 (block A) only if variables A 1 and A 2 are both significantly higher or lower than the average for all retired migrants. 5 Similarly, housing cost (block C) is highlighted in Fig. 9 only ...
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... in Fig. 9 shows the corresponding variable from Table 3. For example, the average percentage of household income contributed by retired migrants is shown as variable D in Table 3 and as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are used to represent co-residence with younger family members, co-residence is highlighted in Fig. 9 (block A) only if variables A 1 and A 2 are both significantly higher or lower than the average for all retired migrants. 5 Similarly, housing cost (block C) is highlighted in Fig. 9 only if both C 1 and C 2 are significantly higher or lower than the mean. Figure 9 reveals that amenity migrants are notable for their residential ...
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... as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are used to represent co-residence with younger family members, co-residence is highlighted in Fig. 9 (block A) only if variables A 1 and A 2 are both significantly higher or lower than the average for all retired migrants. 5 Similarly, housing cost (block C) is highlighted in Fig. 9 only if both C 1 and C 2 are significantly higher or lower than the mean. Figure 9 reveals that amenity migrants are notable for their residential independence as well as their distinctive pattern of inmigration. Migrants who move in accordance with the primary inmigration pattern are unlikely to live with their adult children, for ...
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... Similarly, housing cost (block C) is highlighted in Fig. 9 only if both C 1 and C 2 are significantly higher or lower than the mean. Figure 9 reveals that amenity migrants are notable for their residential independence as well as their distinctive pattern of inmigration. Migrants who move in accordance with the primary inmigration pattern are unlikely to live with their adult children, for example. ...
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... the primary inmigration pattern are unlikely to live with their adult children, for example. Of the nine cells that make up the amenity group, seven have co-residence rates significantly lower than the average for all migrants; of the eight cells with co-residence rates significantly lower than average, seven can be found within the amenity group (Fig. 9, block A). Likewise, less than 1 percent of amenity migrants live in institutional quarters (Table 3). Fig. 9 also confirms the economic independence of amenity migrants. In contrast with other retired migrants, those in the amenity group are unlikely to choose low-cost housing or to rely on other household members for economic support. (Cell ...
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... that make up the amenity group, seven have co-residence rates significantly lower than the average for all migrants; of the eight cells with co-residence rates significantly lower than average, seven can be found within the amenity group (Fig. 9, block A). Likewise, less than 1 percent of amenity migrants live in institutional quarters (Table 3). Fig. 9 also confirms the economic independence of amenity migrants. In contrast with other retired migrants, those in the amenity group are unlikely to choose low-cost housing or to rely on other household members for economic support. (Cell 101 is an exception and can therefore be dropped from the final amenity group despite its inclusion ...
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... Amenity migrants -for the most part, those with reasonably good health and adequate incomes -tend to choose Sunbelt destinations where they maintain their residential and economic independence. The distinction between amenity migrants and others can be seen most clearly in their inmigration pattern (Fig. 5), their co-residence rates (Fig. 9, block A) and their contributions to household income (block ...
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... Instead, it is associated with a distinctive set of lifecourse attributes and household characteristics. Assistance migrants -low-income migrants without a spouse in the household -tend to choose low-cost housing, to live with their children or other labor force members, and to make relatively small contributions to their total household income (Fig. 9). Figures 3 and 4 confirm the absence of a coherent inmigration pattern among assistance migrants. The three assistance migration cells -100, 110 and 120 -are not strongly linked to each other or to the primary (amenity) inmigration pattern. In fact, outside the amenity group, migrants with similar levels of income, disability or spouse ...
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... -the presence of adult children -is one such characteristic, since it is particular adult children (not high concentrations of adult children in general) that assistance migrants seek. 6 While several lifecourse typologies suggest that moderate disability encourages migration to the homes of adult children or other labor force mem-bers, Fig. 9 (block A) shows that moderate disability has no clear impact on co-residence rates. In fact, a comparison of each no disability cell and its corresponding moderate disability cell reveals no case in which moderate disability causes a significant increase in either A 1 or A 2 (Table 3; one-tailed t test, p = 0.01). In the absence of ...
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... corresponding moderate disability cell reveals no case in which moderate disability causes a significant increase in either A 1 or A 2 (Table 3; one-tailed t test, p = 0.01). In the absence of economic constraints, it is only the combination of severe disability and spouse absence that diminishes the ability to maintain an independent household (Fig. 9, blocks A and ...
