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Cross-Cultural Measurement Models of Religiosity and Acculturation Orientations: Factorial Invariance in Four Muslim Groups 

Cross-Cultural Measurement Models of Religiosity and Acculturation Orientations: Factorial Invariance in Four Muslim Groups 

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In light of the religious vitality of Muslim immigrants in historically Christian and highly secularized West-European societies, this study addresses three related questions: (a) How does childhood religious transmission affect adult religiosity among second-generation Muslims? (b) How do acculturating groups as proximal acculturation contexts aff...

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Citations

... Likewise, Turkish immigrants in Belgium form a cohesive group, in which effects of religious transmission are stronger compared with Moroccan immigrants, " . . . due to high degrees of internal cohesion and ethnic retention" (Güngör, Fleischmann, andPhalet 2011:1368). If violence accepting gender role orientations belong at least in part to the religious tradition of many Muslim students, it is possible that they can be sustained more easily if the subgroup is larger and shares one's own viewpoint. ...
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Using a survey of a culturally and religiously diverse students in Germany, we investigate the influence of Muslim religiousness on violence-accepting gender role orientations. We argue that the religious frame of "fornication" (zinā) defines deviance and refers to a cultural frame of order between and within clans in non-state societies, namely the "culture of honor." Muslim religiousness has a robust effect on violence-accepting gender role orienta-tions, controlling for culture of honor and confounders. Results of cross-level interactions indicate a social influence on these attitudes, which we interpret as a social proof mechanism: the higher the share of religious Muslims in a school class-context, the higher the acceptance of violent-accepting attitudes. We also show that Muslim religiousness tends to increase the accordance with violent control of females within the family. We argue that according to the religious-cultural frame of a divine order, zinā is interpreted as a violation of a sacred norm and thus as deviant. ARTICLE HISTORY
... However, culture and religion are kept distinct in secularized Western society (Pew Research Center, 2018), and Muslims' sense of ethnic identity is constantly challenged by the assimilation efforts of the host society. These efforts are mainly aimed at the second generation (Güngör, Fleischmann, & Phalet, 2011) and, in the case of longterm migration, overlap with the efforts of Muslim parents to pass on their values to the new generations (van Beurden & de Haan, 2020). Indeed, religious transmission is a central task for Muslim parents in raising their children, but part of the socialization of the new generations takes place in a cultural context that offers values and models of behaviour that openly contradicts, if not devalues, Islamic traditions. ...
... Studies on the acculturation experiences of Muslim migrants in the diaspora have examined the relationship between religious identification and affiliation with the culture of the host society (Triandafyllidou, 2002;Vertovec & Rogers, 2018) and the dynamics of religious visibility and the similarities and differences in religious behaviour across generations (Guveli & Platt, 2023;Kurien, 2021;Molteni & van Tubergen, 2022). Broadly speaking, research suggests that a context where Islam is not welcomed may reinforce religious identification (Güngör et al., 2011), which also serves as a strategy for coping with the life as an immigrant in a new context (Molteni & Dimitriadis, 2021). This suggests that the value gap between the West and Islam is not bridged by assimilating Muslim immigrants to Western values of openness to change and self-determination (Schwartz, 1992). ...
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This study investigated the interplay between acculturation and religion in the religious transmission of first‐generation Islamic parents in Italy. Based on the model of the Big Four Religious Dimension (BFRD) the study took a multidimensional approach to religiosity to gain a detailed understanding of the different facets of religiosity and their contribution to the overall process of cultural adaptation and intergenerational transmission of religious values. Eleven first‐generation Muslim parents (nine women; mean age: 48 years) participated in a semi‐structured interview. Results showed that the tension between the desire to ‘raise good Muslims’ and for their successful integration in a non‐Muslim context challenges different facets of religiosity opening spaces for cultural negotiation which leads parents to reconsider how religious rules and identity are passed on to second generation and to develop a more conscious approach to religiosity in migration. The ability to connect religious values and identity with the context of life was greater when parents have developed a balance between the dynamics of integration in the Italian or cross‐cultural spaces of everyday life and the spaces reserved for Muslims and had a high level of cultural capital. Practical implications for implementing policies of cultural and religious pluralism are discussed. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement .
... Indeed, it is often presented as an obstacle to the successful inclusion of this community in the West (Di Stasio et al. 2019). This is based on the false belief that Islam is incompatible with Western societies and their mainstream culture and values (Güngör et al. 2011;. ...
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... For example, Muslim minority groups living in a country may develop a deeper sense of belonging to the Muslim community as they feel more discrimination directed toward them. This situation leads to more radical (fundamentalist) behaviors in their beliefs (Güngör et al., 2011). ...