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... income, along with spouse absence, is the primary lifecourse characteristic that results in residential and economic dependence among retired migrants. Low-income migrants, regardless of their disability level, are especially likely to reside with adult children or other labor force participants (Fig. 9, block A). Low-income migrants also tend to live in low-cost housing (block C) and to rely on others for a high proportion of their total household income (block D). These findings suggest that coresidence is primarily a strategy for reducing living costs rather than a means of coping with moderate disability. This conclusion is consistent with ...
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... scale. The third migrant group can be clearly delineated, however, on the basis of its lifecourse attributes and household characteristics. Specifically, the combination of severe disability and spouse absence encourages migration to institutional quarters (chiefly nursing homes) and to the homes of adult children or other labor force members (Fig. 9, blocks A and ...
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... disabled migrants not living with a spouse have institutionalization rates far higher than those of other retired migrants (Fig. 9, block B). In contrast, severely disabled migrants with a spouse in the destination household have institutionalization rates near zero (Table 3). This does not imply that the assistance of a husband or wife is an adequate substitute for institutional healthcare, however. The presence of a spouse in the household is simply incompatible ...
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... migrants can be placed into more than one group, however, while others fit none of the three major categories. Fig. 10 shows, for example, that the migrants in cell 120 -low income, severe disability, spouse not present -have been counted as both assistance migrants and as severely disabled migrants. Their residential and economic dependence (Fig. 9, blocks A and D) places them squarely within the assistance group while their high institutionalization rate (49.6 percent) makes them typical of the severely disabled group. Fig. 10 also reveals that five cells -16 percent of all retired migrants -do not fall into any of the three categories. These migrants tend to have some but not ...
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... Fig. 10 also reveals that five cells -16 percent of all retired migrants -do not fall into any of the three categories. These migrants tend to have some but not all of the characteristics expected of those in the amenity, assistance, and severely disabled groups. Cell 210, for example, is characterized by residential but not economic dependence (Fig. 9, blocks A and D). Likewise, severely disabled, middle-income migrants living with a spouse (cell 221) are also unclassified. They display residential and economic independence but do not move in accordance with the primary inmigration ...
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... migrants' household characteristics can be seen in Fig. 9, a graphical representation of the information presented in Table 3. Each block in Fig. 9 shows the corresponding variable from Table 3. For example, the average percentage of house- hold income contributed by retired migrants is shown as variable D in Table 3 and as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are ...
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... migrants' household characteristics can be seen in Fig. 9, a graphical representation of the information presented in Table 3. Each block in Fig. 9 shows the corresponding variable from Table 3. For example, the average percentage of house- hold income contributed by retired migrants is shown as variable D in Table 3 and as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are used to represent co-residence with younger family members, co-residence is highlighted in ...
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... migrants' household characteristics can be seen in Fig. 9, a graphical representation of the information presented in Table 3. Each block in Fig. 9 shows the corresponding variable from Table 3. For example, the average percentage of house- hold income contributed by retired migrants is shown as variable D in Table 3 and as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are used to represent co-residence with younger family members, co-residence is highlighted in Fig. 9 (block A) only if variables A 1 and A 2 are both significantly higher or lower than the average for all retired migrants. 5 Similarly, housing cost (block C) is highlighted in Fig. 9 only ...
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... in Fig. 9 shows the corresponding variable from Table 3. For example, the average percentage of house- hold income contributed by retired migrants is shown as variable D in Table 3 and as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are used to represent co-residence with younger family members, co-residence is highlighted in Fig. 9 (block A) only if variables A 1 and A 2 are both significantly higher or lower than the average for all retired migrants. 5 Similarly, housing cost (block C) is highlighted in Fig. 9 only if both C 1 and C 2 are significantly higher or lower than the mean. Figure 9 reveals that amenity migrants are nota- ble for their residential ...
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... as block D in Fig. 9. Because two separate variables, A 1 and A 2 , are used to represent co-residence with younger family members, co-residence is highlighted in Fig. 9 (block A) only if variables A 1 and A 2 are both significantly higher or lower than the average for all retired migrants. 5 Similarly, housing cost (block C) is highlighted in Fig. 9 only if both C 1 and C 2 are significantly higher or lower than the mean. Figure 9 reveals that amenity migrants are nota- ble for their residential independence as well as their distinctive pattern of inmigration. Migrants who move in accordance with the primary inmigra- tion pattern are unlikely to live with their adult chil- dren, ...
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... Similarly, housing cost (block C) is highlighted in Fig. 9 only if both C 1 and C 2 are significantly higher or lower than the mean. Figure 9 reveals that amenity migrants are nota- ble for their residential independence as well as their distinctive pattern of inmigration. Migrants who move in accordance with the primary inmigra- tion pattern are unlikely to live with their adult chil- dren, for example. ...
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... inmigra- tion pattern are unlikely to live with their adult chil- dren, for example. Of the nine cells that make up the amenity group, seven have co-residence rates significantly lower than the average for all mi- grants; of the eight cells with co-residence rates significantly lower than average, seven can be found within the amenity group (Fig. 9, block A). Likewise, less than 1 percent of amenity migrants live in institutional quarters (Table 3). Fig. 9 also confirms the economic independence of amenity migrants. In contrast with other retired migrants, those in the amenity group are unlikely to choose low-cost housing or to rely on other household members for economic support. (Cell ...
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... make up the amenity group, seven have co-residence rates significantly lower than the average for all mi- grants; of the eight cells with co-residence rates significantly lower than average, seven can be found within the amenity group (Fig. 9, block A). Likewise, less than 1 percent of amenity migrants live in institutional quarters (Table 3). Fig. 9 also confirms the economic independence of amenity migrants. In contrast with other retired migrants, those in the amenity group are unlikely to choose low-cost housing or to rely on other household members for economic support. (Cell 101 is an ex- ception and can therefore be dropped from the final amenity group despite its inclusion ...
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... Amenity migrants -for the most part, those with reasonably good health and adequate incomes -tend to choose Sunbelt destinations where they maintain their res- idential and economic independence. The distinc- tion between amenity migrants and others can be seen most clearly in their inmigration pattern (Fig. 5), their co-residence rates (Fig. 9, block A) and their contributions to household income (block ...
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... it is asso- ciated with a distinctive set of lifecourse attributes and household characteristics. Assistance migrants -low-income migrants without a spouse in the household -tend to choose low-cost housing, to live with their children or other labor force mem- bers, and to make relatively small contributions to their total household income (Fig. 9). Figures 3 and 4 confirm the absence of a coher- ent inmigration pattern among assistance migrants. The three assistance migration cells -100, 110 and 120 -are not strongly linked to each other or to the primary (amenity) inmigration pattern. In fact, out- side the amenity group, migrants with similar lev- els of income, disability or ...
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... -the pres- ence of adult children -is one such characteristic, since it is particular adult children (not high con- centrations of adult children in general) that assist- ance migrants seek. 6 While several lifecourse typologies suggest that moderate disability encourages migration to the homes of adult children or other labor force mem-bers, Fig. 9 (block A) shows that moderate disabil- ity has no clear impact on co-residence rates. In fact, a comparison of each no disability cell and its corresponding moderate disability cell reveals no case in which moderate disability causes a signifi- cant increase in either A 1 or A 2 (Table 3; one-tailed t test, p = 0.01). In the absence of ...
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... moderate disability cell reveals no case in which moderate disability causes a signifi- cant increase in either A 1 or A 2 (Table 3; one-tailed t test, p = 0.01). In the absence of economic con- straints, it is only the combination of severe disa- bility and spouse absence that diminishes the abil- ity to maintain an independent household (Fig. 9, blocks A and ...
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... income, along with spouse absence, is the primary lifecourse characteristic that results in res- idential and economic dependence among retired migrants. Low-income migrants, regardless of their disability level, are especially likely to reside with adult children or other labor force participants (Fig. 9, block A). Low-income migrants also tend to live in low-cost housing (block C) and to rely on others for a high proportion of their total household income (block D). These findings suggest that co- residence is primarily a strategy for reducing living costs rather than a means of coping with moderate disability. This conclusion is consistent ...
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... scale. The third migrant group can be clearly delineated, however, on the basis of its lifecourse attributes and household characteristics. Specifically, the combination of severe disability and spouse ab- sence encourages migration to institutional quar- ters (chiefly nursing homes) and to the homes of adult children or other labor force members (Fig. 9, blocks A and ...