... Recognising that these countries are different, they also share similarities. Historically Christian, they developed into highly secularised societies (Furseth et al., 2018;Griera et al., 2021;Güngör et al., 2011). What used to be a strong tie between monarchies and churches now appears to have vanished (Sägesser et al., 2018). ...
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This dissertation seeks to unravel how young nonbelievers in Morocco and the Moroccan diaspora engage in subtle forms of everyday activism to normalise being nonreligious. At its core, this involves analysing where and how this normalisation occurs, identifying ‘ordinary’ nonbelievers as contributors to this process, and understanding how such activism develops over time. To grasp the complexity of this phenomenon, this research employs a qualitative, intersectional, and comparative approach. The data draws from intermittent hybrid fieldwork conducted between 2019 and 2023 in Morocco and Western Europe, incorporating approximately fifty qualitative life story interviews, participatory observations, and social media analysis. Additionally, this research draws back on previously conducted data between 2016 and 2019, which enables a long-term perspective. The research group primarily consists of educated nonbelievers from urban middle-class Muslim backgrounds in Morocco and within the Moroccan diaspora. Though most may not explicitly identify as activists, their actions subvert religious norms and are therefore often perceived as dissent.
... Much prior research has shown that religious adherence, attitudes, and behaviors of parents contribute to the intergenerational transmission of religious belief, attitudes toward religion and religious concepts, and behaviors such as prayer or church attendance (Bao et al. 1999;Bader and Desmond 2006;Baker-Sperry 2001;Bengston et al. 2009;Francis 1993;Güngör et al. 2011;Hardie et al. 2016;Jennings et al. 2009;Myers 1996;Patacchini and Zenou 2016;Ploch and Hastings 1998;Stolzenberg et al. 1995;Storm and Voas 2012;Thornton et al. 1992;Voas and Crockett 2005;Voas and Storm 2012). This is true even as a minority of studies investigating such dynamics find that these influences do not hold into adulthood (e.g., Willits and Crider 1989), that the strength of this transmission mechanism is relatively weak (Hoge and Petrillo 1978;Hoge et al. 1982), or that the effects are highly variable (Wilson and Sandomirsky 1991), which is perhaps a product of other, potentially less overtly religious influences of past or present environment, such as social and cultural networks or participation (e.g., Gemar 2020Gemar , 2022Gemar , 2023McAndrew and Richards 2020;Patacchini and Zenou 2016;Ploch and Hastings 1998). ...
... This again highlights the differences that might exist across religious groups in the same context, especially if religion becomes tied to other forms of identity. Similarly, Güngör et al. (2011) find that intergenerational transmission into adult religiosity (including identity, beliefs, and practices) among Muslims within historically Christian and secularized contexts is remarkably strong. The reason for this increased religious transmission was argued to be the effect of a continued emphasis on the broader cultural heritage among the families and broader community of these groups (Güngör et al. 2011). ...
... Similarly, Güngör et al. (2011) find that intergenerational transmission into adult religiosity (including identity, beliefs, and practices) among Muslims within historically Christian and secularized contexts is remarkably strong. The reason for this increased religious transmission was argued to be the effect of a continued emphasis on the broader cultural heritage among the families and broader community of these groups (Güngör et al. 2011). ...
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... Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007) studied ingroup and outgroup identification among the Turkish-Dutch group and results showed that they had a strong ethnic ingroup identification and a more neutral Dutch national identification. Turkish-Dutch parents find it important to transmit values and positive aspects of Turkish culture and history to their children (Verkuyten & Thijs, 2001) and have a strong motivation for ingroup ethnic-racial socialization (Güngör et al., 2011;Van Bergen et al., 2019). ...
... Although both Turkish-Dutch and Moroccan-Dutch parents may find that their effort to transmit ingroup ethnic values compete with messages from mainstream society, the motivation for ingroup ethnic-racial socialization is stronger for Turkish-Dutch parents than Moroccan-Dutch parents (Güngör et al., 2011;Van Bergen et al., 2019). The Turkish-Dutch group tend to show strong ethnic pride, a focus on their Turkish culture and identity, and strong ties with Türkiye (Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau, 2016). ...
... The first hypothesis was partially confirmed. Consistent with our expectation based on findings in Dutch context (Güngör et al., 2011;Van Bergen et al., 2019;Verkuyten, 1999;Verkuyten & Thijs, 2001;Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007), Turkish-Dutch mothers showed more ingroup ethnicracial socialization than positive outgroup ethnic-racial socialization. Specifically, they were observed to be more likely to talk about the appearance and culture of SWANA (ingroup) characters during picture book reading than about these characteristics of the White and Black characters. ...