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... disabled migrants not living with a spouse have institutionalization rates far higher than those of other retired migrants (Fig. 9, block B). In contrast, severely disabled migrants with a spouse in the destination household have institu- tionalization rates near zero (Table 3). This does not imply that the assistance of a husband or wife is an adequate substitute for institutional health- care, however. The presence of a spouse in the household is simply ...
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... can be placed into more than one group, however, while others fit none of the three major categories. Fig. 10 shows, for ex- ample, that the migrants in cell 120 -low income, severe disability, spouse not present -have been counted as both assistance migrants and as severe- ly disabled migrants. Their residential and eco- nomic dependence (Fig. 9, blocks A and D) places them squarely within the assistance group while their high institutionalization rate (49.6 percent) makes them typical of the severely disabled group. Fig. 10 also reveals that five cells -16 percent of all retired migrants -do not fall into any of the three categories. These migrants tend to have some but not ...
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... 10 also reveals that five cells -16 percent of all retired migrants -do not fall into any of the three categories. These migrants tend to have some but not all of the characteristics expected of those in the amenity, assistance, and severely dis- abled groups. Cell 210, for example, is character- ized by residential but not economic dependence (Fig. 9, blocks A and D). Likewise, severely disa- bled, middle-income migrants living with a spouse (cell 221) are also unclassified. They dis- play residential and economic independence but do not move in accordance with the primary inmi- gration ...
Citations
... Denklemde yer alan k: kenti, s: sektörü, CN: ulusal-kentsel çalışan nüfusu, CNk: (k) kentinde çalışan nüfusu, CNs: (s) sektöründe ulusal-kentsel çalışan nüfusu, CNks: (k) kentinde (s) sektöründe çalışan nüfusu ifade eder (Papadakis, 1997, s. 40;Yüceşahin ve Özgür, 2008, s. 120 Kentin İşgücü Yapısı (1985-2000 Aydın ...
... Zira turizm kentleri aldıkları yüksek iç göçün yanında, büyük ölçüde farklı motivasyonlarla gerçekleşen yabancı göçmen grubuna da ev sahipliği yapmaktadır. Literatürde Avrupalı göçleri (Südaş ve Mutluer, 2008), boş vakit göçü (Böröcz, 1996), emeklilik göçü (Cribier ve Kych, 1993;Pampel, Levin, Loivere, Meyer ve Rushton, 1994;Williams, King ve Warnes, 1997;Williams ve Patterson, 1998;King ve diğerleri, 1998;Williams, King, Warnes ve Patterson, 2000;Gustafson, 2002;Truly, 2002;Morales, 2010), gönüllü göç (Dayıoğlu, 2012), güneş kuşağı göçleri (Murphy ve Zehner, 1988;Stimson ve Minnery, 1998), hayalet göç (Tamer-Görer, 2014), ikamete dayalı turizm (Casado-Diaz, 1999;Aledo ve Mazon, 2004;O'Reilly, 2007), ikinci konut göçü (Müller, 2006), iklime bağlı göçler (Walters, 2005), refah göçü (Borsdorf, 2009;Bartoš, Kušová ve Těšitel, 2009), turizmle bağlantılı göçler (Williams ve Hall, 2002;Gössling ve Schulz, 2005), yabancı göçü (Avcı, Avcı ve Şahin, 2008); yabancı yerleşikler (Toprak, 2009), yabancı yerleşimciler (Özbek ve Engindeniz-Şahan, 2016), yaşam biçimi/tarzı göçü (O'Reilly, 2007;Benson ve O'Reilly, 2009;Südaş ve Mutluer, 2010;Krit, 2012;Özbek, 2018), yaşlı göçü (Wiseman ve Roseman, 1979;Golant, 1980;Meyer ve Speare, 1985;Fournier, Rasmussen ve Serow, 1988;Rogers, 1988;Rodriguez, Fernandez-Mayoralas ve Rojo, 1998;Clark ve White, 1990;Sastry, 1992;Walters, 2000;Warnes ve Williams, 2006), yeni göç (Wolfe, 1967;Fonseca, Calderia ve Esteves, 2002;Özbek, 2018), yerleşik yabancılar (Südaş, 2012;Özgürel ve Avcıkurt, 2018) yerlileşen yabancılar (Tuna ve Özbek, 2018), olarak adlandırılan bu yeni nüfus hareketi refah düzeyi yüksek Batı toplumlarına özgü bir durumdur (Südaş, 2020, s. 663 Yüksek bir refah düzeyi ile birlikte, harcayacak parası ve eğlenecek zamanı olan bir başka ifadeyle tüketmeye hazır orta yaş ve üzerindeki nüfus miktarındaki artış, "boş zamana sahip yeni bir sınıf" yaratmış (Gelles ve Levine, 1995, s. 143;akt;Südaş, 2020, s. 636) ve bu sınıf, tüketim odaklı motivasyonlarla, önceden turist olarak geldikleri/deneyimledikleri turizm kentlerine göç etmişlerdir. Südaş ve Mutluer (2010, s. 34) turizmle ilişkili yaşlı göçlerinde, göçmenlerin tüketici konumunda olduğunu ve turistlerin göçmene dönüşmesinin, bu durumu değiştirmeyip aksine pekiştirdiğini belirtmektedir. ...
Tüketim olgusunun yönlendirdiği kentler, turizm kentleşmesinin önemli örneklerindendir. Bu çalışma turizm kentleşmesinin dinamikleri, yapısı, özellikleri, boyutları, nedenleri, sonuçları ve diğer kentleşme modellerinden farklarını ortaya koyarak Kuşadası özelinde incelemeyi amaçlar. Çalışmanın amacına uygun olarak, yeni ve alışılagelmişin dışında bir yapıya sahip olan turizm kentleşmesi kavramı merkeze alınmıştır.
Çalışmada öncelikle turizm kentleşmesinin kuramsal çerçevesi konu alınmıştır. Teorik bilgilerden sonra alan araştırmasında ilk olarak Kuşadası örneğinde turizm kentleşmesi beş temel parametre aracılığıyla incelenmiştir. Parametreler işlenirken standart başlıklandırma kalıplarının dışına çıkılmış, mümkün olduğunca detaya inilerek turizmin kentleşme üzerinde meydana getirdiği karakteristik unsurlar vurgulanmıştır. Ardından kent ve turizm aktörleri ile ayrıntılı görüşmeler gerçekleştirilmiştir. Turizm Kuşadası’nda yeni mekânlar üretmiş, var olanları dönüştürmüş, nüfusu artırmış, sosyal, ekonomik ve kültürel yapıyı değiştirmiştir. Bu nedenle Kuşadası, turizm kentleşmesi olgusunun temsil kabiliyeti yüksek bir örneğidir.
“Kuşadası’nda turizm kentleşmesi” başlıklı bu tez çalışması, turizm kentleşmesinin yeniliklerini ortaya koyarken, turizmin kentleşme üzerinde nasıl bir etkiye sahip olduğunu, Kuşadası örneğinden yola çıkarak açıklamıştır. Sonuç olarak bu çalışma, farklı disiplinlerle etkileşimli biçimde yürütülen yeni örneklerin de eklenmesiyle, turizm kentleşmesi modelinin oluşturulmasına katkı sağlayacaktır.
Anahtar kelimeler: Kentleşme, turizm, turizm kentleşmesi, Kuşadası
... Unlike, working-age adults migrate primarily for economic and education opportunities (Anglewicz, 2012;Lyu et al., 2019;Lee, in press), older adults migrate for different reasons from younger adults, including the intention to return home; the desire to save money on hospital and health care expenses; the inability to live independently; the onset of moderate disability; the consequence of chronic disability or receiving palliative care from relatives (Collinson et al., 2007;Freeman, 2016;Haas & Serow, 1993;Litwak & Longino, 1987;World Health Organization, 2008b). The reasons for choosing to migrate may also include warmer or colder climate, cost of living, natural amenities, quality of health care, and available leisure activities (Walters, 2000;Sharma, 2012Sharma, , 2013. Network and chain migration also significantly impact older persons' migration (Rossi, 1955;Jensen & Deller, 2007;Frey, 2008;Sharma, 2015). ...