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Parental ethnic-racial socialization messages play an important role in children’s development of ingroup knowledge and positive intergroup relations. This study investigated ingroup ethnic-racial socialization (transferring values and practices to children about the own ethnic group) and positive outgroup ethnic-racial socialization (transferring values and practices to children about other ethnic groups) by Turkish-Dutch mothers ( n = 66, M age = 36.18, SD age = 4.34) in the Netherlands, and examined associations with perceived ethnic discrimination, ethnic and national identity. Participants completed questionnaires and an observation task. Variable-centered analyses showed more observed ingroup than positive outgroup ethnic-racial socialization, but the opposite pattern for self-reported ethnic-racial socialization. Turkish-Dutch mothers with a stronger ethnic identity showed more ingroup ethnic-racial socialization, and mothers with stronger national identity showed more positive outgroup ethnic-racial socialization. No significant relations were found between perceived ethnic discrimination and ethnic-racial socialization. Using a person-centered approach, stronger national identity clustered with more ingroup and positive outgroup ethnic-racial socialization. The mixed results showed that it is important to use multiple methods and approaches yielding complementary insights about ethnic-racial socialization engagements of parents.
... Lastly, the adoption of a separation strategy could be partly the result of both horizontal and vertical asymmetrical transmission of the ethnic in-group's culture, with minor emphasis on the culture of other groups. Research suggests that primary socialization within in-group members and parental norms that align with separation may influence individuals to A CULTURAL EVOLUTION APPROACH TO ACCULTURATION 31 favor a separation strategy (Güngör et al., 2011;Kunst et al., 2021;Phalet & Schönpflug, 2001;Szabó et al., 2020). ...
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Psychological research has only recently begun to consider the dynamics involved in the acculturation of majority groups. Recognizing heterogeneity among immigrant groups, the present work investigates the influence of perceived characteristics of these groups on majority-group members’ adoption of immigrant cultures. In three pre-registered studies–one correlational (N = 201) and two experimental (Ns = 144 and 146)–with within-subjects designs and close to politically representative samples from the U.K. and U.S., we show that majority-group members are more willing to adopt the culture of immigrants that are perceived as warm, competent, and moral because this makes these immigrants seem indispensable to the identity and economy of the mainstream society. Our studies highlight the importance of considering the differentiated acculturation that majority-group members have to various immigrant groups within the same national context. We delve into the societal and cultural repercussions arising from this selective uptake of other cultures.
... In Belgian society, those of Turkish and Moroccan descent face frequent discrimination. The socioeconomic disadvantage of the first generation persists into the second, as evidenced by their low educational attainment levels, high unemployment rates, and high degrees of urban concentration and residential segregation (Güngör et al. 2011). As in other several countries, several studies report gaps in employment rates between natives and immigrants (Drouhot and Nee 2019). ...
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In Belgium, several incidents and public debates have highlighted ethnocentric conceptions of the nation held by public opinion and prominent politicians where immigrants and particularly Muslims are marked as the unwilling “others”. In this framework, immigrants maintaining ethnic identities and transnational ties is classically seen as weakening their integration in the receiving countries. Based on results drawn from 16 focus group discussions and 50 individual semi-structured interviews conducted in Brussels with youth with a foreign background, we show that while a minority of our respondents still identified themselves primarily in reference to the country of origin of their (grand)parents, emphasizing ethnic boundaries and family heritage, most of them have developed a multiple-identity strategy for themselves, which acknowledges both their ethnic background and their belonging to Belgium and Brussels as a multicultural city. Those involved in upward social mobility strategies through higher education or better secondary schools also have more facilities to express the double-presence narrative.
... This mechanism has almost exclusively been explored from a dyadic parental perspective, by measuring the distance from or conflict in values, traditions, and practices within parentchild dyads. In this regard, some studies in comparative empirical research seem to suggest that religious transmission is stronger and more effective in ethnic/religious minority families, in particular when comparing Muslim families migrated to Western Europe with native families or non-Muslim immigrant families [34,35,36,37,38,39,40]. Furthermore, several authors tend to consider this struggle to preserve ethnic and religious identity through generations a successful strategy to ensure in-group solidarity, loyalty and family cohesion among immigrant families who feel threatened by secularized Western European contexts [2,29,41,42,43,44]. ...
Chapter
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Considering the scarcity of psychological studies on Middle Eastern Christian immigrant families experiences, this chapter aims to explore the post-migration experience of Coptic Orthodox families immigrated from Egypt to Italy and chooses to adopt a family intergenerational perspective to compare narratives of two different family generations (first-generation parents and their second-generation adolescent children). Based on empirical data from 10 Coptic Orthodox families, for a total of 30 interviewed participants (10 first-generation fathers, 10 first-generation mothers, and 10 second-generation adolescent children), the chapter reveals that religiosity in its intertwined individual and social expressions is a salient part of interviewees’ everyday life and an essential source of resilience. However, identity-specific content reveals differences when comparing parents and children’s narratives. While a “diasporic” religious identity seems to emerge among first-generation parents, religious identity among children emphasizes the opposition with a highly secularized and “threatening” Italian society.