Dominant cultural views and norms in Asia indicate that elder care should be met within the family. However, little is known about the migratory patterns of older adults seeking care in non‐institutional settings. This study investigates older adults' migration patterns and factors that affect their decisions to seek care in home‐based facilities. We employed an explanatory‐sequential approach, using two data sets: (1) Thai National Migration Surveys in Thailand for 2016, 2017, and 2018, and (2) in‐depth interviews with 20 older adults who migrated for care. Our findings indicate that elderly migration for care in home‐based settings is a strategy used by households to meet the care needs of older individuals. Age group, marital status, education, gender, health, family structure, family attachments, and the capacity of destination caregivers to provide care were significant factors influencing the likelihood of moving for care. The findings support the new economics of labor migration paradigm in minimizing the risk of households. Additionally, they demonstrate that an ecological framework can be expanded beyond their geographical boundaries through familial connections and the concept of aging in place.
... To date, elderly migration has become an important topic of concern to scholars worldwide [1][2][3]. Neoclassical economics theorizes that migration is the process of self-investment in human capital [4], although the motivations of older adults' migration are more complicated. There has been a growing body of literature on the factors affecting elderly migration in the past decades [3,5,6]. ...
... Neoclassical economics theorizes that migration is the process of self-investment in human capital [4], although the motivations of older adults' migration are more complicated. There has been a growing body of literature on the factors affecting elderly migration in the past decades [3,5,6]. According to the life cycle theory of elderly migration, the elderly, at around 60, migrate following retirement. ...
... Wiseman (1980) called this "amenity migration" in early retirement, which is usually from the northern states to the southern sunshine zone in America [7]. With the deterioration of older adults' physical abilities, or the death of their spouse, "institutional" moves in late old age happen when elderly people move to live with close kin, or return to their original place of residence [2,3,[8][9][10]. ...
This study focuses on the role of natural amenity in spurring the permanent settlement of elderly migrants in China, in the period from 2009 to 2017. Based on a combination of NASA’s Global Annual PM2.5 Grid data, and a nationwide China Migrants Dynamic Survey (CMDS) dataset, a binary logit model was used to investigate the settlement intention of migrants over 60 years old, across 291 cities in China. The empirical results revealed that there was a significant inverted U-shape between the annual temperature and permanent settlement, and prefectures with warmer winters and higher air quality were more attractive to elderly migrants when controlling for the urban endowment and economic conditions. In addition, the coefficient of the interaction term of air quality and precipitation was negative, indicating that the hindrance of precipitation on permanent settlement intention decreased with the enhancement in better air quality. Furthermore, there was significant group heterogeneity in the elderly’s migration reasons. The group of active movers cared more about environmental quality, whereas for the passive group, air quality had no effect on their permanent settlement.
... The absence of high-and low-EDR clusters may also mean that states with high and low EDR remained in relative isolation, implying that some state-based characteristics, which may be high-quality medical and retiree services, certain health and tax policies, or cultural and policy factors, affected the concentration of older adult by states, but not cross-state regional factors such as climate or landscape. Such an interpretation would be compatible with the concept of "destination" state discussed in the prior age-migration literature (Conway and Houtenville 2003;Walters 2002Walters , 2000Serow 2001;Bean et al. 1994). States, such as Florida, offering "location-specific amenities" (Rogers and Raymer 2001;Greenwood and Hunt 1989) attract older adults (Rogers and Watkins 1987;Rowles 1986) who, in comparison to the younger, are more focused in selecting a destination state for their migration (Rogers 1992). ...
The shifting of a country’s age structure has far-reaching socioeconomic and policy implications. In the US, the changing age structure at the sub-national level has received little research attention. To address this gap, we examine age dependencies across states in the US between 1990 and 2010 using decennial census data. We find that dependency changes have been gradual with a distinct graying of states during this period. Within this overarching trend, the sources of states’ dependencies follow complicated trajectories without clear spatiotemporal patterns. Nevertheless, changes in states’ old-age dependency contributions to respective total dependencies are geographically clustered and the inverse link between old-age dependency and economic productivity across states may be waning. Additional research is justified to further unravel these trends in old-age dependencies. The analytic framework that we apply can be adopted to conduct sub-national age dependency studies for other countries, including some European nations with relatively large proportions of older adults and many developing nations with an increasing share of older adults.
... Stockdale and MacLeod (2013, 90) point to a greater diversity in (not only) rural migration moves. Based on US census data, Walters (2000) distinguished three types of laterlife migration: She highlighted assistance and health-related relocations in addition to the well analysed trend of amenity migration to popular retirement destinations that are characterized by valued natural and/or cultural assets (e.g. Gosnell and Abrams 2011). ...
In many regions with long-term structural economic and demographic problems, small towns are shrinking as their urban centres, they are losing population, jobs, vibrancy and infrastructure. Yet, knowledge about their trajectories remains vague as studies on urban shrinkage have so far focused on large cities. When monitoring population change of small towns in Germany, there are ambiguous findings concerning their recent development: On the one hand, natural and migration balances were mostly negative and the population is ageing. On the other, they have become target locations of old-age in-migration. Hidden behind general demographic decline, the towns’ elderly populations are growing in relative and absolute terms. Our paper wants to shed light on these processes. It draws upon explorative empirical research in small towns in Germany. We will present, firstly, elderly’s motivations and actual relocation decisions. Secondly, we will show that these trends remain even largely out of sight of municipal decision makers. By way of conclusion, we argue that urban shrinkage is not a linear but rather a contingent process where overlapping trends, agencies and decisions of various actors together with the more fine-grained unevenness of spatial development can result in unexpected and ambivalent local trajectories.
... Such loss results in a -healthy survivor‖ effect for remaining people (Murphy et al., 2011). Second, in later life, retirement, widowhood, and major health events can trigger residential mobility, making some groups of people harder to locate (Walters, 2000). Couper and Ofstedal (2006), for example, analyzing data from the HRS and PSID found that people in households headed by racial minorities and A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t people with lower education had a higher propensity to move. ...
... Those not responding/unable to locate/skipped were also older, more likely to be African American, less likely to be married, had lower income and/or lower education, reported more pain and less functional ability at baseline. These findings are consistent with prior work (Couper & Ofstedal, 2006;Walters, 2000); and provide insight into the types of people who may require more intensive or altered tracking. Initial recruitment efforts may need to expand modes of contact (i.e., add an in-person/home-visit component) or data tracking on such subsamples to reduce later loss (Bonk, 2010;Mody et al., 2008;Strotmeyer et al., 2010). ...
Background and Objectives
Attrition from longitudinal studies can affect generalizability of findings especially when studying developmental constructs such as successful aging.
Research Design and Methods
Using data from a 12-year (6-wave) panel of 5,688 older people (aged 50 to 74 at baseline), we compared people retained in the panel with people lost to follow-up on demographic characteristics and measures of successful aging. After instituting expanded retention strategies at Wave 6 (i.e., a team-based approach, social media, paid web search engines), we compared different groups of people lost to follow-up (i.e., deceased, withdrawn due to lack of interest) and different types of completers (i.e., full completers vs. lost and re-engaged completers).
Results
At baseline, Wave 6 completers were significantly younger, less likely to be African American, more likely to be married, reported higher levels of income and education, were more likely to be working full-time, had less pain and fewer chronic illnesses, and reported higher levels of subjective successful aging and functional ability than those lost to follow-up. Analyses demonstrated differences across groups based on reason for loss (i.e., deceased, impaired, not interested). Participants who missed an interview but returned to the panel were significantly different from those who participated in all waves of data collection. Expanded retention efforts improved generalizability, as people returning to the panel reported lower levels of education, lower levels of income, and were more likely to be African American.
Discussion and Implications
Biased attrition within longitudinal research impacts interpretation of study findings, especially when studying developmental outcomes. However, expanded retention strategies can reduce bias and loss and should be used to enhance retention efforts in longitudinal work.
... Hence, helping to identify predictors of relocation. However, since it is well-known that older adults do not change residence to a large extent (Geist & McManus, 2008;Tatsiramos, 2006;Walters & Owen, 2000), further research into the factors differentiating later-life movers and non-movers would be beneficial in estimating the future housing needs within the context of an aging population. ORCID Petra A. de Jong http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6390-7484 ...
As the populations age, there is a growing potential for later-life migration. In this study, the residential moving behavior of older adults in the Netherlands is examined. On the basis of pooled data from the Housing Research Netherlands (HRN) survey, we were able to reveal which factors are likely to influence considerations about moving and actual mobility. The results support the premise that residential mobility decreases with age. The strongest predictors of actual mobility were factors associated with the dwelling, while the neighborhood, particularly the extent of social cohesiveness, played a substantial role in explaining the older adults’ propensity to move.
... The results showed high significance of the family oriented, work driven and return types; in contrast to this, the amenity seeking type played a smaller part in the motivational system of IRM to Hungary than in that of British IRM to the Mediterranean region. Walters [2000] distinguished three different types of elderly migrants within the United States. King-Warnes-Williams' [2000] primary motives covered five types in the Mediterranean region. ...
The paper examines international retirement migration (hereafter IRM) with particular attention to the newly emerging forms. On the basis of IRM statistics on Hungary, we drew up the motivational system of the twelve most important sending countries. Our main aim was to produce research results embedded into the contemporary conceptual framework. We analysed register based comparable data from the Hungarian Central Statistical Office between 1996 and 2008. In the interest of developing a valuable international migration policy in Hungary, we identified seven different motivational types (family oriented, work-driven, return, amenity seeking, crisis-led, ethnic related and higher pension hunting) from which two can be considered as gain generating forms (amenity seeking and return) and one (higher pension hunting) as a less beneficial kind for the receiving country. The paper concludes with recommendations for the Hungarian policy makers to remove legal impediments to the effective way of retirement migration without creating tensions among countries.
... Our results confirm findings of Van Malderen et al. (2013) that older can age actively in nursing homes where they are not necessarily isolated from community, but taking the best of both worlds. Though there are suggestions (Walters, 2000) that presence of spouse is largely incompatible with nursing home residence there were exceptions in our findings (married couple living in a nursing home, married man living in the nursing home during winter and visiting home occasionally). ...
... Наши резултати потврђују налазе Ван Малдерена и сарадника (Van Malderen et al., 2013) да старији грађани могу активно да старе у домовима у којима нису нужно изоловани од заједнице, већ узимају најбоље од оба света. Иако постоје сугестије (Walters, 2000) да је присуство супружника у великој мери неспојиво са животом у дому за стара лица, у нашим налазима било је изузетака (брачни пар који живи у старачком дому, ожењен човек који живи у дому за старе и повремено иде кући). ...
Population ageing in Serbia has pervading effect on many societal spheres. Paradigm of active ageing highlights the importance for older to lead healthy and productive life. The aim of this paper is to explore active ageing practices of institutionalized older citizens considering their sociodemographic characteristics and migration background. Semi-structured interview, as a qualitative research method was used to grasp perceptions and experiences of 27 older residents in nursing homes regarding adjustment in later life and daily activities. Additional valuable insight on topic was gained from institutional social workers. According to the results, the routine of daily living of the elders varies depending on individual abilities, preferences, health, marital status and migration history. The findings suggest that institutional setting does not have to represent barrier to active ageing, with implications for further research and practice.
... Such research emphasises the cruciality of situational and relational categories in the understanding of the emotions that arise throughout the migratory experience. Space and place are decisive in and for migrants' lives (Walters 2000;Mendoza and Morén-Alegret 2013;Kochan 2016). Migration studies exploring migrants' experience have been spatially focused, for example, departure, settlement, solidarity and contesting actions, expulsion, and so on; however, little attention has been paid to the spaces throughout which migrants transit, the journey and the journeys within. ...
Migrants’ journeys involve geopolitical, corporeal, and emotional dimensions. Yet,
emotions, which are fundamental to understand the migrant experience, are usually
overlooked. Following the ‘emotional geographies’ approach, this article analyses the
spatial contextualisation of the affective and emotional experiences of irregular migrants
in transit. Cognitive mapping methodology is proposed as a means to address
the spatial and subjective dimensions of migrants’ experiences. The ‘testimonial maps’
of two Central American transmigrants in Mexico are explored. The emotional geographies
of irregular transmigration underscore the emotional turmoil associated with the
irregular migratory process(es). They shed light to the familiar arrangements made
before the journey, the natural landscape as part of the control, the encounters with
agents of the state and criminal actors, the sanctuary places, the acquaintances and
fortuitous friendships, the resilience and adaptability needed for endure the journey,
and, beneath all this, the multi-emotional dimension of the journey: love, sorrow,
shame, courage, anxiety, fear, trust, kindness, and hope.
